Waging Of War Research Articles

Liberal Lawfare and Biopolitics: US Juridical Warfare in the War on Terror

Two basic forms of ‘lawfare’ are employed by the United States in its enactment of the war on terror, both of which have a biopolitical focus. The first strategy has been well documented.1 It involves the indefinite detention and sometimes extraordinary rendition of enemy combatants, legally sanctioned and politically justified by the ‘exceptional’ circumstances of late modern war and terrorist violence. Geography plays a central role in strategy number one: the legal statuses of detainees, whose lives and bodies are cast out and denied basic juridical rights, are bounded, identified and allowed for in extra-territorial spaces throughout the world, from Guantanamo Bay to Bagram Air Force Base. Such exceptional biopolitical spaces are essentially ‘defensive’ and operate at the local scale. On the contrary, the second seldom-discussed legal strategy conditions and protects the US military in ‘offensive’ mode, operates at the national and transnational scale, and involves the careful legal designation and protection of US military personnel in forward deployed areas.2 This paper is centrally concerned with strategy number two – a strategy that can be defined as ‘forward juridical warfare’ and involves the US military's mobilisation of the law in the waging of war along the ‘new frontiers’ of its war on terror. The paper seeks to expound the legal and biopolitical constitution and operation of the current US military's forward presence overseas, and begins by drawing on recent work on biopolitics that has sought in various ways to critique the proliferation of practices of liberal lawfare and securitization in our contemporary world.

Review

168 Michigan Historical Review biography of George R. Maxwell will help future historians place U.S./Mormon relations in a larger context and provide federal officials‘ view of the conflict, which has been lacking heretofore. Gerrit Dirkmaat Joseph Smith Papers Project Timothy J. O‘Callaghan. Ford in the Service of America: Mass Production for the Military during the World Wars. Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 2009. See www.mcfarlandpub.com. Pp. 198. Appendices. Bibliography. Illustrations. Index. Notes. Paper, $35.00. Henry Ford and the firm he founded occupy a mythic place in the history of twentieth-century America. Much of the glory that accrued to both Ford and his company resulted from the pivotal role they played in making mass motorization possible, but Ford also made major contributions to the ability of the United States to wage war effectively, a story that is well told in Ford in the Service of America. Although the United States was late to enter World War I, the Ford Motor Company compiled an impressive production record during that conflict. Despite Henry Ford‘s well-publicized pacifist stance prior to America‘s entry into the war, his firm made important contributions to the war effort through the assembly of more than 2,700,000 helmets along with the manufacture of more than 30,000 vehicles, 3,950 Liberty aircraft engines, and a few prototype tanks. Ford also undertook largescale production of the Eagle submarine chaser, the first product made at the massive River Rouge Plant, although only two were delivered to the U.S. Navy prior to the war‘s end. Ford‘s efforts during World War I were just a prologue to the dazzling feats of manufacturing the company wrought during World War II. Ford was convinced that his methods of mass production were far superior to the old-fashioned, craft-based manufacturing techniques used by large numbers of military contractors. And to a large extent he was right; through the use of special jigs, fixtures, gauges, and standardized parts production, Ford cranked out massive quantities of a wide range of products. These included aircraft radial engines, wooden gliders, tents, turbochargers, ignition systems, generators, antiaircraft gun controllers, rate-of-climb indicators, and aircraft drop tanks, along with large numbers of jeeps, trucks, armored cars, and tanks. Book Reviews 169 Ford‘s most ambitious project was the manufacture of the B-24 Liberator, a four-engine bomber that was one of the most complex airplanes of its time. The chapter covering this endeavor provides some fascinating details, such as the number of parts assembled into one airplane (152,232), the number of rivets used for each airplane (313,237 of 520 different sizes), and the number of women workers at peak employment (15,412, or 39 percent of the B-24 workforce). Although there were many start-up problems, the dream of building Liberators at the rate of one per hour was eventually realized, and Ford ultimately accounted for 8,686 B-24s, nearly half the total number produced. O‘Callaghan has made good use of the Ford Archives for the information appearing in the text, appendices, and accompanying illustrations. He notes that ―the story is obviously biased towards Ford‖ due to the sources used (p. 178), but his presentation is straightforward and objective. There are however, two issues that are not completely resolved. One is the extent of Ford‘s wartime profits, which are tallied for the First World War, but not for the Second. The other has to do with the management at Ford during the latter period. The ability of the Ford Motor Company to produce a vast array of products in massive numbers seems all the more remarkable when the sharply diminished capabilities of Henry Ford and the extent of managerial infighting at the firm are taken into account. O‘Callaghan says little about Ford‘s personal involvement in his company, but he notes that the founder‘s grandson, Henry Ford II, was released from his navy service in 1943 in the hope that he would bring a more rational managerial style to the firm. However, only a few scattered references to Henry Ford II‘s activities and decisions are provided, and...

