War Manpower Commission Research Articles

The Politician and the Priest: Paul V. McNutt, Frank Murphy, and the Age of FDR

The Michigan Historical Review 45:2 (Fall 2019): 39-76©2019 Central Michigan University. ISSN 0890-1686 All Rights Reserved The Politician and the Priest: Paul V. McNutt, Frank Murphy, and the Age of FDR By Dean J. Kotlowski Paul V. McNutt (1891-1955) and Frank Murphy (1890-1949) rank among the most important politicians of the New Deal era in the Midwest. Although McNutt and Murphy had little direct contact—which perhaps explains why few scholars have written about them in tandem— they invite comparison for their varied careers and shared experiences: state executives, colonial proconsuls, cabinet officials, and political stars during the age of Franklin D. Roosevelt.1 A veteran of World War I, McNutt was state (1926-27) and national (1928-29) commander of the American Legion, governor of Indiana (1933-37), and high commissioner 1 Only one study of Murphy and McNutt exists, and it covers just part of their careers. Elliot Newbold, “At the End of Empire: Frank Murphy, Paul V. McNutt, and the American Decolonization of the Philippines” (MA thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017). For McNutt’s career, see Robert R. Neff, “The Early Career and Governorship of Paul V. McNutt” (PhD diss., Indiana University, 1963); I. George Blake, Paul V. McNutt: Portrait of a Hoosier Statesman (Indianapolis: Central Publishing, 1966); James H. Madison, Indiana through Tradition and Change: A History of the Hoosier State and Its People 1920-1945 (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1982), 76-152; Iwan Morgan, “Factional Conflict in Indiana Politics during the Later New Deal Years, 1936-1940,” Indiana Magazine of History 79 (March 1983), 29-60; Ross Gregory, “Politics in an Age of Crisis: America, and Indiana, in the Election of 1940,” Indiana Magazine of History 86 (September 1990), 247280 ; Linda Gugin, “Paul V. McNutt January 9, 1933-January 11, 1937,” The Governors of Indiana, ed. Linda Gugin and James E. St. Clair (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society Press, 2006), 288-299; Dean J. Kotlowski, Paul V. McNutt and the Age of FDR (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2015). For Murphy, important works include J. Woodford Howard Jr., Mr. Justice Murphy: A Political Biography (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968); Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy, Volume I, The Detroit Years (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1975); Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy, Volume II, The New Deal Years (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979); Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy, Volume III, The Washington Years (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984); Margaret H. Potts, “Justice Frank Murphy: A Reexamination,” Supreme Court Historical Society Yearbook (1982), 57-65; James Wolfinger, “The Strange Career of Frank Murphy: Conservatives, State-level Politics, and the End of the New Deal,” The Historian 65 (Winter 2002): 377-402; Gregory Parker, “Frank Murphy: A Dream Deterred,” Michigan History Magazine 98 (March-April 2014): 30-37. 40 The Michigan Historical Review (1937-39, 1945-46) and ambassador (1946-47) to the Philippines. He headed FDR’s Federal Security Agency (1939-45) and War Manpower Commission (1942-45), and in 1940 he angled to be the Democratic nominee for president or vice president. A veteran, Legionnaire, and Democrat, Murphy served as a judge on the Recorder’s Court of Detroit (1924-30), mayor of Detroit (1930-33), Philippine governor-general (1933-35) and high commissioner (1935-36), and governor of Michigan (1937-38). As a presidential or vice presidential possibility, he entered FDR’s cabinet as attorney general in 1939, before being elevated to the United States Supreme Court a year later. “No one living today,” Murphy told the historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. in 1946, “has had the same width of experience that I have had.”2 McNutt might have disagreed. The story of McNutt and Murphy is significant for three reasons. First, during a transformational period of American history, the two men exhibited contrasting approaches to politics—at least on the surface. McNutt proved a realistic, opportunistic politician who, according to one Roosevelt associate, “would run over his own mother in furtherance of his political ambitions.”3 He climbed the greasy pole, building a statewide machine before accepting offices from FDR as he eyed the White House, a prize that also interested Murphy. Murphy’s support of disadvantaged groups, and...

