War Of Words Research Articles

Wars of Words: Early Modern Piracy in the Caribbean

War requires the collision of two or more forces. It implies the ideological invention of an “enemy.” The changing faces of that enemy are fueled by entrenched or emergent powers bent upon spreading their hegemonic supremacy and legitimate order over material and conceptual spaces. In this dynamic, the “pirate” enters the stage as the classical hostis humani generis (“enemy of humankind”). However, the classification and identity of the pirate are both fluid and contingent, informing discourses of warfare and challenging the limits of categories related to order and legitimacy. The following three-part essay traces the correlation between war and the making and remaking of “the pirate” and how the figure of the pirate was fundamental to the establishment of specific hegemonies while examining the relationship between the varying discourses of the enemy and the concept of legitimate wars in the early modern period. The first part studies the legal and political debates around the concepts of “just war,” “just enemy,” and “sovereignty” in the context of the Anglo-Spanish War (c1586-1604). The second section explores the aftermath of said war that contributed to the development of a new nomenclature of piracy in the Caribbean region and the establishment of sedentary and commercial societies living at the margins of European wars. Moving to the 17th and 18th centuries, the third part introduces the figure of Miguel Enríquez, a Caribbean-born black corsair, a character located at the intersection of war and commerce, away from previous paradigms of “just war” and “just enemy.”

Rachel Chin. War of Words: Britain, France and Discourses of Empire during the Second World War.

Rachel Chin. <i>War of Words: Britain, France and Discourses of Empire during the Second World War</i>.

War of Words: Harnessing the Potential of Large Language Models and Retrieval Augmented Generation to Classify, Counter and Diffuse Hate Speech

This paper explores the emergence of divergent narratives in the wake of the Russian-Ukraine war, which began on February 24, 2022, and the innovative application of AI language models, specifically RetrievalAugmented Generation (RAG) and instruction-based large language models (LLMs), in countering hateful speech on social media. We design a pipeline to automatically discover and then respond to hateful content trending on social media platforms. Monitoring via traditional topic/narrative modeling often focuses on lowlevel content, which is difficult to interpret. In addition, workflows for prioritization and response generation are often highly manual. We utilize several large language models (LLMs) throughout our pipeline to detect and summarize topics, to determine whether tweets contain hate speech and to generate counter narratives. We test our approach on Ukraine Bio-Lab Tweet Corpus of 500k Tweets and evaluate the counter-narrative generation performance across several dimensions: relevance, grammaticality, factuality, and diversity. Our approach outperforms existing state of the art algorithms for hate speech detection and promising counter-narrative generation performance scores across our metrics reflect effectiveness of our pipeline in addressing hateful social media posts

Performing Everyday Things: Ecosomatic Threads of Butoh, Phenomenology, and Zen

&lt;p&gt;This essay engages descriptive, experiential methods of phenomenology, prompts from butoh, and insights of Zen Buddhism. Butoh is the dance and theatre form that arose from the ashes of Japan in the shadow of ecological and social crisis after the Second Word War. It is interpreted widely in current forms that extend well beyond the borders of Japan. The everyday is articulated in the phenomenology of Husserl, Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty, particularly through concepts of “worlding,” how our works ripple out to create a world, as phenomenology and Zen both hold, each in their own way. I write about butoh through a prism of Zen and phenomenology because they share similar philosophical outlooks on performance, and they explain everyday things. In articulating performance of the everyday, this essay takes an ecosomatic turn inward toward matters of consciousness and perception. The writing stems from my participation in butoh as a student, performer, and scholar since 1985, my university teaching of dance and somatics, and my philosophical and lived investigations of phenomenology and Buddhism. Through phenomenology, the essay is descriptive, performative, and concerned with “lived experience,” including how features of experience appear and transform in consciousness.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;

New and actualised words with the &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt; component in modern media discourse

