Voluntary Associations Research Articles

ANALYSIS OF CAPITAL STRUCTURE AND OPERATIONAL PERFORMANCE OF COOPERATIVES: THE CASE OF FIRST COMMUNITY COOPERATIVE (FICCO) IN CAGAYAN DE ORO CITY

This study analyzed the capital structure and operational performance of a Cooperative in Cagayan de Oro City. Cooperatives are considered as voluntary associations where members are encouraged to make regular savings, and then obtain credit for use in their diverse activities. Methodology: The study used a descriptive type of research design with a quantitative data analysis and approach. The source of data was the administrative and annual report of the Cooperative from the years 2009-2017 and other audited reports of the office. Results: Findings revealed that the number of members of the Cooperative from 2009 to 2017 had a continuous percentage increase from 2010 to 2017. The dividend rate for Cooperative members and investors from 2009 to 2017 illustrated that there were fluctuations in the yearly dividend rate but had a continuous decline from 2012 to 2016 and started to recover in 2017. The year 2014 got the highest liquidity ratio with 2.43 and the year 2010 had the lowest liquidity ratio with 2.18. In all periods, even their averages, the cooperative had a liquidity ratio of more than 2 greater than the standard showing that the cooperative can easily satisfy its current obligation with its current asset. Conclusion: The study concluded that the Cooperative was highly liquid. The members' equity in the Cooperative decreased in 2010 and increased in 2011 then continued an increase in succeeding years until 2017 and concluded that members' equity in the Cooperative had a positive average growth rate.

Comparison of strategies for assessment of rate of torque development in older and younger adults.

There is increasing appreciation of the role of rate of torque development (RTD) in physical function of older adults (OAs). This study compared various RTD strategies and electromyography (EMG) in the knee extensors and focused on discriminating groups with potential limitations in voluntary activation (VA) and associations of different RTD indices with functional tests that may be affected by VA in OAs. Neuromuscular function was assessed in 20 younger adults (YAs, 22.0 ± 1.7years) and 50 OAs (74.4 ± 7.0years). Isometric ballistic and peak torque during maximal voluntary contractions (pkTMVC), doublet stimulation and surface EMG were assessed and used to calculate VA during pkTMVC and RTD and rate of EMG rise during ballistic contractions. Select mobility tests (e.g., gait speed, 5× chair rise) were also assessed in the OAs. Voluntary RTDand RTD normalized to pkTMVC, doublet torque, and peak doublet RTD were compared. Rate of EMG rise and voluntary RTD normalized to pkTMVC did not differ between OAs and YAs, nor were they associated with functional test scores. Voluntary RTD indices normalized to stimulated torque parameters were significantly associated with VA (r = 0.319-0.459), and both indices were significantly lower in OAs vs YAs (all p < 0.020). These RTD indices showed significant association with the majority of mobility tests, but there was no clear advantage among them. Thus, voluntary RTD normalized to pkTMVC was ill-suited for use in OAs, while results suggests that voluntary RTD normalized to stimulated torque parameters may be useful for identifying central mechanisms of RTD impairment in OAs.Clinical trial registration number NCT02505529; date of registration 07/22/2015.

Between positionality and nudging: A rising China and Chinese voluntary associations in Southeast Asia

Drawing upon cases studies from Southeast Asia, especially Singapore and Malaysia, this article addresses the following questions pertaining to the rise of China and its impact upon Chinese voluntary associations (CVAs) in the region over the past two decades. By employing theoretical insights of positionality, nudging and de‐territorialisation and by focusing on various strategies pursued respectively by CVAs and the state, we conclude: (i) the growing economic ties between China and Southeast Asia serve as the platform through which the reconstruction of the CVAs take place; (ii) the reconstitution of the CVAs has been significantly driven by their own initiatives to compete in a new economy, in which knowledge of and connection with a rising China as an expanding market and a culture has advantages; (iii) the states in both China and Southeast Asia have played a part in the reconfiguration of the CVAs, motivated by their respective political and economic agendas; and (iv) it is imperative to go beyond the conventional approaches in understanding CVAs (internal structure and external connections) that have dominated much of the existing literature; and we argue that it is in the interactions and intersections between the internal dynamics and external political economy that a new type of CVAs has emerged.

Living Democracy: Social Structures that Promote Civic Learning

Democracy is not only a system of government, but also an overarching way of living together. It is through the social structures we live in and the resulting social relations, behaviors, and norms emanating from those structures, that we learn how to live together, democratically or otherwise. Adult education can promote the learning of democracy by helping people develop social structures that are democratic in form and function. Drawing on examples from Europe and the U.S., this article presents two such structures: (1) the system of voluntary associations in Germany; and (2) sociocracy as a form of democratic institutional governance. This article discusses how these structures can promote processes through which participants practice living democratically. Six principles for adult civic learning are thus derived: Inclusivity, Horizontal Relationships, Polycentricity, Confluence of Expert and Amateur, Interdependence between Specific Situations and Larger Contexts, and the Reciprocal Nature of Civic Learning and Solidarity.