The Politician and the Priest: Paul V. McNutt, Frank Murphy, and the Age of FDR

The Michigan Historical Review 45:2 (Fall 2019): 39-76©2019 Central Michigan University. ISSN 0890-1686 All Rights Reserved The Politician and the Priest: Paul V. McNutt, Frank Murphy, and the Age of FDR By Dean J. Kotlowski Paul V. McNutt (1891-1955) and Frank Murphy (1890-1949) rank among the most important politicians of the New Deal era in the Midwest. Although McNutt and Murphy had little direct contact—which perhaps explains why few scholars have written about them in tandem— they invite comparison for their varied careers and shared experiences: state executives, colonial proconsuls, cabinet officials, and political stars during the age of Franklin D. Roosevelt.1 A veteran of World War I, McNutt was state (1926-27) and national (1928-29) commander of the American Legion, governor of Indiana (1933-37), and high commissioner 1 Only one study of Murphy and McNutt exists, and it covers just part of their careers. Elliot Newbold, “At the End of Empire: Frank Murphy, Paul V. McNutt, and the American Decolonization of the Philippines” (MA thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017). For McNutt’s career, see Robert R. Neff, “The Early Career and Governorship of Paul V. McNutt” (PhD diss., Indiana University, 1963); I. George Blake, Paul V. McNutt: Portrait of a Hoosier Statesman (Indianapolis: Central Publishing, 1966); James H. Madison, Indiana through Tradition and Change: A History of the Hoosier State and Its People 1920-1945 (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1982), 76-152; Iwan Morgan, “Factional Conflict in Indiana Politics during the Later New Deal Years, 1936-1940,” Indiana Magazine of History 79 (March 1983), 29-60; Ross Gregory, “Politics in an Age of Crisis: America, and Indiana, in the Election of 1940,” Indiana Magazine of History 86 (September 1990), 247280 ; Linda Gugin, “Paul V. McNutt January 9, 1933-January 11, 1937,” The Governors of Indiana, ed. Linda Gugin and James E. St. Clair (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society Press, 2006), 288-299; Dean J. Kotlowski, Paul V. McNutt and the Age of FDR (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2015). For Murphy, important works include J. Woodford Howard Jr., Mr. Justice Murphy: A Political Biography (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968); Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy, Volume I, The Detroit Years (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1975); Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy, Volume II, The New Deal Years (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979); Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy, Volume III, The Washington Years (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984); Margaret H. Potts, “Justice Frank Murphy: A Reexamination,” Supreme Court Historical Society Yearbook (1982), 57-65; James Wolfinger, “The Strange Career of Frank Murphy: Conservatives, State-level Politics, and the End of the New Deal,” The Historian 65 (Winter 2002): 377-402; Gregory Parker, “Frank Murphy: A Dream Deterred,” Michigan History Magazine 98 (March-April 2014): 30-37. 40 The Michigan Historical Review (1937-39, 1945-46) and ambassador (1946-47) to the Philippines. He headed FDR’s Federal Security Agency (1939-45) and War Manpower Commission (1942-45), and in 1940 he angled to be the Democratic nominee for president or vice president. A veteran, Legionnaire, and Democrat, Murphy served as a judge on the Recorder’s Court of Detroit (1924-30), mayor of Detroit (1930-33), Philippine governor-general (1933-35) and high commissioner (1935-36), and governor of Michigan (1937-38). As a presidential or vice presidential possibility, he entered FDR’s cabinet as attorney general in 1939, before being elevated to the United States Supreme Court a year later. “No one living today,” Murphy told the historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. in 1946, “has had the same width of experience that I have had.”2 McNutt might have disagreed. The story of McNutt and Murphy is significant for three reasons. First, during a transformational period of American history, the two men exhibited contrasting approaches to politics—at least on the surface. McNutt proved a realistic, opportunistic politician who, according to one Roosevelt associate, “would run over his own mother in furtherance of his political ambitions.”3 He climbed the greasy pole, building a statewide machine before accepting offices from FDR as he eyed the White House, a prize that also interested Murphy. Murphy’s support of disadvantaged groups, and...

