Voting In Elections Research Articles

Electronic Voting Technologies in Elections: Russian and Foreign Experience

The study explores the Russian and international experience of using such forms of electronic voting in elections as with the help of a special device (complex) for electronic voting at a polling station (in a voting room, or another specially defined place), and remote electronic voting through a personal computer or a mobile device. The article analyzes the circumstances and conditions that contribute to the development and consolidation of electronic voting in the country's legislation, or, conversely, the conditions that lead to suspension or even rejecting electronic technologies from the electoral process at the state level. Up-to-date information on the use of electronic technologies in the elections has been examined. The stages, problems, and difficulties of introducing electronic voting technologies in elections, as well as directions for further improvement of electronic voting in countries that have chosen the path of long-term development of digitalization of the electoral process are highlighted. In the early 2000s, many countries of the world gained experience in the practical use of electronic technologies in elections. However, the scientific and technological achievements so far did not provide the necessary degree of voters' confidence in the security of the electronic voting system or any reliable result. The prejudice towards electronic voting technologies, as well as high-cost modern electronic systems for implementation, persist in many countries to this day. This is an objective obstacle to the widespread use of electronic technologies in the electoral process. At the same time, the experience of remote electronic voting in Russia and Estonia, the fragmentary inclusion of electronic voting in electoral procedures in a number of other countries, and the widespread use of electronic voting complexes show that electronic technologies in elections are already a reality.

Referendums, Initiatives, and Voters’ Accountability

AbstractDo democratic systems that include binding referendum and initiative processes violate a core principle of democracy, namely that legislators should be accountable? Some have argued that they do: these popular vote processes would grant the right to legislate to ordinary voters even though they cannot be held accountable—i.e., face possible consequences imposed by others for their actions and decisions. As a result, we should favor conventional representative systems over systems with popular vote processes. In this article, I analyze this ‘accountability objection’ to referendums and initiatives and the conception of voters as ‘legislators’ on which it relies and argue that it does not withstand scrutiny. I first demonstrate that there is no sound basis to characterize only voters in popular votes, and not voters in elections, as ‘legislators’. Therefore, the scope of the objection is broader than anticipated by its proponents: it cannot be consistently used to dismiss popular votes without also being fatal to elections. I then argue that voters’ lack of accountability is not fatal to either mass voting process. The institutional role of ordinary voters provides them with co-lawmaking powers; but these are not the kind of special powers that justify holding certain actors accountable in democratic systems. This does not exclude that voters have responsibilities. I close by highlighting that, compared to conventional representative systems, democratic systems including well-designed popular vote processes could offer voters more supportive conditions to meet such possible responsibilities.

European Parliament Elections Incentives for First-Time Voters: Evidence from the Secondary Schools

Summary The research deals with the phenomenon of low voter turnout in European Parliament elections. The article pays attention to young first-time voters who will encounter their first European Parliament elections in June 2024. It examines their attitude to polling in the context of school activities related to public affairs implemented in the school educational activities. Based on the qualitative survey conducted on pupils aged 17-18 attending secondary schools located in ten different member countries the research tackles the question whether the public secondary education may affect the incentives of first-time voters to cast their vote in the European Parliament elections. Consequently, the research focuses on the good practices and possible stimulus given by schools that may encourage to get to vote the representatives in the European Parliament. The outcomes of the research provide suggestions to enhance the formation of voting habits of young voters and increase their interest in both national and European public affairs.

The Case for Voting to Change the Outcomes Is Weaker Than It May Seem: A Reply to Zach Barnett

Because you are highly unlikely to cast the deciding vote in the next elections, it is often said that you don’t have a reason to vote in order to change the outcomes. In a recent paper, however, Zach Barnett forcefully argues that this is a mistake. He shows how it follows, from rather conservative assumptions, that in many real-life cases the expected social value of voting is higher than its cost. Barnett is successful, we believe, in showing that the commonly held belief – that voters do not have a reason to vote in order to change the outcomes – is way too hasty. However, Barnett is – we argue in this paper – too quick on one key premise, and once this is noticed, it becomes unclear how often Barnett’s reasoning can point to a justification of voting to change the outcomes. Barnett’s reasoning, we conclude, may apply to significantly less real-life scenarios than he suggests.