Since the late 1990s, a number of new and actualised words and set expressions with the component war in their structure have appeared in the Russian-language mass media. For instance, we can give such linguistic units as examples: proksi-voyna/proksivoyna/proxy-voyna / English proxy war; kvazivoyna / English quasi war; kibervoyna / English cyber war; myatezhevoyna/myatezh-voyna / English insurgency; nedovoyna / English sub-war; para-war/para-voyna; poluvoyna / English semi-war; postvoyna / English post-war; gibridnaya v. / English hybrid war; setevaya v. / English network war; mentalnaya v. / English mental war; oposredovannaya v. / English proxy war; v. po dogovorennosti / English war by arrangement/proxy war; v. chuzhimi rukami / English proxy war, and others. The process is due to significant changes in the theory and practice of modern warfare and is primarily influenced by the English language. As a result, the basic meaning of war, i. e. ‘an armed struggle between states, nations, or social classes; military action’, has undergone some semantic widening. The article describes in detail the new English borrowing proxy war, as well as a few other new loanwords and derivatives formed from the word war and actualised lexemes with this component. The novelty of the study consists in the presentation of lexemes relevant in media discourse. They contain the word war in their composition, are related to the topic of modern interstate conflicts, and are not codified in dictionaries. The relevance is determined, on the one hand, by the high demand for these naming units in Russian-language mass media, and on the other hand, by the lack of their systematic linguistic description. The article aims to identify the range of words (containing the component war in their structure) significant for the Russian-language military and political discourse of the first twenty years of the 21st century. The other goals are to determine the mechanism of their appearance in the Russian language and characterise the semantic and stylistic features of these units. The paper draws conclusions about the role of English borrowing and actualisation in this process. Lexemes with the evaluative prefixes nedo-/sub-, polu-/ semi- and the initial components kvazi/quasi..., polu/half...) actualised in the modern extra-linguistic and linguistic context are members of the relevant word-formation patterns. The new anglicism proksi-voyna/proxy war is the semantic centre of this group. It indirectly, through the initial component proksi-/proxy-... in the meaning ‘relating to a proxy war, participating in its conduct’, influences the expansion of the vocabulary group associated with the new modern stage of interstate conflicts. Individual naming units have semantic doublets in the form of compound names. They also semantically converge with vocabulary outside this group. Changes in the semantics of the word war occur due to the loss of some features (an obligatory armed conflict, the absence of the conflict initiator on the enemy’s territory since the goal is to bring the enemy under control rather than to eliminate them, and so on) and the emergence of new ones (the use of new technical means, techniques, etc. of putting pressure on the enemy). The research material was obtained from the Integrum database, Google and Yandex resources. The study used classification in conjunction with descriptive, comparative, and componential analysis.

The War in Words: Union and Confederate Civil War Military Camp Newspapers in Western Virginia

The War in Words: Union and Confederate Civil War Military Camp Newspapers in Western Virginia

New Eyewitnesses to the War: Time Travel in Russian Children’s Literature about Word War II

New Eyewitnesses to the War: Time Travel in Russian Children’s Literature about Word War II

ОТРАЖЕНИЕ ДУХОВНОГО СОПРОТИВЛЕНИЯ ЖЕРТВ ХОЛОКОСТА В СВИДЕТЕЛЬСТВАХ ЧЛЕНОВ ЗОНДЕРКОММАНДО АУШВИЦА

Among the numerous crimes of Nazi Germany and its accomplices during the Second Word War, they attempted the mass extermination of the Jewish people. Those events entered word history under the name Holocaust, in Hebrew – “Shoa” (disaster, catastrophe). Even though the literature on various aspects of the life and death of Jews in Holocaust period in general and in the extermination camps in particular is quite extensive, there is no particular analysis of the spiritual resistance of prisoners. The article analyzes the reflection of Sondercommando members’ spiritual resistance in the Auschwitz death camp, which became an ominous symbol of the atrocities committed by the Nazis and their collaborators, as presented in their testimonies, called “Scrolls from the Ashes”. The composition of Sondercommando members and their “position” were studied. The authorship issues of the “Scrolls” and the motives for their creation are considered. It gives surviving witnesses’ and descendants’ assessments are given to their activities. The analyzed sources indicate that despite the inhuman conditions and constant threat of immediate destruction, the members of the Sondercommando not only retained their moral spirit, but also demonstrated the will to resist. A striking example of which is the uprising that broke out on October 7th, 1944, near the ovens of Auschwitz-Birkenau crematorium.