From Empowerment to Domesticity: The Case of Rosie the Riveter and the WWII Campaign

During WWII American women were asked to join in producing the “vital machinery of war” by working in factories building planes, by being nurses, and by being pilots among other jobs. Getting women to work in industries was a tremendous sales proposition as stated by Paul McNutt, the director of the War Manpower Commission in 1943. The war posters and magazine ads of the time reinforced the duty women had towards the war effort. Although women at the time were mostly occupying the private space, the war campaign of Rosie the Riveter inspired many of them to take their work to the public. This descriptive paper tried to answer the following two questions of inquiry: How did women’s employment during WWII become a temporary empowerment and what short and long-term changes in women’s lives were brought about by the war campaign of Rosie the Riveter. While the short-term changes brought women back to the private space and domesticity, some of the conclusions of the long-term changes in women’s lives dealt with variations in the workspace, salary, and military benefits. The influence of how empowered women felt following Rosie the Riveter is an inconclusive collection of the voices of those women during and after WWII.

"Uncle Sam Needs Only to Call": Baseball and the United States' Peacetime Military Draft, 1940–42

"Uncle Sam Needs Only to Call"Baseball and the United States' Peacetime Military Draft, 1940–42 Steven P. Gietschier (bio) To the men who were running Organized Baseball, what Winston Churchill would later call the years of "the gathering storm" looked very nearly like the best of times.1 Their sport and their businesses had survived the Great Depression. Total attendance at major league games, having bottomed out in 1933 at less than 6.1 million, rebounded to over nine million in 1938 and just below that the following year.2 The American public spent $21.5 million on baseball in 1939, an all-time high and an increase of more than twenty-six percent over 1930. The minor leagues also had recovered. Only fourteen minor leagues had played the 1933 season, but that number rose to thirty-seven in 1938 and forty-one in 1939.3 The business of baseball was prosperous once again, but the sport remained, in the words of historian Jeff Obermeyer, "an industry ruled with an iron hand by a small number of men who strove to maintain the status quo, often to their own financial detriment."4 Thus, as the clouds portending war grew denser and darker, thereby altering the status quo, baseball's leadership eschewed the chance to confront the possibility that the storm Churchill saw approaching would engulf the entire world. It is clear in retrospect that Organized Baseball limped through World War II. Both major leagues played all four wartime seasons (1942–45) to their scheduled conclusions, but attendance fell by a quarter in just two years.5 Conservative club owners, leery of investing in lighting systems to illuminate their ballparks, continued to resist the evidence that attendance would grow if teams played more games at night.6 Travel limits mandated by the federal government forced baseball to forsake spring training in the south and cancel the 1945 All-Star Game. Each year at least ten major league teams made a profit—and five made money in every wartime season—but the majors as a whole finished in the red in 1943, and four teams, the two in Philadelphia and the two in Boston, lost money throughout the war.7 Minor league baseball fared even less well. The number of leagues playing complete seasons dropped from forty-one [End Page 29] in 1941 to nine just two years later. The war's greatest impact, though, fell upon those who played the game for a living. Just months after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, over six hundred minor leaguers were already in the military. By war's end, more than sixty percent of major league players listed on Opening Day rosters in 1941 had spent some time in the service. During the four wartime seasons, 533 players made their major league debuts, 153 in 1944 alone. Sixty-seven of these rookies were under twenty-one, and four were over thirty-six. Moreover, a host of veteran players whose careers had already wound down returned for a last hurrah.8 The effect on play was dramatic. Home runs declined from 1,331 in 1941 to 1,034 in 1944 and 1,007 in 1945. The St. Louis Browns, traditional doormats in the American League, won their only pennant in 1944 with eighteen players classified 4-F by Selective Service, and they utilized a one-armed player in 1945. When James F. Byrnes, director of the Office of War Mobilization, mandated in 1945 that all 4-F athletes be re-examined and considered for non-combatant service, baseball nearly shut down. Only an order from Paul V. McNutt, chairman of the War Manpower Commission, allowed 4-F ballplayers to compete in what became last wartime season. Eight months after V-J Day, when the 1946 season began, just thirty-two players who were regulars in 1945 kept their jobs.9 The argument advanced here is that wartime baseball unfolded as it did because the men who ran the game before Pearl Harbor were short-sighted. The commissioner, the league presidents, and the club owners declined to act in concert to assess the international situation rationally and to develop a plan of action should...

