Waging Of War Research Articles

Women Waging War in the American Revolution

Women Waging War in the American Revolution

How the Women of the SOE Were Made to Wage War: A Brief Account of Noor Inayat Khan’s Experience as a Biracial Female SOE Agent

During the Second World War, thousands of individuals served with the Special Operations Executive (SOE), a secret organization within the British army; and many of them were women. SOE agents carried out clandestine tasks of espionage and sabotage throughout Nazi occupied Europe. The war created various opportunities for women to join the war effort and the SOE was one of the few that allowed women to use the realities of their sex to succeed in their work. Although femineity often aided female agents in their work, it was simultaneously an extra disadvantage they learned to navigate. Particularly unique in her work with the SOE was British Indian agent Noor Inayat Khan. In addition to the difficulties Inayat experienced as a result of her gender, she carried the hardships of her race. Fascinatingly, in the same way female agents triumphed their femineity, Inayat Khan was aided by her experience as a woman of color. This article explores the ways in which Inayat Khan wielded both her femineity and racial identity as strengths, despite the disadvantages they often presented, as an SOE agent.

From the Archive: “Why the AAP is Not Waging War on Librarians” (2001)

From the Archive: “Why the AAP is Not Waging War on Librarians” (2001)

From the Archive: “Why is the AAP Waging War on Librarians?” (2001)

From the Archive: “Why is the AAP Waging War on Librarians?” (2001)

State Power over the Body in the Context of Thomistic Ethics — Capital Punishment, Police Killing and Waging War

When engaging in a philosophical analysis of body and corporeality in a political context, it is essential to ask to what extent, under what circumstances, and in accordance with what moral norms the state performs actions that have the bodies and lives of citizens as their object. This issue was already discussed in ancient philosophy, examples of which can be found in the writings of Plato and Aristotle, but also in ancient jurisprudence, especially in the law and the legal doctrine of ancient Rome. Aware of such a previous history of studies on this topic, this analysis will discuss the three main ways in which state power over the life and health of citizens is manifested. Namely: (i) capital punishment (ii) policing and (iii) warfare. In addition, it will be indicated, based on Thomistic philosophy, what moral norms govern these state actions. The fundamental differences between the three main state powers — judicial, police, and military — will also be shown in the context of lethal actions undertaken on their basis.

Waging a Just and Ethical War – Contemplating Saint Augustine, ‘Just War’ theory, Gaza, and other Philosophical Notions

In this paper, the author presents a basic overview of a range of philosophical approaches to the notion of war from the early ancient Greek traditions relating to war, to the conservative tradition. The desktop research methodology employed combines a review of existing literature with a focus on analysis, synthesis, and ethical considerations. By utilizing a diverse range of sources and analytical techniques, it aims to contribute to a better understanding of a ‘just and ethical war’ and provides insights for further research. A range of philosophical ideas through the ages are briefly discussed followed by discussion on the Just War Theory. The role of abolitionists per se is not discussed since this work is then traversing St. Augustine’s philosophy and ethical stance apropos the waging of war which exemplifies the justice and peace aspect in restoring order out of chaos. He calls for an ethos of humanness to prevail when conducting war based on the intention to preserve harmonious co-existence between peoples. Augustine argues that waging any war should be avoided where this is possible, however, a just war allows for the acquisition of virtue which then hopefully leads to justice. The morality of waging war is severely compromised once narcissistic vested immoral interests are the primary motivators for belligerence and no genuine peaceful resolution to conflict has been seriously sought as is seemingly the case in the current Gaza war and its prevailing atrocities. Predictably various philosophers have investigated the subject of ‘just war’ and over time have determined the criteria of jus ad bellum (justice toward war), jus in bello (justice in war), and also jus post bellum (justice after war). It is clear that it is imperative to operate off a strong ethical basis when opting for a state of war to exist and to strongly consider preserving the safety and security of non-belligerents at all costs.

Women Waging War in the American Revolution ed. by Holly A. Mayer (review)

Women Waging War in the American Revolution ed. by Holly A. Mayer (review)

The Role of Diplomacy in Shaping the Strategic Future of the International System

With the development of diplomacy as a means of interaction between sovereign states, a new frontier was opened which the world has adopted with enthusiasm. However, there remains lessons from significant epochs concerning war and its engagement which offer crucial insights into international relations. By studying the relationship between politics and war we are able to discern that the threat to use, or actual use of, organised violence has been the hallmark of politicians against each other with the singular aim of gaining some political mileage. Consequently, the waging of war is done at the behest of politics and to the singular fulfilment of those political ideals. This study delves into the multifaceted role of war, peace, and diplomacy in the strategic history of the international system. It explores how these elements have shaped the global order, influenced the behavior of nations, and impacted the quest for stability and cooperation. Through a comprehensive analysis, this research seeks to illuminate the complex interplay between conflict and diplomacy, aiming to provide insights that can inform contemporary international relations and policymaking.