CONCEPTUAL POSITIONS OF THE VALUE-CULTURAL APPROACH TO THE EXPLANATION OF THE POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF PERSONS

The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of political activity of persons. The purpose of the article is to study the positions of the value-cultural approach to explaining the factors of actualization and activation of the political activity of persons. The methods of analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, generalization and abstraction, historical, structural functionalism are used. Factors of modernization, material well-being, high education level, presence of social connections, political culture, national identities, membership in voluntary associations, and civil society are singled out. Established that the basis of political culture at the level of an individual is a psychological attitude to the role of one’s own “I” in the political sphere – a political attitude. It is emphasized that high political competence forces people to value democracy as a political system that provides an opportunity to realize their political attitudes; for them, democracy and a democratic political system is a value they willing to defend. Attention is drawn to the fact that a high level of education ensures the cultivation of active political attitudes, and access to resources (high income, participation in informal associations, the presence of a network of useful acquaintances) determines the success of political activity. The author comes to the conclusion that political activity is the implementing force of expressing of the value orientations of the person; its success, to the greatest extent, depends on social, intellectual, and financial capitals. The article has theoretical significance for research and interpretation of the phenomenon of political activity of persons. The achievements of the article can be applied to empirical research design. Further research may be aimed at considering other approaches.

Dual‐facing bridges and brokers: Diaspora politics and Chinese voluntary associations

This commentary introduces the term ‘dual facing’ to describe the way that Chinese voluntary associations orientate themselves as collectives situated between the ancestral land (China) and their countries of settlement. The commentary uses examples of Chinese voluntary associations in Singapore and Myanmar to reflect on China's longstanding presence and expanding reach in Southeast Asia, including through its diaspora engagement with the Chinese abroad. It argues that such associations are embedded not only in the nation‐building efforts of their countries of settlement, but also the ancestral land. However, this dual‐facing orientation also means that they can become embroiled in conflictual domestic and foreign politics at both ends, potentially jeopardising how they are otherwise seen as bridges and brokers by China and in the countries where have settled.

Beyond as bridges: The role of the Chinese voluntary associations in Chinese outward foreign direct investment in Southeast Asia

With the implementation of the ‘Go Global’ strategy and the Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese enterprises have gradually grown into the main force of outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) around the world. Overseas and domestic Chinese voluntary associations (CVAs) have actively promoted inward foreign direct investment in China, while their role in helping Chinese enterprises invest abroad has not been fully revealed. To address this lacuna, we explore the role of CVAs in the foreign direct investment of Chinese enterprises in Southeast Asia and the heterogeneity of their roles based on different types of associations. Our main argument is that CVAs play an intermediary role in shaping Chinese OFDI by facilitating bilateral information exchange and resource matching to enable enterprises' global–local interactions. This research contributes to verifying the impact of CVAs on Chinese enterprises' OFDI and providing implications for both host countries to attract investment and multinational enterprises from China and other developing countries to achieve internationalisation.

Moving beyond survivalism? Youth perspectives on non‐Mandarin Chinese languages in the study of Chinese voluntary associations in Singapore and Vancouver

The contributions of Chinese voluntary associations (CVAs) have often been viewed through a survivalist lens. As a process by which the activities of such organisations are interpreted through a rigid sense of what a Chinese community association is and should be, survivalist tendencies in academic scholarship must be re‐thought to fully assess the functions of several types of CVAs, including amid the cultural rise of the People's Republic of China. In light of Sara Ahmed's notion of ‘orientation’, we offer a vantage point from which to rethink the roles of such associations. We do so by illuminating the contributions of key organisations involved in efforts to revitalise Chinese languages other than Mandarin in two locales outside of China, namely the Siong Leng Musical Association and Viriya Community Services in Singapore, and Wongs' Benevolent Association and Youth Collaborative for Chinatown in Vancouver. By focusing on these four voluntary associations in Singapore and Vancouver and, more specifically, on the perspectives of their youth members, we show the similar dialectical nature of their activities, which are caught in the dynamic interplays between local and global cultural forces and between intergenerational perspectives on language use.