Wages of War: Manufacturing Nationalism During World War II

Abstract: During World War II the state created a new and deeper set of relationships with defense contractors. These contractors manufactured the vast majority of war materials and relied extensively on the state for financing. These same contractors also encouraged workers and civilians to understand their every minute action as contributing to the war effort. In order to fully integrate workers’ and civilians’ lives into the war effort, the state and industry created and distributed a war wage—a sense of contribution, national belonging, and sacrifice. In this paper I analyze the wartime records of the Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company in order to understand how the state and industry created the war wage alongside the military–industrial complex. With the help of the war wage, the state and industry radically expanded the production of war materials and enlisted a more compliant population of workers and civilians into the war effort.

Quand le miracle antibiotique vire au cauchemar

Antibiotics have been a true miracle. Would it end in a nightmare? Possibly. Since 1941, the antibiotic treatment of bacterial infections has been a revolution. The golden age lasted half a century, a period during which infectious diseases were considered definitely defeated. And although from the beginning some kind of bacterial resistance was observed, a strong long-lasting belief was that continuous innovation and invention of new molecules would keep providing a step ahead in the war waged between the human and microbes. For twenty years the resistances became each year a greater concern. Having first hit the hospital, they now affect the community. New effective antibiotics are scarce, and innovation once thought endless, stopped. Today, to escape the nightmare of a return to the pre-antibiotic era, we must find a way to curb the spread of resistant bacteria, change radically our irresponsible squander of antibiotics, and give ways to new treatments effective against future resistant pathogens. These topics are developed in the present paper dealing with the real risk that these 20th century wonder of the medical science, become an object of memory.

The New Wages of War - Devaluing Death and Injury: Conceptualizing Duty and Employment in Combat Zones