The Policy of the Thai Government Regarding the Dutch Prisoners of War in Thailand after the End of the Second Word War

The Policy of the Thai Government Regarding the Dutch Prisoners of War in Thailand after the End of the Second Word War

Contemporary Significane of Iqbal’s Thought in Modren Neodemographic Content

After the 2nd Word War, the United States emerged as a new super power and planned indirect political, economical and cultural rule instead of direct control. For this purpose the European Countries under its rule gathered to form a “Neo-Colonial System” and laid foundation of some institutions like IMF, WTO and World Bank. Today, these institutions have become the arms of imperial powers and the policies of weaker countries are controlled by international aids, provision of loans, investment facilities and technological advancement. The same imperialist spirit of Kippling “White Man’s Burdon” is seen in the ideas of Fokoyamha and Hitington. This neo-imperialism is built on the ideas like cultural hegemony, capitalism and political oppression. Allama Iqbal is a great Muslim figure of the 20th century who is remembered as a representative of anti-colonialism. His poetry and prose is an expression of different aspects of anti-colonialism. In his creations, the intensity of passion along with the intellectual and spiritual depth has been present in the highest degree. This is the sign of the living thinker that the meanings of his thoughts unfold over time. Even today, his universal thought can be a beacon for us against neo-colonialism with its full contemporary meanings.

„Nu se poate privi” sau „vino și vezi”? Exitus și Idzi i Hliadzi. un studiu de caz

What could possibly bring together Adrian Georgescu’s novel Exitus (2017) and Elem Klimov’s film Idzi i Hliadzi (Come and See, U.S.S.R., 1985)? Both texts explore war trauma experienced by underage subjects (Georgescu’s protagonist Milo is an orphan barely surviving in a devastated unnamed land, while Klimov’s hero, Flyora, is a Belarusian adolescent eager to join the Word War II partisans). We rely on Gilles Deleuze’s concept of time-image to investigate the narrative strategies with which the authors aim to represent what, essentially, ”one can’t look at”: children or teenagers as actors-victims of war.

The language of intractability and the Gaza War: Conflating anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism is historically problematic and misses how much contemporary Israel has become a role model for ethno-nationalists worldwide

The 2023 Gaza War quickly became a war of words. In the war over public opinion, support for the lot of the Palestinians or criticism of Israeli government actions alike were put down to an anti-Zionism inspired by anti-Semitism. My purpose is to question this conflation and to suggest that in fact historically and today it has been pro-Zionism that has been inspired more by popular anti-Semitism, a conspiratorial view of the world in which Jewish people figure exclusively as “enemies” of the nations in which they live, rather than the opposite. Zionism, as its early proponents all said, was a solution to anti-Semitism. In creating a Jewish nation state, Jews could be shielded from the animus and consequences of anti-Semitism. In doing so, of course, any Palestinian collective political future would necessarily be compromised. The competing claims to the same territory this entails cannot be resolved by simply adopting “better language.” The language war confuses the real issue at hand: Israelis and Palestinians alike are inheritors of the logic of the territorialized (ethno) nation state imported from nineteenth-century Europe. The historical irony is that Israel is now a “role model” for the populist-nationalists whose political ancestors demonized their Jewish populations as “other” and “disloyal.” This points to the tragedy of the nation state that the Gaza War represents. Shared political space is impossible to comprehend while locked into this logic.