Civil Society Associations and Political Participation: A Normative Exploration

This paper aims to explore the relation between civil society associations and political participation in a normative framework. Civil society associations are widely regarded as the basis for citizen involvement and participation, and as the location for democratic action. There is an increasing scholarly recognition that associationalism is essential for a healthy democratic society for the reason that it tends to strengthen democratic political culture. Associations encourage citizens to take part in public discourse and civic projects. And, thus they shape civic engagement. Through such participation and communicative interaction, identity formation also takes place. Associational members, as a result, learn public-spiritedness and democratic art of participation. It leads us to the debate on ascriptive and voluntary associations in civil society. At the same time, the notion of associational dichotomy is much contested. It is argued that exploration of the link between civil society associations and political participation calls for a much more intricate analysis that would entail going beyond associational dichotomy, particularly in the Indian context. The research presented in this paper, based on analysis of some prominent and relevant theoretical conceptions, aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on the relationship between civil society, active citizenship, and democracy.

Stereotypes and prejudices in the Italian L2 class. A conversation analysis of their emergence in teachers' talk

The paper explores teachers' interactional uses of stereotypes and prejudices in the Italian L2 classroom. Drawing from video-ethnographic research in a voluntary association, this study adopts a discursive approach to stereotypes and prejudices, analyzing their pragmatic uses during classroom activities. Even though previous literature has mostly argued against these social devices, the analysis illustrates that teachers make use of stereotypes and prejudices to pursue their local aims in the classroom. Specifically, teachers mobilize stereotyped talk to achieve specific social and didactic aims (e.g., to explain a lexical items or to prompt laughter). In the discussion, we critically consider the risks and opportunities of this kind of practice and advance few implications for teachers' professional practice, arguing for the relevance of video-based teacher training.

Voluntary association, not state consent: why the EU’s stance on secession rests on the wrong concept of legitimacy

ABSTRACT The EU’s Prodi doctrine stipulates that a new state formed through secession from an EU member state will be treated as a third party vis-à-vis the Union. This article engages with debates on secessionism, self-determination, and democracy in the EU to discuss what the doctrine entails for the democratic legitimacy of the EU. We argue that the doctrine is only compatible with one source of political legitimacy that the EU partly depends on, the state consent model. However, it is not compatible with the voluntary association model which is a moral basis that is increasingly relevant for a supranational union of democratic states. The prevalent practice of organizing referendums on EU accession shows that securing popular support is today an important feature of the politics of legitimacy in the EU. We illustrate our argument with the case of Catalonia and contrast it with cases from the history of European integration.

Місцеве самоврядування в Україні в умовах воєнного стану

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the functioning of local self-government in the conditions of martial law. It has been found that local self-government in Ukraine is a state-guaranteed right and real ability of a territorial community - residents of a village or a voluntary association of residents of several villages, towns, cities into a rural community - independently or under the responsibility of local self-government bodies and officials of local importance within the limits of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine. It was established that martial law is a special legal regime introduced in Ukraine or in some of its localities in the event of armed aggression or threat of attack, danger to the state independence of Ukraine, its territorial integrity, and provides for the provision of appropriate state authorities, military command, military administrations and to local self-government bodies, the powers necessary to avert the threat, repulse armed aggression and ensure national security, eliminate the threat of danger to the state independence of Ukraine, its territorial integrity, as well as temporary, due to the threat, restriction of the constitutional rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen and the rights and legitimate interests of legal persons with an indication of the period of validity of these restrictions. It is noted that in the territories where martial law has been introduced, in order to ensure the operation of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine, to ensure, together with the military command, the introduction and implementation of measures of the legal regime of martial law, defense, civil protection, public safety and order, protection of critical infrastructure, protection of rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of citizens, temporary state bodies - military administrations - can be formed. It was established that the creation of military administrations does not deprive local self-government bodies of their powers. It is indicated that local self-government in Ukraine demonstrated a significant level of efficiency when functioning under martial law. If it is necessary to solve a number of complex problems at the same time, the effectiveness of interaction between state authorities, the leadership of territorial communities and representatives of public and volunteer organizations remains high, which allows avoiding sharp crises in the process of ensuring the livelihood of communities. Last but not least, this situation is possible thanks to the 2014-2021 reform of power decentralization in Ukraine, which allowed a significant amount of powers and resources to be transferred «to places». Cooperation of local self-government bodies with international organizations is also a positive practice, which allows implementing joint development projects and sharing experience in various fields. It is emphasized that local self-government bodies play a major role in the creation of a state in modern Ukraine.