My study explores the growing interface between civilian employment and military service in war zones. This research is motivated by changes in waging war. The U.S. once had a vertically integrated process to transport troops, run supply chains, and maintain equipment. Today, the military outsources these functions to private companies. Their workers drive trucks, cook meals, maintain equipment, and provide security. Nation-building activities include building roads, schools, and dams in Iraq and Afghanistan. When these jobs are subcontracted, soldiers and civilians work together in coordinated duty and employment. This integrated model constitutes a new war-labor paradigm.My research question asks: When civilians and soldiers are seriously injured or killed in these integrated settings, how are their losses compensated? Recent litigation is reshaping the law in this area. I present a typology of published court opinions, showing the frequency of success for tort and worker compensation-type claims for civilians and soldiers. The Fifth and Eleventh Circuit Courts of Appeals recently rejected government-immunity defenses for contractors, paving the way for trials on tort claims. I suggest four public policy options:● Option 1: Preserve the Status Quo. The present method for resolving death and injury claims does not necessarily need to change. Civilians and servicemembers are able to try cases in civil law courts. This means that judges are open-minded in responding to the new war-labor paradigm.● Option 2: Create a Federal Worker’s Compensation Policy for Civilians Who Work with Military Forces in War Zones. This could be accomplished by enlarging the scope of the Defense Base Act. This type of worker’s compensation pays civilians who are injured or killed on public works projects that occur outside the U.S. The scope of the law could be expanded to cover death and injury outside the confines of a military base – by way of illustration, to Halliburton drivers who were killed or injured on Iraqi highways away from military bases.● Option 3: Apply Extra-Territorial Provisions in Current State Worker’s Compensation Laws to Civilians Injured in a War. For example, California’s Labor Code Section 36005(a) provides for extra-territorial coverage of workers. To illustrate: A court ordered a benefit under California law for a minor league pitcher who signed a professional contract in California and injured his arm in a Florida league game. Other jurisdictions might expand territorial reach to cover workers who are domiciled in their state but assigned to work in a war zone.● Option 4: Improve the Compensation System for Soldiers Who Are Killed or Injured While Serving with Private Contractors: A federal program paid about $4.7 billion every month in 2008 to the survivors of Americans who died as a result of a service-connected disability. But a recent GAO report showed that these benefits were far less than those paid to civilians under federal worker’s compensation.In sum, the commercial side to waging war means that some corporations seek to profit and grow from the new war-labor paradigm. This study does not criticize this as a matter of principle. However, when companies contribute to the death or injury of service members or civilian employees, there needs to be a better method to improve the compensation of these losses.

Rethinking Private Warfare

Waging war for money has been frowned upon since the Peace of Westphalia and the rise of the modern nation-state. The stigma associated with private warfare translates, in legal terms, into a prohibition on mercenary activity and denying mercenaries the protection afforded to regular combatants (in particular, prisoner of war status). Noting the apparent similarities between mercenaries and private military contractors, some have sought to extend to the latter the restrictive regime applicable to the former. But the resemblance between these two types of actors should not imply that private warfare, in its modern form, is condemnable outright. This Article argues that an inclusive approach to military outsourcing—drawing upon historical, legal and moral perspectives—is necessary to contend with the challenges raised by the growth of the private military industry. I examine the connection between history (highlighting the shared roots of private military contractors and mercenaries), morality (through which the stigma against private warfare developed), and law (the formal vehicle of such stigma), to show that private warfare deserves a more nuanced and pragmatic treatment under international law.

The Second Lebanon War: Examining “Democratization of War” Theory

Israel’s Second Lebanon War (2006) is a typical manifestation of a flawed war fought by a democratic society. As such, it represents an important opportunity to provide significant evidence regarding the validity of theories that deal with the “democratization of war” syndrome, that is, the limitations imposed on the way democracies wage war and how they cope with these limitations. This article argues that the events of the war exhibit four theoretical propositions, all of which are drawn from the U.S. post-Vietnam experience: speedy decision making to avert public disputes, a weak “civilian” government that struggles to restrain the military, the proclivity to shorten the war and reduce its costs, and the setting of overly ambitious war goals as a means of mobilizing public support. In short, the imperatives derived from the democratization of war syndrome produce mechanisms that work to heighten belligerence rather than temper it.

475° FROM SEPTEMBER 11

Under US leadership, political structures in the post-9/11 world have developed and deployed rhetorical techniques aimed at identifying, excluding, and prosecuting specific bodies. In this paper, we analyze governmental and cultural rhetoric in the United States during 2006 on the issues of immigration (including immigration policies and proposed reform) and same-sex marriage (including bans to same-sex marriage via constitutional amendments), and we connect the rhetorical devices used to address these two concerns with constructions of US citizenship, notions of Americanness and the ongoing waging of war. Specifically, we highlight the conversion of ‘terrorists,’ immigrants, and same-sex couples into deviant bodies detached from US mainstream culture. That is to say, we concentrate on the social transformation of these bodies into ‘brown’ bodies – bodies perceived as threats and as requiring strict containment.