Կարմիրգծերեւկանաչլույսեր.ԻրանիբալանսավորմանքաղաքականությունըՀարավայինԿովկասում

After the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020, some Iranian political statements that support Armenia's security interests and ongoing "wars of words" between Iran and Azerbaijan led to the development of a theory in the international (including Armenian) scientific and analytical community that Iran has fundamentally altered its stance toward the South Caucasus states. This tendency had a substantial impact on Armenia’s public perception of Iran. As a vivid example, Iran is considered as Armenia's most significant security partner by 54% of questioned Armenians, according to a 2023 survey conducted by the International Republican Institute. This article explains Iran's broad geopolitical and security interests in the region and Iran’s balance of power approach via analyzing Iran-Azerbaijan relations using the theory of Cautious Realism. The article demonstrates that Iran's goals and interests in the region have not changed, and it continues its balancing policy and in relations with Azerbaijan uses tools of creating contra threats, as well as rapprochement.

Judicial Independence vs Parliamentary Supremacy: Reignition of debate vis-à-vis Israel and India

Huge demonstrations are going on in State of Israel against the Judicial reforms being proposed by the PM Netanyahu led Government.1 In India also war of words is ongoing between senior government functionaries and Higher Judiciary over the collegium process and its impact. Per se the healthy discussion and negotiation between different organs of the government is not bad but it should not be with an aim to reduce their importance. Judicial independence is the hallmark of Rule of Law in any democracy.2 It only protects individuals’ liberty but also keeps a check on the state excesses or biasness. Indisputably, the parliament has an exclusive right of law making but the moot question remain whether power to amend includes power to destroy. There must be checks and balances on all the three organs of the government. Even Judiciary cannot be allowed free run without any accountability and reforms must keep going but any Judicial reforms cannot be allowed to strike at the root of Judicial independence itself as it would destroy the institution. In this paper I have tried to explain the current situation in Israel where the proposed reforms being brought in the name of Judicial accountability and Judicial reform threaten the very concept of judicial independence. It strikes at the very basic theorem of separation of Power and would promote autocracy and dictatorship in the long run. As Israel is a parliamentary democracy, the executive heads already influence the decisions of the Knesset in a major way &amp; if they get to have the same in Judicial appointment then the political leaders ruling the State of Israel will have all the powers with very less accountability. In comparison the situation in India is different. While verbal arguments are going on between Judiciary and Executive it is more or less limited to Judicial appointment with others spheres of Judicial independence like Judicial Review not part of the public debate. The paper also argues about the need for Judicial independence in a democracy and the Power of Parliament to amend is not absolute and unlimited.

How U.S. Change its China Policy During the Ukraine War

The past decade has seen China-U.S. tensions ratchet up. Since Russian forces began their full-scale attack on Ukraine on February 24th, 2022, the U.S. intended to Russianize China’s image, constantly tying China to Russia via unverifiable intelligence. From “China- Russia no-limits friendship” to “Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow”, to “Chinese spy balloon”, the war of words between the two nations has reached newer levels. Meanwhile, China has been subjected to mounting U.S. technology sanctions. These sanctions, bordering on hostility, between the two superpowers caused their economies to decouple. The U.S. is developing a systematic, hard-line strategy on China. How to manage these challenges should be a top foreign policy priority for the Chinese government.

LAW AND ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF SERVICE CHARGE IN RESTAURANTS

The levy of service charge in India is at present highly contented, which has led to a war of words among various authorities of the country. This paperinvestigatesthree scenarios through an economical lens and within the boundaries of the consumer rights. The pros of the three scenarios are then weighed against its cons to reach a final recommendation of the study which in turn also proves all the three scenarios which are contended in the country at present as economically inefficient. The findings of the study show that the first scenario of tipping is proved inefficient asIndia does not have a strong tipping culture leading to undertipping, along with that tips are only realised to the front-end workers and not the back-end workers or the cleaning staff. Secondly, the next scenario contemplates on mandatory service charge being added by default to the bill itself which is proved inefficient as it takes away the discretion of the consumers and also leads to deception of consumers resulting in the violation of consumer rights and reducing consumer surplus as a high cost. Finally, the paper looks into the aspect ofthe service charge being added within the price of the food itself, being inefficient because a part of the producer surplus is lost as rent paid due to revenue sharing clauses in lease agreements and the consumer being worse off due to lack of discretion in price paid for service.