Training Within Industry as Short-Sighted Community Literacyappropriate Training Program: A Case Study of Worker- Centered Training and Its Implications

This essay presents a case study of the modes used in training employees at a munitions plant in Ohio between 1940 and 1945. Theories of multimodal discourse and learning advanced by The New London Group (1996), Gunther Kress and Theo Van Leeuwen (2001) and Richard Mayer (2001) inform this analysis. With an unskilled labor force and many workers coming from oral literate traditions, the War Manpower Commission developed the Training Within Industry program, emphasizing visual and experiential literacies. This analysis can inform programs that use multimodal forms of instruction by acknowledging positive and negative implications of such literacy sponsorship.

Auto Worker Militancy and the Structure of Factory Life, 1937-1955

In June 1944 the army's Industrial Services Division flew Major A. H. Raskin to Detroit for hurried investigation of the industrial unrest that plagued the very heart of wartime America's arsenal of democracy. Raskin spoke with community, labor, and business leaders, visited the giant production facilities at Ford and Chrysler, and reviewed the records of the War Labor Board and the War Manpower Commission. War workers were unquestionably patriotic, reported Raskin, labor journalist in civilian life, but perplexing, defiant mood of rebellion and irrationality seemed to be sweeping through the million-strong work force of southeastern Michigan. The leadership of the United Automobile Workers (UAW) has found it impossible to adjust the thinking of its rank and file membership to the changed situation created by the war. As wildcat strikes and shop-floor job actions became more frequent, a breakdown of discipline threatened to shatter the usual pattern of factory administration and union authority. ' Militancy of the sort that so puzzled Raskin has increasingly attracted the interest of scholars concerned with the changing pattern of consciousness and activity exhibited by ordinary workers. Much research has been directed at understanding the complex relationship between rank-and-file workers and the production process in factory, mill, and office, especially in the early twentieth century when managers adopted policies of close supervision and rationalized work flow to win greater control of the factory work environment. The rearguard battle waged by skilled workers against this process has received much attention; the resistance or accommodation of the unskilled, relatively less.2 While historians have recently begun to probe the unionization process

Early Years of the Ohio State University Leadership Studies

A multidisciplinary program of leadership research was initiated at Ohio State in 1945. Leader behavior in organizations was the principal thrust with relationships shown to other sets of variables. The program had its roots in occupational research performed on a wide scale in the U.S. Department of Labor and the War Manpower Commission beginning in 1934.

"Education for Victory": The High School Victory Corps and Curricular Adaptation during World War II

A SENSE of urgency gripped educators and federal government officials in summer of 1942. Word of imminent lowering of draft age meant that little time would remain between a boy's graduation from high school and his induction into armed forces. In July, Robert A. Lovett, Assistant Secretary of War for Air, advised John W. Studebaker, U.S. Commissioner of Education, that the need for pre-flight training and physical conditioning is every day become more apparent. In September, an officer from Navy Department warned that country could not afford to lose any time in toughening and training all high school youth. (1) Government estimates forecast that 80 percent of nation's 1,300,000 high school boys between 16 and 18 would enter armed forces shortly after graduation. The 20 percent physically unsuited for military, and many girls, likely would enter industrial work and essential community occupations. Consequently, Paul McNutt, Director of War Manpower Commission, added his voice to chorus asking that adolescents in schools compose a trained reserve. (2) Hurried plans to that end took shape within U.S. Office of Education as hot summer weeks passed. Would it not be inefficient and even inhumane, federal planners thought, not to attempt to prepare youth for what lay ahead? Providing them with an additional impetus were anxious educators who since Pearl Harbor had filled mail baskets at War Department and Office of Education with queries about how best to prepare youth for armed forces, and who had worried about prevalence of a restless mood in classroom. Concentration there proved difficult when it seemed plain to students that thrilling affairs were happening now, outside school walls. As a student in Indianapolis declared in a burst of youthful bravado, merely

Seeds of Southern Change, the Life of Will Alexander.