On Putting the Active Back into Activism

INTRODUCTION This paper addresses a paradox: how to engage in affirmative politics, which entails the production of social horizons of hope, while at the same time doing critical theory, which means resisting the present. This is one of the issues Deleuze and Guattari discuss at length, notably in What is Philosophy?: (1) the relationship between creativity and critique. It is however a problem that has confronted all activists and critical theorists, namely how to balance the creative potential of critical thought with the necessary dose of negative criticism and oppositional consciousness. Central to this debate is the question of how to resist the present, more specifically the nastiness, violence and vulgarity of the times, while being worthy of our times, so as to engage with the present in a productively oppositional and affirmative manner. I shall return to this in the final section of my essay. There is a conceptual and a contextual side to this problem and I want to start by discussing each one, before addressing my central concern. I. THE CONTEXT The public debate today shows a decline of interest in politics, whereas discourses about ethics, religious norms and values triumph. Some master-narratives circulate, which reiterate familiar themes: one is the inevitability of capitalist market economies as the historically dominant form of human progress. (2) Another is a contemporary brand of biological essentialism, under the cover of 'the selfish gene' (3) and new evolutionary psychology. Another resonant refrain is that God is not dead. Nietzsche's claim rings hollow across the spectrum of contemporary global politics, dominated by the clash of civilizations and widespread Islam phobia. The bio-political concerns that fuel our necro-politics and the perennial warfare of our times also introduce a political economy of negative passions in our social context. Thus the affective economy expresses our actual condition: we now live in a militarised social space, under the pressure of increased enforcement of security and escalating states of emergency. The binary oppositions of the Cold War era have been replaced by the all-pervasive paranoia: the constant threat of the imminent disaster. From the environmental catastrophe to the terrorist attack, accidents are imminent and certain to materialise: it is only a question of time. In this context, mass political activism has been replaced by rituals of public collective mourning. Melancholia has become a dominant mood and a mode of relation. There is, of course, much to be mournful about, given the pathos of our global politics: our social horizon is war-ridden and death-bound. We live in a culture where religious-minded people kill in the name of 'the Right to Life' and wage war for 'Humanitarian' reasons. Depression and burn-out are major features of our societies. Psych-pharmaceutical management of the population results in widespread use of legal and illegal drugs. The narcotic sub-text of our societies is under-studied and mostly denied. Bodily vulnerability is increased by the great epidemics: some new ones, like HIV, Ebola, SARS or the bird flu; others more traditional, like TB and malaria. Health has become more than a public policy issue: it is a human rights and a national defence concern. While new age remedies and life-long coaching of all sorts proliferate, our political sensibility has taken a forensic shift: 'bare life', as Agamben argues, (4) marks the liminal grounds of probable destitution--infinite degrees of dying. At the same time European culture is obsessed with youth and longevity, as testified by the popularity of anti-ageing treatments and plastic surgery. Hal Foster (5) describes our schizoid cultural politics as 'traumatic realism'--an obsession with wounds, pain and suffering. Proliferating medical panopticons produce a global patho-graphy: (6) we go on television talk-shows to scream our pain. …

Ethics and the ‘Human Terrain’

Against the backdrop of the current ethics controversy within the American Anthropological Association over the U.S. Army's Human Terrain Systems project, this article evaluates the moral obligations of scholars and academics asked by their governments to contribute their unique expertise toward the waging or ending of wars of which those scholars morally disapprove. Citing the examples of moral dilemmas occasioned by conflicts between duties of scholarship and duties of citizenship from past wars, together with examples like Doctors without Borders at present, I argue that it is not automatically, or in principle, morally objectionable for scholars and academics to provide assistance to their governments or militaries, even in what they regard as unjustifiable wars, nor would such assistance necessarily involve an inherent violation of professional principle (as the AAA Executive leadership has claimed in recent public proclamations). Rather, the permissibility, or in some cases even obligation, to assist one's government when requested depends critically upon the government's intention in lodging this request, as well as upon both what the scholar is being asked to do, and whether those specific activities would result in violations of accepted canons of professional practice. I illustrate the resulting decision dilemmas with cases of anthropologists or psychologists asked to assist in humanitarian military interventions or in mitigating or helping to end misguided or mistaken campaigns of counter-terrorism.