Rachel Chin: War of Words: Britain, France and Discourses of Empire During the Second World War and Douglas Porch: Defeat and Division: France at War, 1939–42

Rachel Chin: War of Words: <i>Britain, France and Discourses of Empire During the Second World War</i> and Douglas Porch: <i>Defeat and Division: France at War, 1939–42</i>

Hemingway and the Harvard Poets ed. by Luca Fondazione

Reviewed by: Hemingway and the Harvard Poets ed. by Luca Fondazione Mark Cirino Hemingway and the Harvard Poets. Edited by Luca Fondazione. Museo Hemingway e della Grande Guerra, 2020. 116 pp. Paperback €15.00. The Museo Hemingway e della Grande Guerra has published the third volume in their series of lavishly illustrated, bilingual editions devoted to a celebration of Hemingway’s Italian life and work, following the attractive and informative Hemingway and the Great War (2016) and On Hemingway’s Trail in the Veneto (2017). Hemingway and the Harvard Poets focuses on Hemingway’s association with a group of men from Harvard University who volunteered to serve with the American Red Cross on the Italian front of World War I. These men made up Section One, stationed at Villa Ca’ Erizzo in Bassano del Grappa—the current site of the Hemingway war museum—northwest of Venice on the banks of the Brenta River. Hemingway, of course, was never a college student of any kind, much less from an Ivy League school, but he might have said of his war service, like Melville’s Ishmael said of whaling, that the war “was my Yale College and my Harvard.” This book cites John Dos Passos’s similar statement in an interview: “I suppose that Word War I then became my university.” Hemingway and the Harvard poets—Dos Passos, Sydney Fairbanks, Dudley Poore, John Howard Lawson, and Henry Serrano Villard—all display an artistic bent, a curious impulse, and share similar coming-of-age experiences, in another country. The war served as a crucible experience for these six intelligent, creative, ambitious, and restless men who would always cite that experience in Bassano as a moment of historical and personal upheaval. After a brief contextual Preface by the museum’s curator, Giandomenico Cortese, a second Preface follows, by Corydon Ireland, formerly of the Harvard Gazette, who corrects any misperception that Harvard might have cloistered its students from war service. As Ireland points out, the opposite was true. Many men clung to the expectation of military representation from the finest American schools. Harvard students, Ireland writes, were “quick to join the fray,” and also cites E.E. Cummings’s The Enormous Room (1922) as an example of enduring artistic achievements from Harvard students—Cummings graduated in 1915—that dramatized the war experience. The Enormous Room is a novel praised both by Hemingway and, in the excerpt “On Writing,” by his character Nick Adams. The next chapter draws from the essential work of Italian scholar Giovanni Cecchin, who historicizes the Italian front in the fall of 1917, when these Harvard men would have arrived. Cecchin writes that following the debacle of [End Page 123] the Italian defeat at Caporetto, the dire need for American volunteers became evident to the Italian government, which then sought the influx of American university students. Cecchin’s chapter includes a photograph of the roster of Section One volunteers, where the familiar names “Dos Passos, John R.” and “Villard, Henry S.” are among dozens listed. The next five chapters, all written in both English and Italian by Martina Mastandrea, are devoted to the six main figures of this book: Hemingway, Dos Passos, Villard, Fairbanks, Poore, and Lawson. Mastandrea’s chapter about Dos Passos, called “One Harvard Man’s Initiation,” is generously illustrated with Dos Passos’s own evocative pastel drawings of Bassano. Mastandrea notes that as a Harvard student Dos Passos’s antipathy for the war did not supersede his “curiosity to witness the fighting first-hand” (34). The same ambivalence towards the war in Dos Passos’s fictional characters marked his own personal stance at that time, as well as that of the rest of this group. “Dos and his fellow Harvard Poets,” writes Mastandrea, “were pacifists who enlisted exclusively to help wounded soldiers and disapproved of bloodshed in the name of a cause that most of the soldiers did not understand” (39). Hemingway and the Harvard Poets wisely explores interactions between the figures, so that a narrative emerges of a group sharing an integrated experience, rather than each writer isolated into discrete siloes. These descriptions advance the project’s aim, to chronicle a group of Harvard writers, not merely a...