Women Waging War in the American Revolution ed. by Holly A. Mayer (review)

Women Waging War in the American Revolution ed. by Holly A. Mayer (review)

The Attempted Destruction of Western Values

An attempt to shake the established world order of Western society, based on International Law, by the waging of war, has reached its peak. This is evidenced not only by Russia’s war in Ukraine, but also by Russia’s political attempts to destabilise Moldova’s approach to Western values, along with the recent unrest in Georgia, where there is a risk of restricting individual freedom of expression, and the constant threats against the Baltic States. Conflicts of values have existed throughout world history, but the events we are witnessing now are not an accident, but a systematic reiteration of Russia’s influence, with the aim of maintaining its influence and, perhaps, increasing its power in the region. The aim of this article is to show the clash of contemporary values in the current socio-political situation from the perspectives of theory and practice. Russian political leaders had long used alarming language in their rhetoric, up to and including the moment of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In Europe and throughout the Western world there was a belief in universal values with peaceful/stable global institutions, a belief which has proved to be misguided. On the other hand, military aggression against a free and independent country can be interpreted as a direct and clear attempt to destabilise the values of Western civilisation, without which no democratic society can exist. The timing of the military aggression was chosen after a decline in civic confidence from the perspective of the COVID-19 crisis; European countries were experiencing a reduction in political activity among their citizens, dissatisfaction with the political elite, and a certain decline in confidence in the EU institutions. The course of the pandemic reflected the lack of critical thinking in societies, as individuals were also at risk of manipulation in the information sphere. The Russian invasion of Ukraine caused some indignation in the Western world and a failure to react quickly to the rapid turn of events. After the first year of the war, the EU Member States managed not only to change their position but also to give unwavering and unequivocal support to the victim of the war, namely, Ukraine. So far, the EU slogan “United in Diversity” has become “United in Solidarity”, helping Ukraine to hold on and possibly win the war against the aggressor state, because no war, especially a war of values, ends on the front lines. As a result of current events, EU and transatlantic cooperation has undergone a major transformation involving extensive cooperation, a clear position on international law, and a desire to preserve and strengthen Western values.

Duty and Personal Advantage Combined: The War Savings Movement in Pembrokeshire During the First World War

The waging of war in the twentieth century required a nation state to mobilise and employ its entire population into productive effort beyond those with direct involvement in the various branches of the armed forces. The First World War witnessed an unprecedented expansion in British munitions and armaments manufacture, transport and the effort to supply an army of five million while maintaining acceptable living standards on the home front. These vital, interconnected objectives required the belligerents to muster every economic and financial resource at their disposal, and expenditure on such an unprecedented scale would have budgetary consequences long after the Armistice in November 1918. Domestic borrowing facilitated the thirteen-fold increase in government, but exactly how communities responded to national savings campaigns, and how genuinely popular savings movements developed in rural counties like Pembrokeshire, have not attracted extensive scholarly research. The focus of this article is to examine how the county of Pembrokeshire reacted to war savings propaganda and what influenced citizens in lending to the state.

The Logic of “War on Deforestation”: A Military Response to Climate Change in the Colombian Amazon

The renewed global efforts to contain climate change have meant a gateway for some Latin American countries to declare new military actions. The “war on deforestation,” announced in 2021 by Iván Duque, the former president of Colombia, is a paradigmatic example. Through Operation Artemis ( Operación Artemisa), the Colombian armed forces were assigned to protect the forests against threats from armed non-state actors (ANSAs) predominantly located in the country’s Amazon rainforests. We argue that this war was a rhetorical and political model of the Duque government that sought, based on the re-elaboration of the counterinsurgent categories shared with the United States for half a century, to implement in the Amazon the first state military strategy to reach global agreements against climate change. Why does a state wage war in the name of protecting forests? We argue that in this novel rhetorical, military, and criminal framework, the war on deforestation encouraged the renewal of the war on drugs and the transformation of the internal enemy. Drawing on analyses of presidential policies passed since 1970 and, more recently, green crime law, this article showcases a new chapter on the state’s goal of achieving territorial control through green militarization.