The Split-Ticket Voting Phenomenon: Analyzing Internal Voter Factors in the Central–Provincial House of Representatives Election

This research aims to analyze the phenomenon of split-ticket voting in the Central–Provincial House of Representatives election of 2019 in Makassar City based on internal voter factors. This research uses an inductive qualitative analysis. Inductive analysis is an approach that begins with field facts, analyzes them based on relevant theories and arguments, and ultimately yields a conclusion. The results show that voters demonstrated a rational or strategic approach to ticket-splitting in the Central–Provincial House of Representatives election 2019 in Makassar City. Four significant internal factors influence this phenomenon. The strength of the partisanship factor indicates that voters tend to assess candidates for the Central–Provincial House of Representatives based on individual character and achievements rather than political party loyalty. Furthermore, incumbency information reveals voters’ pragmatic behavior based on rational choices to gain personal benefits. On the other hand, the strategic/policy balancing factor shows the significant influence of non-positional candidate characteristics in voter decisions. Finally, campaigns and socialization play a crucial role through strategic coordination among candidates for the Central–Provincial House of Representatives, political nodes, and voters, emphasizing the importance of narratives constructed through direct interactions and political gossip in securing voter support. Therefore, it is recommended that candidates for the Central–Provincial House of Representatives from the same political party enhance collaboration and coordination to create straight-ticket voting for their voters. Meanwhile, it is essential for political nodes to strengthen coordination that prioritizes transparency and integrity in conveying information. On the other hand, voters should be encouraged to actively seek information about candidates’ track records and policies to make decisions based more on substantial judgment than the influence of political gossip or short-term incentives. These steps are expected to reduce the phenomenon of split-ticket voting in the simultaneous elections for the coming period in Makassar City.

Multimodal rhetorics in the gun debate: Encouraging youth agency in March for Our Lives’ “The Most Vicious Cycle”

ABSTRACT In October 2018, March For Our Lives (MFOL) released “The Most Vicious Cycle,” a music video designed to mobilize collective agency among youth voters in the midterm election. The video, which features the song “Safe,” performed by Sage (featuring Kesha, Chika), utilizes a Rube Goldberg machine sequence to visually depict the “vicious cycle” of gun violence and the predictability of the gun control debate. Rhetorical scholars have largely examined the gun control debate by analyzing the public address of political elites and argumentation presented in gun rights discourses. There exists, then, a need to consider how youth activists, who have been excluded from the gun control debate, are using emergent discursive strategies like the music video to claim authority and exercise agency. I argue that the video’s multimodal discourse employs visual, lyrical, and sonic elements to create an immersive and instructional experience that performs a collective youth agency grounded in struggle. The video acts as a pedagogical tool to inspire collective agency by visualizing gun violence and amplification, visually refuting the status quo, and displacing authority. In moments when discourse and debate have become static, multimodal elements can provide a new perspective, making arguments felt, immediate, and grounded in experience.

Widać zabory? Analiza zróżnicowania przestrzennego nieważnych głosów w wyborach centralnych w Polsce w latach 2004–2019

The percentage of invalid votes in national elections in Poland, has not been studied as extensively as in the case of local elections. There are many research gaps in this area, starting with the description of the spatial patterns of this diverse phenomenon. This article has this main goal: to describe the spatial patterns of the percentage of invalid votes in the elections to the Sejm, the European Parliament and the President of the Republic of Poland in the years 2004–2019. The key of this study is a long-term analysis of the above-mentioned problem, as well as a look at the changes taking place in space-temporal terms. For this purpose, the methods of comparative map analysis, spatial classification and statistical analysis: Kruskal-Wallis and Student’s t-tests were used. The most important conclusion from this work is the universality of spatial patterns of the percentage of invalid votes in the case of elections to the Sejm and the European Parliament and some differences in the case of presidential elections. The persistence of interregional differences is also noticeable, but we can observe strengthening of these differences in the case of parliamentary and presidential elections, and weakening in the case of elections to the European Parliament. The article also presents an explanation for the significant increase of invalid votes in the Bydgoszcz district in the 2005 Sejm elections, which was caused by the unusual design of the brochure ballot card.

The Role of Civic Education in Building Political Awareness of Generation Z Young People

Civic Education has a high role in increasing the spirit of nationality, especially for generation Z as the nation's successor who is expected to contribute to his country.Our reason for choosing the role of civic education in building young people's political awareness and many generation z who prefer abstention in general elections because they think that there are no political parties that can be trusted.This research uses interview and documentation methods. The interview method is like asking generation Z youth about the role of Civic Education in shaping political awareness and the documentation method we do is like taking pictures to document the physical or visual state of an event object.Many young people are less aware of politics in addition to generation Z youth do not care about politics.Starting from questions to high school students who say that civic education lessons do not increase awareness of politics.Then there are also many generation Z youth who do not use their voting rights or choose to abstain, fulfilled with quite logical reasons.Rethinking the importance of political participation in realizing political democracy. It is appropriate for young people to open political insights so that whatever public opinion is given regarding the political process is not accepted raw. Because one vote in the general election will determine the direction this nation will take. Choosing is not easy, but not choosing is not a wise attitude..

