Voting In Local Elections Research Articles

Causes And Solutions for Low Turnout Rates in Chinese Local Elections: From A Plebeian Perspective

There have been ample academic efforts discussing prospects of liberalizing the authoritarian regime in China, but most of them primarily addressed possible institutional reforms by the party and to some extent overlooked importance of the mass. Therefore, this article attempts to identify factors that dissuade or refrain Chinese citizens from voting in local elections and devise corresponding solutions, for their political enthusiasm to be improved independently of state sanctions, while the finding may provide a novel theory regarding weak correlation between the level of political freedom and turnout rate in liberal democracies. By considering subjects as economic agents in cost-benefit analysis, the combination of underestimated benefits and overestimated costs of voting is highlighted as one fundamental reason for non-voting, which comprises of antiquated cultural norms, aloof social relations and inappropriately handled class struggles. In response to phenomenon of apoliticism, political cynicism or political inactiveness, this paper suggests eligible voters to keenly defend their interests, for instance studying publicized government information, participating in trade unions and respecting their suffrage, as the prerequisite for becoming genuinely and consistently active in political affairs.

Unimportant Contests? Why Government Parties Lose Votes in Local Elections

Unimportant Contests? Why Government Parties Lose Votes in Local Elections

Personalization at different levels: Intra-party competition and preference voting in local elections

Personalization refers to a shift over time in attention and/or power from collective actors to individuals. I focus on personalization in voting behavior, measured by the use of preference voting in flexible list-PR systems. I will argue that in a multi-level context this kind of personalization can take place at different policy levels, which could influence each other. In local elections, voters can be attracted by the mayor and/or other local figureheads, but also by the national party leader and/or national politicians figuring on the local list. Therefore, scholars should not only focus on the number and importance of people to which personalization applies (‘person level’ of personalization), but also on how processes at one policy level impact on other policy levels (‘territorial level’ of personalization). By combining literature on intra-party competition and personalization on the one hand, and on electoral patterns in multi-level states on the other, I engage in a conceptual discussion about the nature of personalization. I add empirical evidence to this conceptual discussion by analyzing preference voting patterns in local elections in Flanders (Belgium). As such, we gain more insights in the remarkable decline of preference voting that took place there.

The inconvenience of convenience voting: Early voting’s turnout effects in local elections

ABSTRACT Much attention is paid to the effect of election reforms in national and state elections. One such election reform is early voting. An ample amount of early voting scholarship focuses on turnout effects of early voting in national and state elections. Yet, little has been done on the turnout effects of early voting in local elections even though localities must adhere to these reforms. Using data from 2,449 mayoral elections in 849 Ohio municipalities from 2001 to 2013, I employ a fixed effects regression to assess the impact of early voting on municipal turnout. I find that early voting depresses local voter turnout.

The local party voter: A localist anti-establishment voter?

In several countries, local parties have increased their share of votes in local elections. This development has received limited scholarly attention compared to the immense interest paid to the fates of national level anti-establishment parties. Against this backdrop, we ask if something distinct characterizes those who choose to vote for genuinely local alternatives compared to other anti-establishment voters. Sweden is taken as the case in focus, a country where local parties have grown in numbers and strength throughout the past three decades. We view local parties as a part of a broader ‘anti-establishment’ family, and we explore if their voters a) are similar to those who vote for the most pronounced anti-establishment party in Sweden (Sweden Democrats), or b) if local party voters are a distinct anti-establishment category in their own right. Drawing on a survey data from 49 Swedish municipalities, we find that local party voters indeed distinguish themselves from both Sweden Democrat's voters and voters for the old and established parties, thus making them a distinct anti-establishment voter category of their own. These voters distrust their local politicians but at the same time are civically engaged.

The Issue of the Draft Law of Ukraine “On Local Referendum” Compliance with Contemporary European Standards

The article analyses the referendum practices for solving controversial issues of local government. Particular attention is paid to international documents that regulate the conduct of voting in accordance with European standards and the prospects of using the draft law of Ukraine “On Local Re-ferendum”. The problem becomes urgent due to the increased probability of using a local referendum for manipulation, due to the growing influence of the aggressor state, that increased after the full-scale invasion of our territory, and to address issues beyond the competence of local government. The work highlights the legislative risks that may arise during the preparation and conduct of a local referendum, provided that no changes are made to certain parts and articles of the law in the context of liability for violations of the law. Based on the experience of voting in local elections in recent years, options for voting results have been explored if the turnout quota is not reduced. The author sees the solution to the problem of manipulating the direct will of the people in the creation of a single voting system, without dividing it into electoral and party systems, but where each election should be regulated by a single Electoral Code of Ukraine, both for elections and referendums at all levels. To ensure the stability of national security, the author proposes not to hold referendums in the temporarily occupied territories after deoccupation, at least not for three years, as it proposed by the legislator, but to increase this period so that it is equal to the years of temporary occupation.