Building and State Building in Nanjing after the Taiping Rebellion

In nineteenth-century China, various groups could produce political power by creating meaningful places. This article examines such politically-charged constructions in the city of Nanjing, which in 1864 was in ruins in the aftermath of the Taiping Rebellion. From 1864 to 1872, Zeng Guofan was a key figure in the reconstruction of city buildings as well as local government. Having developed a network of personnel to manage the waging of war, he now used this staff to raise funds for reconstruction, to allocate labor and building materials, to seize control of urban property, to feed the impoverished populace, and to perform rituals honoring the dead. By these means Zeng implemented a new vision of government in the city, one in which the activism of people in Nanjing, and not the virtues of Qing emperors, was the key to a harmonious society. “Tongzhi Restoration” is thus a misnomer. Nanjing’s new institutions, buildings, and rituals extended the reach of the Qing state at the expense of the personal authority of Qing monarchs.

Slippages of the Public/Private in Resource Wars

Slippages of the Public/Private in Resource Wars

Sri Lanka in 2008: Waging War for Peace

The year 2008 saw a successful military campaign by government security forces against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the North. Elections to the Eastern Province resulted in a break away faction of the LTTE sharing power with the government. People continued to endure high inflation in the price of essential goods and services, and the country's human rights record remained dismal.

International legal treatment of war

In this paper, the author presents and analyses various attempts made by the factors in the international community to define the rules of behavior in waging war as a means of communication among states in resolving their mutual problems. Presenting first the history (several centuries long) of attempts to restrain war waging the author focuses on the endeavors of the League of Nations in the period between the two world wars as well as on the creation of regulations by the United Nations after World War II. The author points out that the United Nations has built a comprehensive system of waging war restraint that, among other things, not only prohibits aggressive war waging, but also any use of armed force or threat of use of force. Some forms of military interventions could be taken only within the UN corresponding procedure. In spite of the fact that the treatment of war is regulated by the law within UN, it is present in the contemporary world as a result of the existing political and economic relations. As the author concludes, war and force keep on being used in practice, sometimes in a very violent way. Thus, they violate the provisions of international law that regulates the rules and treatment of war in international relations. .

The Tokyo War Crimes Trials: The Pursuit of Justice in the Wake of World War II (review)

