Just War Research Articles

Jus in bello Necessity, The Requirement of Minimal Force, and Autonomous Weapons Systems

ABSTRACT In this article we focus on the jus in bello principle of necessity for guiding the use of autonomous weapons systems (AWS). We begin our analysis with an account of the principle of necessity as entailing the requirement of minimal force found in Just War Theory, before highlighting the absence of this principle in existing work on AWS. Overlooking this principle means discounting the obligations that combatants have towards one another in times of war. We argue that the requirement of minimal force is an important requirement for considering ethical uses of force. In particular, we distinguish between lethal and non-lethal purposes of use of force and introduce the prospect of non-lethal AWS before reviewing a number of challenges which AWS pose with respect to their non-lethal use. The challenges arise where AWS generate unpredictable outcomes impinging upon the situational awareness required of combatants to ensure that their actions meet the requirement of minimal force. We conclude with a call for further research on the ethical implications of non-lethal uses of AWS as a necessary contribution for assessing the moral permissibility of AWS.

To Show or Not to Show? The Depiction of Terror and Death in Nairobi

ABSTRACT This study examines the metajournalistic discourse reflected in the use of corpse images from the DusitD2 terror attack in Nairobi, Kenya, in January 2019. Drawing from concepts such as responsibility and resistance ethics, this study explores the viewpoints of Kenyan journalists and bloggers. Situated within qualitative research methodology, the findings suggest that the New York Times’ use of victims’ corpse images reflects a double standard and visual bias, and its defense of the news report can be considered an example of professional posturing. Conversely, sharing of perpetrators’ postmortem pictures produced mixed findings among audiences. While online circulation was blamed on bloggers’ inexperience, it was also seen as a sign of victory for the value of visual evidence. This study also contributes to the scholarship on use of graphic images by drawing on African ethical systems and just war theory.

The Logical Problem of Evil and African War Ethics

ABSTRACT The morality of war has been debated from a variety of perspectives. However, it has rarely been intertwined with the topic of the existence of God. Sometimes anti-theists argue that the existence of a Western Judeo-Christian God who is omnipotent, omniscient and morally perfect is inconsistent with the existence of evils such as war. We will argue that there is no such logical inconsistency between the God of the African traditional religions and the evil of war. First, we contend that such a logical inconsistency does not exist because God in African traditional religions is not seen as omnipotent, omniscient or morally perfect, and therefore, it would not be logically inconsistent for such a God to co-exist with the evil of war. This is mainly because African moral realism entails that war is a legitimate means for an imperfect being in an imperfect world to pursue morally permissible goals. Second, even if God is omniscient, omnipotent and morally perfect, when considered from the African religious viewpoint, a God of harmony, like the one in African traditional religions, can permit some evils for a greater good such as “harmony”.

Seventeenth-Century Scotism and the War Just on Both Sides.

Can a war can be just on both sides? Within the Western just war tradition, Catholic theologians traditionally held wars on both sides to be logically impossible. This view went unchallenged until questioned by two seventeenth-century Irish Franciscan Scotists. These were Aodh Mac Cathmhaoil (Hugo Cavellus) and John Punch. In this paper I lay out the Scotist theological grounds that led them to admit to the possibility of wars just on both sides. I also conjecture on possible reasons why Punch refrained from revising traditional just war theory in light of his own far-reaching theological conclusions.

International sources of the popularity of Russia’s president. Does the «rally around the flag» effect matter?

The article focuses on the popularity of the President of the Russian Federation and the factors that influence the level of his support among the population. It is shown that most of the previous literature was devoted to the study of the influence of such determinants as macroeconomic indicators, the standard of living of citizens, the media, the use of political technologies, etc. The author notes that researchers have begun to mark a certain impact on the rating of national leaders of international events and interstate conflicts. The review of the literature showed that most researchers studied the factors of approval of the president's activities on the example of the United States. The author came to the conclusion that Russia is also a good laboratory for research and finding answers to a number of questions: Does the country's participation in military conflicts affect the popularity of the President of the Russian Federation? Does the low approval rating of the head of state lead to the initiation of a military conflict? The diversionary theory of war and the «rally around the flag» effect became the methodological basis of the article. Based on theoretical reflection, two working hypotheses were formulated: 1) a decrease in the approval rating of the president leads to an increase in the aggressiveness of foreign policy and the initiation of a military conflict; 2) Russia's participation in military conflicts leads to an increase in the popularity / approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation. The purpose of the article is an empirical test of these hypotheses. The author collected data on the rating of Russia’s president from 2000 to 2022 and conducted a regression analysis of time series. A comparative analysis of cases was used as a research method. As a result of statistical and other calculations, the author came to the conclusion that a decrease in the approval rating of the President of the Russian Federation does not lead to the initiation of military conflicts. The article substantiates the idea that the effect of the «rally around the flag» has matter in Russia, the participation of the armed forces in conflicts leads to an increase in the approval of the activities of the President of the Russian Federation.

The Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970): A Theoretical Resurrection

War Termination theory emerged in the new millennium as a supplement to existing war theories. In the past, the focus of scholars was on the causes and consequences of war. Little or no attention was given to war termination, ceasefire agreements, the duration of wars, and the stability of peace. With this new theory, it becomes very easy to subject war termination to theoretical explication. This article reviews the theory using the Nigerian civil war to argue that the Biafran surrender during the war was mere war termination and not an end to the war as the underlying issues of the war were never addressed during and after the termination of the war. The article posits that for the state to finally bury the Biafran Ghost, it should endeavor to institutionalize necessary mechanisms to generate harmony and peace among the multifarious ethnic nationalities that make up the country.

Justifying a conflict over the Guarani Aquifer

This article deals with the justification of water-related conflicts by analyzing a hypothetical war for Guarani Aquifer resources. In disagreement, a theoretical framework would be needed to justify war. First, Walzer’s version of Just War Theory (JWT) is presented as the most consolidated reference. Then, Waddington’s criticism of JWT is discussed when it comes to hydric resources, delineating the particularities of a natural resource and establishing that the “moral weight of water scarcity” should be considered. Following this, the hypothetical conflict among countries is introduced. Finally, pragmatism is advocated for justification of conflicts involving water.

An Assessment of the Impact of Mediating Variables on Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices of Ethics of War by the Officers and Soldiers of the Zambia Army

A study was conducted to establish levels of knowledge, attitudes and practices of ethics of war by officers and soldiers of the Zambia Army. A mixed method study using explanatory sequential approach was undertaken of a survey sample of 420 participants drawn from officers and soldiers serving in the Zambia Army. Questionnaires were used to collect quantitative data. Focus group discussions and interviews were also undertaken to collect qualitative data. The findings from focus group discussions and interviews provided greater depth and understanding as to how the officers and soldiers felt about ethics of war. The findings of focus group discussions and interviews also helped to explain the findings from quantitative data. The general objective of this study was to establish the knowledge, attitudes and practices of the ethics of war among Zambia Army personnel and examine how they related to age, rank, gender, level of education and years of service. In addition, it was hypothesized that mediating variables namely operational environment, organisational factors and administrative factors are critical in the Zambia Army in facilitating the existence of aforementioned relationships. Largely, it was concluded that, knowledge, attitudes and practice of ethics of war among Zambia Army officers and soldiers is influenced by gender, their level of education, type of service and length of service. Consequently, a model consisting of all recommendations made in the study was developed. This articles focuses on the impact of mediating variables and the degree to which they play a significant role in influencing the Knowledge, Attitudes and Practice of ethics of war as brought out by the Study. The article confirms that mediating variables play a significant role in that knowledge of ethics of war is acquired locally from the few available military schools, and training they undergo before being deployed for operations (pre-deployment training). As such, acquisition of this knowledge is heavily reliant on operational environment, organisational and administrative factors. Furthermore, the degree to which this knowledge shapes the attitudes of service personnel and how well they can be put in practice is equally dependent on how these and other mediating variables facilitate this process.

Между наукой и идеологическим прессингом: политическое осмысление Гражданской войны в Советской России в 1917–1922 годах

Introduction. The article explores the process and circumstances of understanding war as a political phenomenon in Soviet Russia 1917–1922, describes their impact on practice and theory development. For this purpose, the author studies the related political and ideological circumstances, characterizes the theory of class warfare and shows the specifics of understanding of the link between war and politics. Methodology and research methods. The methodology is based on political realism and the recognition of war as a complex, volatile and contradictory political phenomenon. The article identifies the causality between the attitudes of the Soviet leadership, political practice and theoretical approaches to the study of war, taking into account real political situations, processes and decisions. Analysis. The study of war as a political phenomenon took place in the context of policy impact of the ideology and doctrinal principles of the state. Two approaches have emerged in the development of the theory of war. The first was characterized by a pronounced ideological perception of the war. The second approach was marked by the recognition of the political nature and determination of war, while avoiding the discussion on the mechanism of implementation of Soviet political institutions into military theory and practice. Under these conditions, the synthesis of the two research paradigms was impossible. As a result, the first approach that didn’t recognize the existence of alternative points of view in the study of war began to prevail. Results. In the early years of Soviet power, the scientific study of war turned out to be secondary in relation to the official ideological and doctrinal guidelines, which eventually began to formulate the comprehension of war as a political phenomenon. This situation, with minor changes, remained in the subsequent decades, which had consequences for the country’s defense and the use of military force.