The Rise of Swedish Social Democracy

AbstractWe examine the rise and mobilizational dynamics of social democracy, employing data reported by the Swedish authorities on the distribution of voting eligibility, turnout and partisan vote in local elections during the 1910s at a high level of disaggregation (by narrow income segments and administrative units). In line with the existing literature, we show that electoral socialism depended on both the extension of the suffrage to its ‘natural’ electorate, that is, the urban working class, and the organizational capacity of trade unions and other civic associations. In addition, we show that socialist support was not uniform within the working class – even for a highly homogeneous society. Instead, the social-democratic vote was initially stronger among low- to middle-income workers, only expanding to poor voters later in time. We complement our local data with an interwar panel analysis of socialist vote and post-war survey data.

Institutions or the Societal Setting? Explaining Invalid Voting in Local Elections in Sweden

Research on invalid voting has expanded over the past few years. Scholars largely agree on the most important determinants of invalid voting, foremost compulsory voting, quality of democracy, and ballot structure. However, disagreement prevails concerning several factors; more exactly, whether the effect is positive or negative. We examine determinants of invalid voting in the four most recent local elections in a single country, Sweden, all municipalities included. Applying a subnational research design allows us to control for several determinants that have been reported to be of significance in explaining varying levels of invalid voting, and, consequently, to examine factors with theoretically contradictory directions of effects. Two theoretical models of invalid voting are tested, an institutional and a societal model, each consisting of four variables. The latter explains considerably more of the variation in the dependent variable than the former. The most important determinant is education: higher levels of education among the population decrease the share of invalid votes. Concerning the institutional model, only district magnitude significantly affects the dependent variable, indicating that larger district magnitude depresses invalid voting. However, the effect disappears when societal variables are included, due to higher levels of education among the population in municipalities with high district magnitudes. Proportion of the electorate born abroad also significantly affects levels of invalid voting; higher proportions decrease invalid voting. We suggest that this is a consequence of political sophistication, interest, and being politically informed combined with who decides to vote and who decides to abstain amongst immigrants.

Local Elections (Pilkada): Money Politics and Cukong Democracy

Local elections (Pilkada) still face problems, both technical and substantive. Efforts to improve have been made several times by revising the law regulating local elections (Pilkada). In the simultaneous local elections in 2020, money politics arose again. The issue of cukong democracy practices depicted capital owners' power to finance local leaders candidates to contest local elections (Pilkada). This study explores and structures the problems underlying money politics in local elections (Pilkada), which formulate alternative solutions based on logical reasoning. The exploration and formulation of issues and the preparation of alternative solutions are carried out using strong arguments to ensure the conclusions' plausibility. The practice of money politics can occur in two main areas, namely in ​​the nomination process in the form of political dowries paid by candidates to political parties. In the campaign area, the condition of buying and selling votes carried out by candidates with voters. The practice of political dowry occurs due to the limited alternatives that a person can use to run for regional head elections. The nomination mechanism is much more difficult and costly through individual channels, so paying political dowries to political parties is the easiest and more specific option. The practice of money politics occurs because of voters' mental attitudes who are not rational, and the system of sanctions still supports the way of buying and selling votes. Alternative solutions to money politics in these two areas are compiled by doing a simulative analysis that can eliminate the practice's root causes. Decreasing the threshold for candidate submission by political parties, adopting the maximum point for political party support, reducing the number of voter support requirements for individual candidates, eliminating political dowries in local leader nominations, and simultaneously reducing costs for individual candidates. Adopting criminal sanctions for givers in the practice of buying and selling votes is an alternative solution in preventing the way of buying and selling votes in local elections (Pilkada).