Had Will Alexander not shunned the limelight, he might already be a national legend, for he was one of the greatest white champions of the Negro cause in the South from 1915 to 1954. A farm boy who worked his way through Vanderbilt University and became a Methodist minister, he was a tireless enemy of the abuses, large and petty, which he saw around him. In 1919 Will Alexander helped establish the Commission on Interracial Co-operation in Atlanta. During the Depression he became assistant administrator of the Resettlement Administration and, later, director of the Farm Security Administration; under his supervision, the tide was finally turned against the spread of sharecropping. In World War II he served as adviser on minority problems to the War Manpower Commission. He was the driving force in founding Dillard and Atlanta universities. These were some of his achievements in public life. In addition, he helped and encouraged individual Negroes such as Marian Anderson, Ralphe Bunche, and Robert Weaver and influenced eminent white southerners, including Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, and Brooks Hays. His real impact must be measured also in the numbers of southerners giving leadership today who owe to him their start in the fight against prejudice.

Labor's Role in Government Agencies During World War II

During World War II a system of labor participation and representation emerged in a series of national economic planning agencies. This study is primarily concerned with the representation and participation of organized labor in the activities of the National Defense Advisory Commission, the Office of Production Management, and the War Production Board. Some attention is also given to the War Manpower Commission and the Office of Price Administration.

The Present Status and Programs of Fair Employment Practices Commissions-Federal, State, and Municipal

On June 25, 1941 President Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802 which authorized the formation of the President's Fair Employment Practice Committee, which became familiarly known as FEPC. After undergoing several administrative and placement vicissitudes, FEPC on May 27, 1943 by Executive Order 9346 was recreated as an independent agency within the Office for Emergency Management of the Executive Office of the President. Federal government departments and agencies as employers now were explicitly covered along with war industries, unions and war-training programs. Clothed with the right to formulate policies to achieve the purposes of this order this Committee was to recommend to Federal departments and agencies feasible methods of implementing its aims. Continued this time without War Manpower Commission restrictions was FEPC's right to receive, investigate and conduct hearings involving complaints of employment discrimination. Although FEPC was implementing our traditional belief in equality of economic opportunity much opposition developed against it. Despite its efforts to unleash minority group manpower to materially aid our war efforts there were those who were willing for the lives of many Americans and the Allied cause to be further endangered by supporting vigorously our pattern of employment discrimination. They resented FEPC's intrusion and sought to discredit it by processes ranging from attacks on its constitutionality to accusations that it was Communist.

Wartime Controls in a Democratic Society

IT IS THE contention of those who oppose democracy as a method of government that a democracy is so cumbersome that it cannot mobilize for quick action to meet the exigencies of war. It is also maintained that a democracy cannot control or discipline its people sufficiently to carry through a program requiring a high degree of mobilization of national resources. The main contention is that authority is not sufficiently centralized and the people not adequately schooled in obedience to provide quick and decisive action on a national scale. Some of our experiences in the present war are useful in assessing whether a democracy is capable of a high degree of mobilization, and if so, what methods it employs. Probably the most pertinent example would be the methods used by the United States to control manpower and to channel it into the most urgent wartime needs. This article is not intended as a comprehensive analysis of our wartime manpower program. It will deal primarily with the system of local committees set up to apportion labor to the most urgent needs. However, some background of the general manpower situation is necessary to view these committees in their proper perspective. We entered the war with a problem of unemployment which had never been solved since the depression years. Therefore, in the early stages of war production, manpower was not a serious shortage problem. Later, as munitions industries mushroomed and the demands for a large number of workers quickly materialized, the workers were recruited largely through offering high wage levels for munitions industries and depending on migration to supplement labor forces within the localities. By 1943 it became apparent that we had reached a stage in the war at which a lack of sufficient manpower of the right skills in the proper places was one of the most serious drawbacks to full production. It became more and more apparent that voluntary methods of recruitment and dependence on competitive factors in allocating the labor force were inadequate to channel labor into war needs and to hold it there. The first program for meeting the situation was the beginning of the employment stabilization program of the War Manpower Commission. There was instituted, first on the West Coast and later throughout the nation, a system of requiring certificates of availability if a worker wanted to leave an essential industry and to go into other work. This program still fell short of solving a serious shortage of workers in the aircraft industries on the West Coast because it was intended only to prevent turnover, and because there were so many ways of evading it. Since the possibility of migration, or interregional recruitment, as it was called by the War Manpower Commission, to the West Coast was no longer practical because of the crowded living conditions and the lack of sources for recruitment, it was decided that the time had come to examine the allocation of labor within labor market areas. Studies were made, therefore, of the major West Coast cities in which labor shortages for aircraft and shipbuilding were most serious. It was discovered that sufficient labor was available in non-essential industries within the area to fill the demands if they could be transferred into the war plants. Two steps were necessary before this transfer could be accomplished. First, by some means it had to be decided which were the industries of high urgency; and second, a method of channeling workers into these industries had to be devised. Early attempts were made to accomplish both these ends through action from the