Humor als wapen in de strijd om de ware Nederlander

Waging war with humour. War-time propaganda in Dutch satirical radio shows during the Second World War This article analyses how humour and satire were used as propaganda in Dutch satirical radio shows during the Second World War. Through songs and cabaret sketches full of stereotypes, both the nazified Dutch Broadcast Company (Nederlandsche Omroep) and the official broadcasting station of the Dutch government-in-exile in London (Radio Oranje) tried to convince listeners of their message and to ridicule their opponents. The satirical cabaret sketches in the rival radio programmes De Watergeus and Paulus de Ruiter illustrate the propagandistic dilemmas on both sides. The aim was to emphasise oppositions between friends and foes. Yet the two radio shows struggled with how to win over the wavering and undefined group in between. Both had to take into account the fact that many Dutch people could not be easily classified as ‘pro’s’ or ‘anti’s’. These radio programmes tried to address this dilemma by acknowledging the other party but using humour and satire to ridicule them.

Public inquiry into state violence: the epistemic question

ABSTRACT This article examines the problem of recent UK public inquiries into military controversies both in general (the waging of war) and particular (individual killings). It first sets out their potential and actual value as well as the critiques that threaten their legitimacy. Arguing that the benefits of the process make the public inquiry worthy as an apt intra-state device for uncovering unlawful military violence, revealing the ‘truth’ of a matter, apportioning responsibility and changing practices, it then asks whether or how this promise might be better fulfilled by addressing some of its identified conceptual and practical flaws? The article then focuses on the epistemic dimension, arguing that if public inquiry is to serve as a valid truth-seeking mechanism, it will first need to address not only the identification of what and whose knowledge should be sought through inquiry (the general epistemic question), but also the way in which that knowledge is to be found and presented (the zetetic question). Without attending to both matters, reforming the current statutory framework of the Inquiries Act 2005, public inquiry into military wrongs is likely to disappoint as an independent, impartial and inclusive process that fails to satisfy basic accountability norms.

Humane: How the United States Abandoned Peace and Reinvented War by Samuel Moyn

Reviewed by: Humane: How the United States Abandoned Peace and Reinvented War by Samuel Moyn Matthew McManus (bio) Samuel Moyn, Humane: How the United States Abandoned Peace and Reinvented War (Farrar, Straus and Giroux 2021), ISBN 9780374173708, 416 pages. The term “revisionist history” has become something of a slur, referring to the propagandistic rewriting of established fact for the purpose of advancing a partisan narrative. This is despite the fact that reviewing and adjusting the historical record is what good scholars do, and great scholars can even give us an entirely new way of looking at familiar subject matters. [End Page 345] Samuel Moyn (Henry R. Luce Professor of Jurisprudence at Yale Law School) is a great scholar and historian, and his earlier books The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History and Not Enough: Human Rights in an Unequal World offered radically contrarian—but nuanced—reevaluations of the contributions of international human rights movements. Moyn highlighted how, far from relentlessly challenging established systems of power and domination, appealing to a narrow discourse on rights could prove a powerful sedative when easing to conscience of the readily placated. His latest book Humane: How the United States Abandoned Peace and Reinvented War for Farar, Straus and Giroux is equally contrarian and sure to provoke criticism from many quarters. But it serves as a necessary analeptic to all of us who too easily accepted the standard narrative about international humanitarian law hook and crook and deserves a wide readership. I. THE INVENTION OF FAT FREE, SUGAR FREE WAR The standard hagiographic history of international humanitarian law, or the laws of war, runs something like this. From at least the days of Ashoka and St. Augustine, many intelligent human-ists acknowledged that more should be done to blunt the savage edges of war. But for a long time, a combination of barbarism, the intransigent self-interest of Westphalian nationalists and self-identified realists, and the sheer scale of the problem meant that the most vicious wars continued unabated. Then, starting in the 19th century with the founding of international NGOS like the Red Cross and the formulation of the first major treaties like the Hague Conventions, things started to get better. Flash forward to the moral abyss of the Second World War, and we got the broad outlines of international humanitarian law as it stands today. Imperfect, and without a doubt imperfectly enforced, but none the less a major step forward. What makes Moyn such an acute analyst generally is he is never so cynical as to just reject stories of progress (however small). Humane never denies that the effort to humanize warfare constitutes a significant step forward, or that we should simply embrace what Michael Walzer in Just and Unjust Wars called the “war is hell” and there is nothing that can be done about its thesis. But Moyn continuously draws our attention to the fact that things are not as rosy as one might suppose. International humanitarian law rests on two basic principles: jus ad Bellum—the principle that states should only wage war under just conditions—and jus in bello—that a war waged under just conditions must also be fought in a humane way. If one abides by both of these principles, one wages a just war. The conventional wisdom is that the two necessarily and always operate in tandem. Moyn challenges that with a massive amount of evidence, pointing out how the effort to humanize the waging of war can in fact serve to help legitimate conflicts that should never have been started in the first place. In particular, he singles out the United States as the: ones who have invented a form of war righteously pursued precisely for being more humane, and one tolerated by audiences for that very reason. It has also been Americans who are revealing—contrary to literature since Homer—that the most elemental face of war is not death. Instead, it is control by domination and surveil-lance, with mortality and even violence increasingly edited out.1 [End Page 346] In other words, there is nothing wrong with the waging of forever wars—against communism, terrorism, and the enemies of freedom—so long as...