Pro-Civic Representation? Citizens’ Participation in the Opinion of Finnish and Polish Local Councilors

In the recent years we have witnessed the growing criticism of the representative framework and the way it operates in many European countries. At the local level, numerous authorities try to answer the shortcomings of representation by applying new participatory agendas. This, however, not only influences the governing process, but also often leads to the clash between elected politicians and citizens. By examining the attitudes of local councilors from Finland and Poland toward citizens’ involvement, the present article contributes to the discussion on the coexistence of representative and participative schedules. The analysis draws on empirical data gathered in selected municipalities of both countries. The research findings demonstrate that, in spite of different governing models, the Finnish and Polish local representatives have quite similar, positive attitudes towards increasing the citizens’ direct involvement. However, they still consider voting in local elections the key instrument of civic engagement. The results of the research also display the barriers the expanded participative framework encounters and this can be interesting for local practitioners who design participative instruments and monitor their operation.

Konsekwencje zmiany terminu głosowania w wyborach samorządowych w 2018 roku

The subject of the article is the analysis of the consequences of changing the date of voting in local elections, introduced by the Act of January, 11, 2018, amending certain acts to increase the participation of citizens in the process of electing, functioning and controlling certain public bodies. The introductory part of the study discusses the premises that were the direct cause of the change of Art. 371 paragraph 1 of the Polish Electoral Code in 2018. In the next part the author examines the evolution of the construction of the date of voting in local elections in subsequent election acts, starting from 1990. The third and fourth parts of the article discusses in detail the effects of the change in the date of voting introduced in 2018. The author pays attention to the lack of a systematic approach of the legislator to amending Art. 371 paragraph 1 of the Polish Electoral Code.

Migration and political institutions: Other side of the hill

AbstractThe present paper examines the effect of migrant population on political institutions in their host societies using data from the local elections in Hong Kong. The share of the population that has migrated from mainland China is found to have a positive effect on the pro‐government votes in local elections. This effect continues to exist after demographic characteristics are controlled. Further investigation suggests that the effect of migrant population on voting patterns varies across periods of migration to Hong Kong. These findings contribute to the published literature in two ways. First, they provide evidence that the effects of migration on political development are two‐way. Migration not only influences the political institutions in migrants’ home countries, but also shapes the political institutions in their host regions. Second, they also pave the way for future research on why and how periods of migration influence migrant populations’ voting patterns in their host regions.

정부 신뢰, 회고적 투표, 그리고 당파적 편향: 2014년과 2018년 지방선거를 중심으로

본 연구는 정부 신뢰의 당파적 방향성에 주목하여, 정부 신뢰가 투표 선택에 미치는 영향력을 경험적으로 검증한다. 기존 연구들이 주로 정부 신뢰와 투표 참여의 관계에 초점을 맞추어 왔던 것에 비해, 본 연구는 정부 신뢰가 현직 정부 여당을 대상으로 하기 때문에 특히 임기중반에 치러지는 지방선거에서 유권자들의 회고적 투표 선택과 보다 조응하는 정치적 태도임을 주장한다. 이러한 가운데, 정부 신뢰의 당파적 속성을 고려하여 회고적 투표 선택의 과정에서 나타나는 당파적 편향을 확인하고자 한다. 분석의 결과, 주요한 정당들에 대한 선호가 무차별한 유권자들에게서는 정부 신뢰가 높아질수록 여당 소속 후보를 선택하는 확률이 높아지는 반면, 특정한 정당에 대해 편향된 선호를 가진 유권자들은 정부 신뢰의 정도와 관계없이 선호하는 정당 소속 후보를 선택하였다. 이는 정부 신뢰, 그리고 그를 기반으로 한 회고적 투표선택이 유권자들의 당파적 선호에 근거하여 결정되는 바가 크다는 것을 의미한다. 이러한 당파적 편향의 태도는 자신이 지지하지 않는 정파가 집권했을 때 유권자들은 정부에 대해 무조건적인 불신을 형성하여 당파적 유권자들 사이에 양극화를 가져올 수 있으며, 회고적 투표 선택이 가지는 상벌의 의미가 퇴색될 우려가 있음을 시사한다.

Voting and Values: Grassroots Elections in Rural and Urban China

Authoritarian leaders often claim that they promote democratic institutions such as elections and democratic values. In China, the central propaganda often promotes the right and duty of citizens to vote in local elections as well as the importance of citizens’ input into the policy making process. However, there is often a gap between government rhetoric and reality. In this article, we use the China General Social Survey (CGSS) 2013 to evaluate the determinants of voting in local elections and democratic values (attitudes) in rural and urban China. The results show that respondents with higher education tend to have lower levels of democratic values and participate less in local elections, but respondents with only compulsory education are more likely to display democratic orientations and vote. This suggests the relative success as well as the limits of authoritarian democratic propaganda.