Reviewed by: The Tokyo War Crimes Trials: The Pursuit of Justice in the Wake of World War II Fred L. Borch The Tokyo War Crimes Trials: The Pursuit of Justice in the Wake of World War II. By Yuma Totani. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2008. ISBN 978-0-674-62870-8. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Pp. xiv, 335. $39.95. American and European historians studying the Tokyo war crimes trials have always had a more difficult time with them in comparison to the international military tribunal that deliberated in Nuremberg. Part of the difficulty is linguistic and cultural, in that men and women who have grown up in the United States and Europe rarely are able to develop Japanese language skills or truly understand Japanese culture. This makes it difficult for them to do primary research in Japanese archives, much less appreciate the cultural context in which the Japanese defendants lived and worked in the 1930s and 1940s. By contrast, Western historians studying German war crimes have a comparatively easy time of reading German-language documents and understanding the cultural milieu of Nazi Germany. But this is only part of the problem. When compared with Nuremberg, the Tokyo tribunals were too long, since they lasted 2 ½ years in contrast to the 11 months it took to try the German defendants. Tokyo arguably had second rate participants. For example, the American judge at Nuremberg was former U.S. Attorney General Francis Biddle and the chief prosecutor was U.S. Supreme Court Justice Robert H. Jackson (who was on leave from the court). At Tokyo, however, the U.S. judge was Maj. Gen. Myron C. Cramer, the former Army Judge Advocate General who was called out of retirement to fill a last minute vacancy, and the chief counsel was American Joseph B. Kennan, whose in-court drunkenness and general incompetency cast a pall on the entire prosecution. Finally, while the American, British, French and Soviet judges at Nuremberg reached unanimous or virtually unanimous conclusions about the guilt of the Nazi defendants, only 8 of the 11 judges at Tokyo concurred fully in the findings. Most damaging was the vigorous dissent of Indian judge Radhabinad Pal. His insistence that the Japanese accused-one and all-were not guilty of any crime had the immediate effect of undercutting the moral and legal validity of the verdict. The result was that, while the Germans also complained about fairness at Nuremberg, the verdicts nonetheless were the beginning of a long and painful process in which the German people examined their own culpability for Germany's waging of aggressive war and genocide. On the other hand, a majority of Japanese society rejected the Tokyo war crimes tribunals as nothing more than "victors' justice" and began to cast themselves as victims. With this as background, The Tokyo War Crimes Trials explores the historical significance of the trial as an arbiter of Japanese war crimes and war guilt. Author Yuma Totani, a Japanese historian and professor at the University of Hawaii, examines the Tokyo trials in the context of international law and concludes that the proceedings were not a "pseudo-legal event" (p. 246). On the contrary, Tokyo inherited various legal principles from Nuremberg and consequently provided part of the foundation for international humanitarian law that exists today. The [End Page 323] decision in Hirota is illustrative. Japanese Foreign Minister Horita Koki was a civilian and a professional bureaucrat and a member of the Cabinet. The Tokyo Tribunal held that his inaction when informed about Japanese war crimes perpetrated against Chinese civilians in the rape of Nanking meant he "was personally accountable for the continuation of the atrocities" (p. 139). This was an important legal result because it established that a civilian may be accountable for war crimes even though he was not in the military chain of command. Hirota mirrors the Nuremberg decision in the matter of Joachim von Ribbentrop, who likewise went to the gallows for his failures as a civilian diplomat. As Totani shows, the import of Hirota has been lasting: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) cited the Hirota decision in issuing its judgment against a former Rwandan mayor, Jean-Paul Akayesu. In...

Winning the Battle Against Childhood Physical Inactivity: The Key to Bone Strength?

Winning the Battle Against Childhood Physical Inactivity: The Key to Bone Strength?

War Against Women and Women Against War: Waging War on the Mind

(2008). War Against Women and Women Against War: Waging War on the Mind. The Black Scholar: Vol. 38, Yari Yari Pamberi International Conference: Black Women Writers Dissect Globalization, pp. 27-32.

Commentary on Viewpoint: Perspective on the future use of genomics in exercise prescription