Sutton E. Griggs and Thomas R. Dixon: A Reconstruction Call and Response

Sutton E. Griggs and Thomas R. Dixon: A Reconstruction Call and Response

Tuesday Night Massacre: Four Senate Elections and the Radicalization of the Republican Party by Marc Johnson

Reviewed by: Tuesday Night Massacre: Four Senate Elections and the Radicalization of the Republican Party by Marc Johnson Mark Owens Tuesday Night Massacre: Four Senate Elections and the Radicalization of the Republican Party. By Marc Johnson. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2022. 237 pp. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $26.95 paper. In the 48 years between 1933 and 1981, the Republican Party controlled the United States Senate for one Congress (1953–55). Marc Johnson offers a thorough description of the ideological influences that advanced a New Right coalition, one who aggressively sought to oppose liberal ideas in order to challenge the legacy of the Democratic Party's New Deal Coalition. The book includes specific accounts about the modernization of negative campaigning, opposition research, out-of-state fundraising, and use of sensational imagery to distort how the public sees elected officials. The scope of Tuesday Night Massacre focuses on the electoral defeats of senior Democratic incumbent senators in Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, and South Dakota in 1980. This pivotal moment sets up two important perspectives for the role of grassroots movements within the Republican Party. The New Right replaced Democratic senators who shaped national politics—Senator Birch Bayh (D-IN), Senator Frank Church (D-ID), Senator John Culver (D-IA), and Senator George McGovern (D-SD)—with freshmen who were less inclined to seek consensus. The winners—Senator Jim Abdor (R-SD), Senator Chuck Grassley (R-IA), Senator Dan Quayle (R-IN), and Senator Steve Symms (R-ID)—were members of the majority party during their entire first term and supported committee chairmen that wanted to reform government programs. Johnson tells the story of a coordinated effort to nationalize politics by identifying a common organization that implemented new campaign strategies. Extensive archival work and interviews tells how the National Conservative Political Action Committee (NCPAC) reshaped the Senate five years after it was established. The book focuses on how NCPAC first recruited candidates to run in special elections in 1977. NCPAC then built its reputation by targeting incumbents with national profiles with tactics that elicited fear and resentment to distort the trust voters had for the incumbent. Johnson provides contemporary references that identify NCPAC's effectiveness and concerns about the degree NCPAC may have coordinated with candidates. The book tells the early political stories of a network who shaped Republican politics for 40 years, including Terry Dolan, Roger Ailes, Roger Stone, Richard Viguerie, and others. These operatives helped Newt Gingrich's early elections. NCAPC's approach to recruit candidates and offer resources proliferated when Newt Gingrich created GOPAC in the 1990s. These examples offer a benchmark to understand how Speaker Gingrich learned to embed national discussions locally. The New Right remains influential as the foundation of a national grassroots movement to fundraise, research, and craft messages in ways that "wage war against liberals" (59). The book consistently revisits themes in each chapter, as the candidates and state change. NCPAC strategically chose where to direct its resources. It targeted powerful senior legislators whose national ambition made them out of touch with their constituency. These actions were built on the belief that "populist anger would come to define politics" (119). The explanations of how media strategies and slogans evoked emotional responses from voters elevate the contribution of this book to the history of elections. Mark Owens Department of Political Science and History University of Texas at Tyler Copyright © 2023 Center for Great Plains Studies