Optimizing Electronic Voting System in Village Head Elections: Evaluation and Recommendations from Sleman Regency, Indonesia

INTRODUCTION: The rapid technological advancements of Industry 4.0 have influenced government politics, extending to the adoption of electronic voting in village head elections. In Sleman, e-voting was introduced in 2020, aiming for voting system efficiency and synchronization of population data, positioning the region as an e-voting pioneer in Indonesia. While e-voting offers efficiency and cost savings, it faces some problems. OBJECTIVES: This study endeavors to comprehensively assess the implementation of the e-voting system in village head elections and provide recommendations for its optimization, with a specific focus on the context of Sleman Regency.METHODS: This qualitative research encompasses data from 17 villages spread across 35 sub-districts within Sleman Regency. The study utilizes a comprehensive approach that includes secondary data analysis, incorporating literature, internet-based resources, scientific journals, books, regulations, and official documents. It further involves interviews with government officials at Sleman offices, officials at polling stations, and voters. Additionally, observational data is gathered to shed light on the intricate dynamics of e-voting.RESULTS: The evaluation focused on four pivotal aspects of the e-voting system's success: public trust, public participation, technology, and adherence to election principles. The findings reveal improved dynamics in 2021 when compared to 2020. Public trust in the e-voting system has notably increased, aligning with the relatively successful implementation in the previous year. While community participation has reached a satisfactory level, it has yet to attain full community control, with interesting nuances observed, particularly in less ‘advanced’ villages where participation tends to be lower. In the realm of technology, the e-voting system excels in terms of security, hardware reliability, the comprehensiveness of application features, and user-friendliness.CONCLUSION: The study underscores that the enhancement of e-voting systems presents an avenue to fortify democratic practices and electoral processes in Indonesia. Acknowledging imperfections in data collection systems and addressing participation disparities among villages should be prioritised. Furthermore, the study suggests that comprehensive future research is needed to evaluate the feasibility of extending e-voting systems to higher levels of government elections. This examination offers valuable insights into the evolution of e-voting in Indonesia and the prospects for its expansion in democratisation efforts.

Incentives to cultivate a diaspora vote and rhetorical involvement in foreign elections: Lessons from Colombian politicians’ involvement in the 2020 US presidential election

ABSTRACT What explains politicians’ involvement in foreign elections? Understanding this behavior is important not only because it has received little scholarly attention but also because it could undermine public faith in electoral integrity in target countries. In this study, I consider an electorally based explanation, which suggests that politicians’ electoral incentives to appeal to expatriate voters in a foreign country can explain their rhetorical involvement in that country’s elections. I test this argument in the context of the 2020 US presidential election, where more than 50 Colombian MPs extensively promoted or attacked Joe Biden and Donald Trump on social media. My analysis indicates that whether Colombian MPs competed for Colombian Americans’ votes and their popularity in the US are the systematic correlates of how much they got involved in the 2020 US election. The findings highlight how diaspora enfranchisement is important to understand elite online communication that cuts across national borders.

Competing external demoi and differential enfranchisement: The case of the 2022 Hungarian election

This analysis of the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election highlights the phenomenon of competing external demoi, a situation that emerges when an incumbent government differentially enfranchises and mobilizes different external national communities for electoral purposes, thus triggering a competing mobilization of external voters by non-incumbent political actors. Hungarian parliamentary elections have increasingly become battlegrounds between the ethnic Hungarians living in countries neighboring Hungary, who have access to non-resident Hungarian citizenship and the right the vote in Hungarian elections by mail; and Hungarian emigrants in Western Europe who must vote in person at home or at embassies. These differences in voting access and the highly partisan mobilization of these two external demoi came to a head during the 2022 parliamentary election. This article seeks to explain the development of two different sets of external enfranchisement policies within a single case, a variation that is undertheorized in the literature, and uncovers the causes and consequences of the unique structure of external partisan polarization that emerged in the 2022 election. It argues that we must look at Hungary’s competitive authoritarian regime type in the context of “divided nationhood” and the relationship between incumbent hegemony and opposition mobilization in different types of external communities to explain this outcome.