Costly Calculations: A Theory of War, Casualties, and Politics. By Scott Sigmund Gartner and Gary M. Segura. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. 225p. $99.99 cloth, $34.99 paper.

Costly Calculations: A Theory of War, Casualties, and Politics. By Scott Sigmund Gartner and Gary M. Segura. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. 225p. $99.99 cloth, $34.99 paper.

Theoretical Sociology of War and Structural Causes of the 2003 US Invasion of Iraq

In this article, I present a theory of American military imperialism that combines three structural factors: the military-industrial complex (MIC); elite control of public policy; and elite, imperial ideology. I argue that because this theory is more plausible and empirically grounded than major Weberian and Marxist theories of war, it can provide a better explanation for specific US military interventions. As a theory of American military imperialism, it is also more nuanced than existing power elite theories. A case study of the 2003 Iraq War is presented to illustrate the utility of the theory. The case study shows that in invading Iraq, key Bush administration officials sought to expand the MIC and their own decision power making within it, and that these preferences were associated with their specific elite social backgrounds, and the hardline ideology they subscribed to. I conclude with suggestions for future research.

“Michael Walzer’s Just War Theory and the 1982 Israel War in Lebanon: Theory and Application”

The article draws on Michael Walzer’s just war theory to assess the conduct of the Lebanon War of 1982 (Operation Peace for Galilee) and argues that according to the underpinning principles of Walzer’s theory, it was an unjust war. Sharon’s war plans, codenamed “Grand Oranim,” were designed to relieve the Lebanese Christian militias of their so-called Palestinian burden by driving the refugees into Jordan where they would presumably bring about a regime change and turn Jordan into a Palestinian state. My analysis focuses on the causes of this war, jus ad bellum, whether it was a war of self-defense, and the means that were employed in its conduct, its jus in bello. Likewise explored and analyzed here are the concepts of proportionality and the treatment of non-combatants.

The Prince Diponegoro’s war strategy from the perspective of the Indonesia total war strategy

This article will be focused on Prince Diponegoro’s War Strategy that implemented Total War Strategy through Guerilla Warfare tactic. The purpose and objectives of this article are analyzing the Prince Diponegoro’s War Strategy as the form of People’s Total War to be comprehended as the Indonesia’s total war strategy in facing threats so the readers will gain knowledge and deep information regarding the implementation of total war strategy. The qualitative method was conducted to create this article through historical research approach in designing the content of this article. The Total War theory was also implemented on this article. Based on the research result, it was found that the Indonesian War conducted by Prince Diponegoro is essentially a picture of the People’s total War which are not only carried out by taking up arms, but also engaged in political, social, economic, and cultural fields. The Total War Strategy has applied by fighters both in armed struggle, which Total War values characterized by: populist, territorial, the total, has been embedded in every breath of struggle. Whole community participation in accordance with their respective roles, and empowering all resources maximum national power to be further combined with military power, become a form of "totality" that is powerful in dealing with various forms of threats. From the history of the Indonesian War by Prince Diponegoro which gave birth to the Total War concept, has demonstrated and proven that the involvement of all components of the nation, both military and civilian (non-military) have an important role in accordance with their respective fields.

Who is afraid of Tim O’Brien? The existential truth of just war theory

ABSTRACT Can war ever be justified? And what, if any, limits should bear on the waging of war? These questions are the stock-in-trade of scholars of just war theory. Hailing from a wide variety of academic disciplines, scholars of just war theory have historically been inclusive when it comes to the kinds of texts that they consider legitimate source-material. Legal treatises, biblical commentaries, political speeches, and military codeshave all been embraced, alongside academic writings on the ethics of war . It comes as some surprise, then, to observe the reticence that some just war theorists have displayed when invited to consider the novels of the Vietnam veteran and celebrated war writer Tim O’Brien as a body of work worthy of their analysis. Why, this article asks, are just war theorists so afraid of Tim O’Brien? And what does this tell us about the direction in which contemporary just war theory is moving? The article will argue that the reason just war theorists have been apprehensive about engaging O’Brien’s work is also the reason why they should read it. This alerts us, it concludes, to the case for (re-)envisioning just war theory in existentialist terms.

On the (Often Western, White, Male) Privilege of Self-Defense

Here, the author presents a critical, rhyzomatic collage of previously published writing. Foucault argues dominant discourses have specific bodily effects, that such discourses shape-shift in reaffirming the status quo, and that resistance requires continual critical engagement. This textual assemblage suggests affinities with and comparisons between: conservative political discourses; legal frameworks for claiming self-defense; justifications for war; replacement theory; the re-framing of Critical Race Theory as itself racist; and variations of social support for racism and White supremacy in the United States. The text becomes a performance designed to meet the moment.