The threshold of democracy in José Saramago’s 'Seeing'

Seeing was written by José Saramago in 2004, and starts from the assumption that the population can start a silent backlash by casting blank votes in local elections, thus disrupting the normality of the democratic system. Between culpability and action, free choice and the decline of human rights, this book questions the authenticity of democracy as it stands in the present Western societies. Confronted with the dangers of a biopolitical manipulation, casting blank votes hints the potency of a state of exception, in which the population can exercise power based on conscience. This essay looks into the confronting positions of the ruling power and of the population that is governed by that very power.---Original in English. ---DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.2018n45a1099.

The discerning voter: Party–voter linkages and local distribution under multilevel governance

What shapes voters’ expectations of receiving private benefits and local public goods in developing world democracies? Models of instrumental voting suggest that voters’ expectations are shaped by co-partisanship; however, this work does not consider the calculations that voters make in multilevel systems where different types of goods are allocated by different tiers of government. In this article, I argue that voters condition their expectations of private benefits on co-partisan ties with the local leader, but only do so with respect to local public goods when the local leader is aligned with the state government that controls the allocation of pork barrel spending. I test my argument with a vignette experiment conducted in rural India that randomly assigns the partisan affiliation of real village politicians and find empirical support for the argument. I also find suggestive evidence of strategic voting in local elections towards leaders aligned with the ruling party.

The Discerning Voter: Partisan Alignment and Local Distribution Under Multi-Level Governance

What shapes voters’ expectations of receiving private benefits and local public goods in developing world democracies? Models of instrumental voting suggest that voters’ expectations are shaped by co-partisanship; however, this work does not consider the calculations that voters make in multi-level systems where different types of goods are allocated by different tiers of government. In this article, I argue that voters condition their expectations of private benefits on co-partisan ties with the local leader, but only do so with respect to local public goods when the local leader is aligned with the state government that controls the allocation of pork barrel spending. I test my argument with a vignette experiment conducted in rural India that randomly assigns the partisan affiliation of real village politicians and find empirical support for the argument. I also find suggestive evidence of strategic voting in local elections toward leaders aligned with the ruling party.

The Politics of Potholes: Service Quality and Retrospective Voting in Local Elections

By conditioning their support for political incumbents on observed performance outcomes, voters can motivate elected officials to represent their interests faithfully while in office. Whether elections serve this function in subnational US government remains unclear, however, because much of the existing research on retrospective voting in these contexts focuses on outcomes that are not obviously salient to voters or over which the relevant government officials have limited influence. In this study, we examine one outcome—the quality of local roads—that is both salient and unquestionably under the control of city government. Our analysis leverages within-city variation in the number of pothole complaints in one of America’s largest cities and shows that such variation can explain neighborhood-level differences in support for incumbents in two political offices—mayor and city council—across several electoral cycles.

Racial Inequality in Democratic Accountability: Evidence from Retrospective Voting in Local Elections

AbstractOne important and, to date, overlooked component of democratic accountability is the extent to which it might exacerbate existing societal inequalities if the outcomes for some groups of citizens are prioritized over others when voters evaluate governmental performance. We analyze a decade of California school board elections and find evidence that voters reward or punish incumbent board members based on the achievement of white students in their district, whereas outcomes for African American and Hispanic students receive comparatively little attention. We then examine public opinion data on the racial education achievement gap and report results from an original list experiment of California school board members that finds approximately 40% of incumbents detect no electoral pressure to address poor academic outcomes among racial minority students. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for several scholarly literatures, including retrospective voting, racial inequality in political influence, intergovernmental policymaking, and education politics.

Strategic voting in local elections: evidence from Portugal (1979–2013)

ABSTRACTDo voters behave strategically in local elections? Does democratic experience influence voters’ capacity to behave strategically? Is there a relation between education and voters’ capacity to anticipate the mechanical effects of electoral statutes and adapt their behaviour accordingly? Using an original data set covering the complete democratic period, this paper studies strategic voting at the local level in Portugal. Using an ecological inference approach, we contribute to a vast body of literature on strategic voting by testing whether theories developed for national contexts travel to local contexts. Our findings suggest that (1) voters consistently defect to non-viable lists to support viable lists; (2) democratic experience helps voters to learn how to maximize their utility; and (3) education is important for voters’ ability to identify a strategic setting.