Conceptual principles of food loss reduction and food waste

The article substantiates the conceptual principles of reducing food loss and food waste from the standpoint of ensuring food security and environmental sustainability. The approaches to the interpretation of the concepts of food loss and waste are summarized, the similarities and differences between them, as well as the reasons for their formation and the connection between them, are noted. The main causes of food losses and food waste, which are caused by human, technical-technological, natural-climatic, economic, market, etc., are considered. factors. It is argued that Ukraine's waging of war caused the deterioration of food security both at the local and national levels, and at the international level. The main factors that lead to the loss of agri-food in the supply chain during wartime and the decrease in its production volumes are systematized, which will negatively affect the provision of food security in the country and the formation of export potential at the level of previous years. The dynamics of losses in terms of individual types of products were analyzed and it was established that the highest losses are observed for potatoes - 18.1 %, vegetables and melons - 12.0 %, fruits and vegetables - 10.0 %, and for livestock products this indicator is not significant It was found that the greatest losses of crop products occur at the stage of growing and harvesting, the value of which varies from 3 to 12 %, as well as sales. In dairy and meat breeding, the greatest losses occur at the stage of livestock breeding, milking and primary processing of products, as well as due to the lack of a full production cycle. It is estimated that the amount of food waste in Ukraine in households is 76 kg per capita, which is almost equal to the indicators of most countries, but the values are higher in the catering sector - 28 kg and retail trade - 16 kg. It was concluded that there is a need to develop effective measures to reduce food waste and losses in order to increase the sustainability and competitiveness of agri-food supply chains. It is substantiated that the conceptual principles of the need to reduce food losses and food waste should be considered in the aspect of ensuring food security and minimizing the negative impact on the environment. Among the priority directions for solving the problem of food losses and waste, the following are highlighted: development of a comprehensive program for the preservation and restoration of agricultural production in the conditions of martial law; development and improvement of market infrastructure elements; technical and technological modernization of agricultural production, processing facilities; improvement of distribution infrastructure elements, especially transportation of live animals; creation of innovative warehouse facilities; formation of a rational consumption culture among the population; development of wholesale food markets, livestock markets, development of public-private partnerships in the implementation of projects to reduce food losses and food waste; development of effective levers of state regulation in the aspect of motivation of chain participants; development of a methodical approach to estimating the amount of food losses; formation of an information array of data, etc. Key words: food loss, food waste, supply chain, food security, environmental sustainability, martial law.

President’S Message

2022…WOW! We have come so far and progressed, or should we say regressed? We were finally able to have an in-person face to face conference (664) with virtual attendance (366) too!!! (Excitement and shouts of joy!!!). We started the conference with a great poem written by my nephew Mikey Stevens, (a vascular need patient): To live is to grow, to grow is to learn.As we grow and learn, we must lead so they know.AVA will grow as members align; together we will say “We can save that line!”We raise our flag on the mountain of knowledge, wage war against naivety so they must acknowledge.Needle or catheter, our practice matters.Preserve the vein, is the name of the game.Some growth to improve and ignorance to be pruned.Our research the shears to stop the assume.AVA’s mission is the vessel that maintains our course.The knowledge we gain, is meant to align.Till we all yell together “We can save that line!”This reminds us, as we progress through our careers, we need to make sure we are addressing the problems AND saving the line/Vein. We all read research, but do we all do our diligence to research what we could do better? The AVA Foundation has implemented a program to enable all clinicians to bring their research to JAVA. If you didn’t reply to the foundations survey, it is not too late to reach out to them to apply for a mentor to guide you through the process to become an author of a journal article in JAVA.Although COVID has changed many of our practices is has also provided focus on some of our long-term issues. AVA has partnered with BBraun to develop a comprehensive eLearning module that provides a certification. This curriculum was developed to elevate the knowledge and skill of learners and is offered FREE to universities and colleges. This means your alma mater could now improve vascular access with your help of instituting the PIV curriculum into their current education.Intravascular Quarterly and JAVA continue to offer our members articles of interest, as well as peer-reviewed articles related to care and management of our patients. CE options are offered in the journal and on our website through webinars with additional learning with our podcast.ACE by AVA was offered at our Scientific Meeting Pre-Conference session, to provide education on Ultrasound Guided Peripheral Intravenous Insertions. This is an eLearning module offered to hospitals and individuals to develop a foundation of knowledge and validation of competency to support the placement of ultrasound-guided PIVs.The Resource Guide that was released in 2021 was updated this year and released during our AVASM 2022, along with our PediNeoSIG who published a digital resource for Insertion, Care and Maintenance of PICCs for our youngest of patients.The Education Department is diligently working on our Clinical Practice Guidelines. These comprehensive guidelines will include Patient Assessment and Device Selection, Pre-insertion, Insertion, Complications Management, Device Maintenance and Removal and Administrative Considerations.As we move to the end of a year and beginning of a new year, we have the opportunity to grow, expand, and mentor. Let’s take the knowledge we learned from the year and years passed, to educate our new nurses and inspire all to Save That Line!!!

Prison Policy from the “Bottom Up”

Prison Policy from the “Bottom Up”