Ethics, Force, and Power: On the Political Preconditions of Just War

Benbaji and Statman’s contractarian ethics of war offers a powerful new philosophical defence of orthodox conclusions against revisionist criticism. I present a two-pronged argument in reply. First, contractarianism yields what I call ‘decent war theory,’ a theory in which war between decent states is paradigmatic. I argue, by contrast, that states should treat wars against indecent states as paradigmatic, resulting in a Rawlsian alternative that issues in an ethics closer to revisionism. The second prong argues that the symmetrical international distribution of power required by contractarianism throws into doubt the viability of war as an instrument for securing just ends. But I argue that there is a very important lesson to take from Benbaji and Statman’s analysis here. Even if contractarianism is arguably weakened by its political assumptions, revisionists frequently fail to pay any attention to the vagaries of power and their effects in shaping the outcomes of different accounts of ethics. I therefore argue that just war theory in general ought to develop an ethics with sufficient versatility to respond to shifts and variations in the distribution of military power. In particular, philosophers must consider morally defensible ways in which decent states can challenge rising indecent powers.

‘Have the Highest Righteous Fencer in Your Mind’s Eye’: Medieval Martial Ethic as a Conceptual Repository for Just War Theory

Martial Arts Studies publishes the highest quality academic work on any aspect of martial arts studies. It aspires to stimulate and enrich the development of research and scholarship in martial arts studies by publishing the highest quality interdisciplinary work in the emergent field.

Quo Vadis?On the role of just peacewithinjust war

AbstractThis article contributes to the debate about the future of just war thinking, which has been challenged by the emerging school of just peace. Just peace thinkers hope that by foregrounding nonviolent means just war reasoning will become obsolete. Recently, the German Catholic Bishops have argued that the traditional understanding of just war contributed to their predecessors' silence on the Second World War. Grounded in just peace thinking, their argument implies that had the new framework been in place at the time, it would have been easier for their predecessors to oppose Hitler's war. In this article, I defend traditional just war thinking as encountered in the thought of Thomas Aquinas. For Aquinas, just war thinking was part of an encompassing ethics of war and peace. In fact, peace was the primary goal. Grounded in Aquinas's understanding of virtue, I argue that there is a place for just peace scholarship within the just war framework. The tools of nonviolence should be seen as an important complement to the justifiable use of armed force.

The Ethics of War

The Ethics of War

Revisiting the Jihad Ideology in Islamic International Law and its Appropriation by Nonstate Actors

Jihad is quintessentially a religious doctrine and, notwithstanding difficulties of conceptualization, constitutes a foundational principle of both the shari’a (religious law of Islam) and (the siyar) Islamic international law. Jihad, in all its variants, is designed to further the will and dictates of God Almighty and must be distinguished from worldly struggles such as tribal rivalries and national conflicts or international wars. With its focus on Jihad, this article has four key objectives: First, since the Jihad ideology has retained primacy and centrality within the historiography of the siyar, this article critically examines its key facets. Second, in its historical incarnation, Jihad obligations were placed upon the whole of the Muslim community as fard al-kifayah (collective obligation). However, in more recent times, the doctrine has been appropriated almost exclusively by terrorist organizations, who have insisted that Jihad is in fact fard al-‘ayn (individual obligation) to be pursued aggressively by individuals and non-State actors. This appropriation is manifested in the practices of terrorists and radical organizations, including Al-Qaeda and ISIS, as well as by the Taliban regime that retook control of Afghanistan in 2021. In evaluating the adoption and implementation of the Jihad ideology by contemporary terrorist or radical organizations, this article assesses the future direction of this doctrine within contemporary Muslim societies. Third, Jihad, overtime, has adopted the form of Islam’s bellum iustum (just war) and enunciated rules justifying or legitimizing the use of force as well as determining and regulating the conduct of hostilities. The Jihad ideology segments and distinguishes between what is termed as jus ad bellum (laws which provide grounds justifying the use of force) and jus in bello (laws which regulate the conduct of hostilities). This article investigates the various substantial juristic dissensions that exist in the conceptualization of the pre-modern Jihad principles relating to jus in bello and jus ad bellum. Fourth, while the article demonstrates that the Jihad ideology pervades Islamic international law, an investigation into the siyar also provides evidence that Islamic international law has also been significantly engaged with other important subjects within Muslim jurisdictions including diplomatic immunities, international trade and commercial relations.