Analysis of the Role of Serambi Indonesia Media in Improving Political Education in the 2019 Legislative Elections in Bireuen District, Aceh

The role of the Serambi Indonesia media is urgently needed to have a positive effect on increasing political education for the public as voters in general elections because the media has a strong influence in shaping one's cognition, where the media provides information and knowledge that ultimately shapes perceptions, and perceptions will influence attitudes and behavior. The Serambi Indonesia media was chosen because the media contains a lot of political news and can keep up with the times. Serambi Indonesia is one of the largest print media spread across Aceh Province. This study aims to find out the role of the Serambi Indonesia media in increasing political education among the public in the 2019 legislative elections in the Bireuen Regency. This study uses a qualitative method. Qualitative research focuses on collecting data that is descriptive and analytical on the Serambi Indonesia website, intending to uncover more specific phenomena that can provide a more in-depth picture of Indonesian Serambi media in improving political education in the 2019 legislative elections in the Biereuen Regency. With that, Serambi Indonesia provides information or political news published by Serambi Indonesia which is very important and very influential. the reader in receiving the message conveyed.

Nurturing Political Engagement: Political Communication Strategies for Generation Z in the Lead-up to the 2024 Election in West Java

President Joko Widodo stated that in 2045, Generation Z (gen-Z) will change the face of Indonesian politics. The demographics of Generation Z in significant numbers will influence the direction of Indonesian politics due to their ability to control election votes. Gen-Z, which has grown up with the development of technology and is vulnerable to the impact of misinformation, disinformation, and misinformation, must be strengthened through political education. For this goal, parties and KPU need to devise new strategies for younger generations. Data was collected from political party leaders and KPU commissioners in West Java through questionnaires and in-depth interviews. The results show that Gen-Z West Java is an active social media user, the time spent every day is on average above four hours (46.2%), with the choice of the top four platforms, WhatsApp (94.2%), Instagram (89.7%), Youtube (69.9%), Tiktok (66.7%) and Facebook (44.8%). Gen-Z prefers research, podcasts, memes, and political humor for political communication. However, regional KPU staff and political parties struggle to meet their needs for voter education mediaApproximately 80% of Gen-Z in West Java plan to vote in the 2024 elections. KPU and political parties need skilled Content Creators to engage Gen-Z and encourage their participation in elections.

The Ijtihad Pada Era Kontemporer

This article examines the definition of ijtihad, the law of ijtihad, the division of ijtihad, the method of ijtihad, the requirements of mujtahid, the characteristics of contemporary ijtihad, and examples of the application of ijtihad in the contemporary era. As for the discussion of examples of the application of ijtihad methods in contemporary cases, the author takes the example of "abstention in elections". Abstention in elections on the grounds that there are no good or worthy candidates to become leaders while there is no other way to appoint leaders is wrong because it sacrifices daruriyat for the sake of hajiyat and tahsiniyat interests. So the best attitude in the election is to choose the best candidate with an objective assessment, not with the aim of achieving personal and group interests. If none of the candidates is good or all of them are bad according to the judgement of the voter concerned, then the voter must choose the candidate with the least badness. If the process and steps of ijtihad have been gone through, then it can be concluded and determined that abstaining from voting in elections on the grounds that there are no good or worthy candidates to become leaders while there is no other way to appoint leaders except through elections is haram.

Participation of Special Needs Communities in the 2019 Legislative Elections in Medan City

This article explores the participation of individuals with special needs/disabilities in the 2019 legislative elections in Medan City. Despite numerous regulations governing the rights and participation of disabled voters in elections, their political rights, particularly the right to vote, are often overlooked in practice. This is evident in their low participation rates in elections, especially in Medan City. The research aims to assess the level of participation and political behavior of disabled individuals in elections and evaluate the efforts of the Medan City Election Commission (KPU) in enhancing their participation. The research method employed is qualitative descriptive, using interviews and in-depth analysis as data collection techniques. The findings indicate inaccurate data regarding disabled individuals in Medan City and low participation rates due to the lack of professionalism among polling station officers in data collection and services. This study recommends recruiting polling station officers based on qualifications and relevant experience to provide maximum and professional services in their duties. The data updating process should also be improved through collaboration between election organizers, the Department of Social Affairs, and the Department of Population and Civil Registration to collect data on disabled individuals in Medan City more effectively. Furthermore, election organizers should engage in outreach efforts,