Trade unions, stigma and legitimacy: A case study about academic wages in British universities

This article applies the concept of legitimacy to reinterpret collective bargaining as a war of words instead of an institutional arrangement of negotiations and power struggles between employers and trade unions. The case study investigates trade union discourse by collecting and analysing campaign materials about academic wages across British universities over 18 years. The results suggest trade unions tried to stigmatize British universities for not engaging in consultation and negotiation; acting with honesty and good faith; or being transparent and equitable. However, none of these management practices puts economic framing at the forefront, which is at odds with financialization and the essence of wages being about money and performance. This article concludes that embracing economics and reducing plurality within trade union discourse may help legitimize academic wages to match economic growth in the sector.

The War of Words: The Electoral Language of British Elections, 1880–1914, by Luke Blaxill

Preceded by a series of innovative articles, Luke Blaxill’s debut monograph is a remarkable achievement. Blaxill invites readers both to reassess the electoral politics of late Victorian and Edwardian Britain, and—through a corpus linguistics-based approach to the stump speeches delivered at nine general elections—to consider the utility of digital techniques to historical analysis and explanation. The book will be a must-read for those interested in modern British politics, but, beyond representing a dynamic intervention in its immediate field, it will also stimulate welcome debate about historical methods and inspire future research. Blaxill positions his work as a ‘methodological experiment’ (p. 12), posing questions about the capacity of quantification to provide and articulate evidence and seeking to answer them by reference to a field where the historiography is mature (but which also, in several cases, needs reinvigorating). Given the nature of this testing ground, the book is interested in questions which have long preoccupied political historians, yet it occupies a distinctive position within the scholarship. Blaxill contends that the emphasis on deep readings prompted by the turn to the political-cultural has led to a privileging of the recovery of narrative over the provision of causal explanations or generalisations (pp. 6–8). He suggests that these strands of historical analysis and outcome might be reintegrated and strengthened by a ‘hybrid methodology’ that blends both the qualitative and the quantitative and which, simultaneously, builds a bridge between the social sciences and the humanities (pp. 9, 238–40). Quantification, Blaxill convincingly demonstrates, can enhance our capacity to analyse vast discourses systematically, precisely and verifiably—in this case, the enormous volume of words spoken by politicians in the era of the mass electorate (p. 229). As Blaxill notes, electoral culture was, from the later nineteenth century, increasingly ‘platform-centric’, its language being deliberately partisan and delivered with the intention to persuade (pp. 2, 27–9). For Blaxill, close and distant readings could and should be carried out in tandem, the result being the empowering and augmenting, rather than the replacement, of traditional approaches. From local and national newspaper reports of election speeches, he constructed (and checked for quality and accuracy) three main corpora (collections of texts), containing over four million words. They are: the principal corpus, covering East Anglia, a region where he identified an opportunity to expand historiographical coverage of political life in the countryside, and from which he builds a period-wide case-study; a ‘constituencies’ corpus, encompassing seats outside the region and representing a variety of constituency types; and a ‘national’ corpus for front-ranking politicians. From these datasets, Blaxill generated statistics showing, for instance, the frequency with which issues were discussed, the linguistic context in which they were mentioned, and the connections between the words which made up the rhetoric by which politicians appealed to electors (see Chapter One).