VIEWPOINTCommentary on Viewpoint: Perspective on the future use of genomics in exercise prescriptionJohn A. HawleyJohn A. HawleyPublished Online:01 Apr 2008https://doi.org/10.1152/japplphysiol.00047.2008MoreSectionsPDF (25 KB)Download PDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesGet permissionsTrack citations ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInEmailWeChat to the editor: Genomic factors are unquestionably important in determining the magnitude and responsiveness of individual adaptation to an exercise stimulus (2). But the application of genomic information to improve and individualize exercise prescription (5) seems an unlikely scenario for several reasons. First, physical activity is a potent means of reducing a wide-range of health risks in all phenotypes. Accordingly, the benefit of individualized exercise prescription based on genomic profiling in preference to population-wide guidelines is questionable. Second, genetic (risk) knowledge rarely motivates behavioral change (3). Most chronic diseases have a proven association with physical inactivity (1) yet the overwhelming majority of individuals chose to remain inactive. Third, for some individuals, knowledge that their genomic profile was consistent with a negative or adverse response to an exercise intervention may lead to fatalism and a reduced compliance with this and other health choices (4). Fourth, while mutations that cause genetic disease result in clinically significant loss of function or even death, genetic exercise variants are not life threatening. Indeed, chronic inactivity-related disorders are polygenic and highly dependent on the environment (i.e., existing genes interact with environmental factors to result in phenotypic expression of these diseases). Finally, and of practical significance, genetic information is only useful if it informs more effective intervention strategies than possible in its absence. At present, formal exercise prescription for most individuals is based on a personal relationship with a fitness trainer or coach and is empirically, rather than technology based. This cost-effective strategy is likely to continue into the foreseeable future.REFERENCES1 Booth FW, Gordon SE, Carlson CJ, Hamilton MT. Waging war on modern chronic diseases: primary prevention through exercise biology. J Appl Physiol 88: 774–787, 2000.Link | ISI | Google Scholar2 Bouchard C, Rankinen T. Individual differences in response to regular physical activity. Med Sci Sports Exerc 33, Suppl: S446–S451, 2001.Crossref | PubMed | ISI | Google Scholar3 Marteau TM, Weinman J. Self-regulation and the behavioural response to DNA risk information: a theoretical analysis and framework for future research. Soc Sci Med 62: 1360–1368, 2006.Crossref | ISI | Google Scholar4 McGuire AL, Cho MK, McGuire SE, Caulfield T. Medicine. The future of personal genomics. Science 317: 1687, 2007.Crossref | ISI | Google Scholar5 Roth SM. Viewpoint: Perspective on the future use of genomics in exercise prescription. J Appl Physiol; doi:10.1152/japplphysiol.01000.2007.Link | ISI | Google ScholarAUTHOR NOTESAddress for reprint requests and other correspondence: J. A. Hawley, School of Medical Sciences, RMIT Univ., PO Box 71, Bundoora, Victoria 3083, Australia (e-mail: [email protected]) Download PDF Previous Back to Top Next FiguresReferencesRelatedInformationCited ByCommentary: Physical Exercise as Personalized Medicine for Dementia Prevention?31 October 2019 | Frontiers in Physiology, Vol. 10High Responders and Low Responders: Factors Associated with Individual Variation in Response to Standardized Training8 May 2014 | Sports Medicine, Vol. 44, No. 8Genetics and sport performance: current challenges and directions to the futureRevista Brasileira de Educação Física e Esporte, Vol. 28, No. 1 More from this issue > Volume 104Issue 4April 2008Pages 1253-1253 Copyright & PermissionsCopyright © 2008 the American Physiological Societyhttps://doi.org/10.1152/japplphysiol.00047.2008PubMed18385308History Published online 1 April 2008 Published in print 1 April 2008 Metrics

Universities, the military, and the means of destruction in the United Kingdom

High-technology weapons and their support platforms, together with robotic vehicles and satellite-based communications systems, have come to dominate how many nations frame their defense policies and wage war. The resulting technological dependence creates a number of problems for governments, not least the growing military budgets which are required to procure such means of waging war, but also the costly research and development which underpins such devices. Increasingly governments and military corporations have turned to universities to augment the expertise found within industry. This shift to reliance upon the universities impacts not only on the securitization of science and technology but also the role and character of the university in society. Using universities as R&D laboratories creates a culture of secrecy and commercial sensitivity and tends to reduce the available expertise for more positive ways of addressing potential and actual conflict. Moreover, military involvement with teaching and research also limits the skills base available for the nonmilitary sector. These issues call for a wide-ranging and robust examination.

Sniffing out the sense of smell

I have a clear childhood memory of the icy scent of eucalyptus and camphor piercing my twitching nostrils. ‘There's a Wagon Wheel there for you,’ booms my Aunt Gladys from the kitchen table. Her voice is rich and gracious, like a contralto's. She sits with a towel over her head, breathing in the fumes of a steaming decoction she has prepared to wage war on her mucus-clogged sinuses. Decades later, and I'm still unable to nibble on a Wagon Wheel without conjuring the scent of those familiar head-numbing vapours and thinking of good old Glad the Inhaler.