The Role of Society as a Socialization Agent in Influencing Youth Engagement in the Electoral Process in Malaysia

Society is one of the socialization agents capable of shaping individual behaviour. In the context of elections, voting is one of the processes of involvement in elections. There are three (3) main aspects of indirect involvement, namely registering as a voter, checking voter registration, and voting in elections. All these aspects have driving factors in ensuring individual awareness of election-related matters. This article explains the role of society in the involvement of young people in the electoral process through 12 statements presented. A total of 1500 respondents across Malaysia aged 21 to 40 were identified in this study. Quantitative methods were used to analyse the demographic characteristics of respondents and the study's findings related to statements about the role of society that can influence youth involvement in the electoral process. Overall, the study's findings indicate that societal factors are at a low level, with only one (1) statement out of 12 presented exceeding 50 percent agreement, namely the statement related to respondents' residence being active in political activities with 799 out of 1500 respondents (53.2%) agreeing. From these findings, society has a role in attracting the interest of young people to participate in the electoral process. However, the method of organizing programs by society is seen as less attractive to young people's participation. Therefore, this article will discuss statements related to the role of society and suggestions to increase youth involvement in the electoral process.

Ranked Choice Voting in Presidential Elections in Maine—A State That Appoints Electors Statewide and By District

Ranked Choice Voting in Presidential Elections in Maine—A State That Appoints Electors Statewide and By District

Suffrage and the Secret Ballot in Eighteenth-Century London Parishes

AbstractThis article argues that pre-nineteenth-century elections at a sub-national level have an important place in the history of ‘modern’ voting practices. It does this through a discussion of unusually well-documented election disputes in eighteenth-century London parishes. Previously neglected records of litigation in the ecclesiastical courts reveal that parish elections in this period generated arguments which did not take place at a parliamentary level until the following century: arguments over votes for women, votes for religious minorities, and the secret ballot. Customary electoral rules came under increasing pressure in the early eighteenth century as London’s population grew and changed in character. In some parishes, this produced a narrowing of the traditional ratepayer franchise, allowing only male Anglican ratepayers a vote in parish elections. Elsewhere, groups or individual residents successfully pushed for a more inclusive franchise which allowed ratepaying women, Dissenters, and Jews a voice in parochial politics. Similarly mixed practices emerged with regard to electoral procedure: residents who feared the overbearing influence of their neighbours pressed for a secret ballot, while others insisted on the merits of an open poll. These cases illustrate the importance of small-scale local institutions as key sites of innovation in the history of electoral reform.

Implementation of AES-256 Algorithm in Android-Based E-Voting Data Security

E-voting is a method of voting and vote counting in general elections using digital devices. There are still many errors and fraud that occur during village head elections in Indonesia. Then the idea was created to carry out village head elections by utilizing existing technological developments, especially Android-based smartphone technology. The data source used in this study is secondary data which uses population data of citizens who will exercise their right to vote, vote data for citizens' voting rights, and data from the results of vote acquisition during the village head election process. In this study, a number of important data were needed in the village head election process which was carried out using documentation techniques. This research produced an Android-based application system for securing e-voting data for village head elections using the AES-256 cryptographic algorithm called Vodes. The application produced in this study was built using the Kotlin programming language on the Android frontend side by utilizing the Android Studio IDE as a tool in the development process. While on the backend side it uses the Javascript programming language using the Node js framework. The database used in the Vodes application uses MySQL. Based on the results of this study, it can be concluded that an e-voting data security application for village head elections has been created using the AES-256 cryptographic algorithm. The application produced in this study has succeeded in properly securing all aspects of the data in the village head election process

Chinese Foreign Real Estate Investment and Local Voting in US Presidential Elections

Abstract Despite the increasing globalization of housing markets, little is known about its political implications. This study investigates whether rising Chinese investments in US homes influenced local voting in recent US presidential elections. Building on pocketbook/sociotropic voting and nativism theories, I develop hypotheses on the electoral consequences of foreign real estate investment through greater home demand and equity, improved local economies, and changing neighborhoods. Using difference-in-differences designs that combine a unique shock to Chinese capital outflows in 2013 with county-level measures of local attractiveness to Chinese investments, I find that greater exposure reduced Democratic vote shares in both the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections. Furthermore, an initially larger white population strengthened this effect, while a larger college-educated population weakened it. In contrast, local equity gains, housing competition, or economic strength did not systematically influence the effect. Together, the results appear more consistent with the pro-conservative effects of nativism.