Conference Leader Training

Reviewed by Ellen L. Aird, R.N., B.S. Assistant to the Director, Home Nursing, National Headquarters, American Red Cross, Washington, D. C.; formerly Training Specialist, Training Within Industry Service of the War Manpower Commission.

Handbook of Description of Specialized Fields in Agronomy and Soil Science1

Agronomy JournalVolume 37, Issue 8 p. 665-675 Agronomic Affair Handbook of Description of Specialized Fields in Agronomy and Soil Science1 First published: 01 August 1945 https://doi.org/10.2134/agronj1945.00021962003700080019x 1 Prepared by the National Roster of Scientific and Specialized Personnel, Bureau of Placement, War Manpower Commission. AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume37, Issue8August 1945Pages 665-675 RelatedInformation

Nursing Personnel in General Hospitals

IN THE SUMMER Of 1943, the Procurement and Assignment Service of the War Manpower Commission sent a questionnaire to all hospitals registered by the American Medical Association. The questionnaire was designed to obtain information regarding the professional personnel, both medical and nursing, in hospitals in order to appraise the current needs of the hospitals and to secure an equitable distribution of interns, residents, and nurses. The 1,665 general and related special hospitals which returned adequate questionnaires comprised 40 per cent of the 4,200 such hospitals in the country and accounted for 60 per cent of the patient census. A higher per cent of the hospitals with schools and of the large hospitals both with and without schools returned questionnaires. Table I shows the per cent of hospitals and the per cent of patient census represented by the returned questionnaires for hospitals of different types, sizes, and geographic area. Information was obtained about the number

Paid Auxiliary Nursing Workers Employed in General Hospitals

BECAUSE OF THE RECRUITMENT OF NURSES by the armed services and the increased patient load of civilian hospitals, it has become necessary to employ nursing workers to perform many of the more routine and less technical nursing duties hitherto performed by graduate registered nurses. Information on the number of nursing workers, their hours of service, and the hospitals employing them is now available as part of a study of hospitals of all sizes and types made by the Procurement and Assignment Service of the War Manpower Commission and its consultants. An auxiliary worker has been defined by the three national nursing organizations as including:

How the War Manpower Commission Operates1

How the War Manpower Commission Operates1

Administrative and Judicial Machinery

The number and dollar amounts of Government prime and subcontracts have reached fantastic figures as judged by pre-war standards. Terminations cannot be efficiently handled unless administrative agencies are well organized and coordinated. Present administrative machinery and practices are now being overhauled with an eye to speeding settlement. A single agency would be ideal but the size and complexity of the problem makes this simplicity impossible. The situation calls for close cooperation between numerous Government agencies which of necessity have overlapping functions. Discussion by agency consequently would be repetitious and for this reason a functional approach is taken. Administrative and judicial machinery connected with contract termination resolves itself into four major phases: determination of policy; administration of settlements; review of settlements; and disposal of disputes, claims and suits. While these various aspects of the termination problem indirectly may involve almost every arm of the Government, the following at the present writing hold the center of the stage although alterations can be expected in view of pending legislation: The Office of War Mobilization, the Joint Contract Termination Board, the War Production Board, the War Manpower Commission, the several procurement agencies, the Comptroller General, the District Court and the Court of Claims.

War Manpower Commission

War Manpower Commission

Occupational analysis activities in the War Manpower Commission.

Occupational analysis activities in the War Manpower Commission.