Healthcare for individuals without health insurance in Germany – a mixed methods approach to assess the situation and current challenges

BackgroundHealth insurance is mandatory in Germany; nevertheless, many individuals there have no health insurance and depend on a parallel healthcare structure. Voluntary associations, such as MediNetz and healthcare vouchers (“Anonymer Krankenschein” - AKS), support uninsured citizens. This study aimed to provide insights into associations, such as MediNetz and AKS that provide healthcare for individuals without health insurance in North Rhine-Westphalia, the largest federal state in Germany.MethodsA mixed methods approach was chosen. A qualitative study using interviews with experts was performed to gain their knowledge and explore the various challenges that AKS and MediNetz associations faced and the possible improvements that could be made. A quantitative survey was conducted to analyse the demographic data of the patients who required AKS or MediNetz’s assistance and the characteristics of each association through a separate questionnaire. Data was received from the association in Aachen, Bielefeld, Bonn, Düsseldorf, and Essen.ResultsMore women than men sought medical care; most were between 25 and 49 years old. The proportion of individuals without residency status accounted for the largest share (53.6%). Common reasons for patients to make contact were acute illnesses (40.2%) and pregnancies (22.3%). Most patients were sent to gynaecologists and general practitioners. Asking the experts, it became apparent that the existing system could not reach the standard of the regular healthcare in Germany. Financial and human resources were insufficient. Therefore, prevention was limited, especially chronically ill patients or patients with a severe illness requiring hospitalisation could not be treated. AKS had advantages compared to MediNetz, as the care came closer to the expected German medical standards.ConclusionsThe results showed a demand for associations providing healthcare for individuals without health insurance. However, the healthcare provided by MediNetz and AKS did not reach the standard of healthcare in Germany and mainly depended on the organisations’ resources. Funded projects such as an AKS combined with clearing centres significantly improved healthcare. Until structural measures are implemented, they can be a transitional solution by spreading nationwide.

THE CONCEPT AND PECULIARITIES OF ACTIVITY OF PUBLIC ASSOCIATIONS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES (COMMUNITIES) OF UKRAINE

The article is devoted to the study of the concept of «public association of a national minority (community) of Ukraine». The relevance of the study is due to the process of reforming the legislation on national minorities of Ukraine, which is one of the conditions for granting Ukraine the status of a candidate for accession to the European Union. It is noted that public associations of national minorities (communities) are a means of realizing the collective rights of national minorities (communities) of Ukraine, as well as an external form of exercising individual rights to the development of ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity by persons belonging to national minorities (communities) of Ukraine. The author suggests that the public association of the national minority (community) of Ukraine is a voluntary non-profit association of persons who belong to the relevant national minority (community) of Ukraine and/or relevant legal entities under private law, the main purpose of which, according to the charter, is to implement and protect the rights and freedoms of a certain national minority (community) of Ukraine, satisfy its public needs and interests, integrate into Ukrainian society. The Law of Ukraine «On National Minorities (Communities) of Ukraine» has certain shortcomings with regard to public associations of national minorities (communities). The Law does not contain a definition of the concept of “public association of the national minority (community) of Ukraine”, i.e. the formal legal features of such a public association are not defined. The Law does not define the types of public associations of national minorities (communities) that can be formed and carry out their activities in Ukraine. The Law does not give any idea about the procedure for the formation of public associations of national minorities (communities) of Ukraine. The author analyses the rights of public associations of national minorities (communities) defined by the Law and describes some of them, in particular «ceremonial». Taking into account various aspects of the activities of public associations of national minorities (communities), the author proposes criteria by which the effectiveness of such public associations and their reputation can be assessed. The author concludes that the Law of Ukraine «On National Minorities (Communities) of Ukraine» has brought the protection of the rights and freedoms of national minorities (communities) of Ukraine to a new level, and has become another step towards bringing Ukraine’s national legislation in line with international human rights standards, but shortcomings such as legal uncertainty necessitate the improvement of the Law by introducing certain amendments to it.

Decorporatization and organized interests in public policymaking in Norway: A tide that lifts all ships or an ebb tide leaving only the few afloat?

AbstractOver the past decades, there has been evidence of a shift from corporatist representation to pluralist policymaking in Norway and the neighboring Scandinavian countries. This article examines the policy involvement of voluntary associations and interest groups within the context of decorporatization and pluralization. Should decorporatization be understood as a tide that lifts all groups into public policymaking, or an ebb tide leaving only the few privileged afloat? By analyzing survey data on Norwegian voluntary associations and interest groups regarding their contacts with the parliament, government, and administration in 1983 and 2013, the article presents evidence of a growing mobilization and representation of citizen groups that have traditionally held a less prominent position in the policymaking process. However, economic groups have also increased or maintained their access to the parliamentary and governmental arenas, and insider access appears to persist as a factor in shaping group representation. Furthermore, the results indicate a widening gap in more frequent access between resource‐rich and resource‐poor groups. This leads to a somewhat contradictory conclusion: In one sense, decorporatization has been a tide lifting all ships, but in another, also an ebb tide leaving the few afloat.

Long-term effects of the 1923 mass refugee inflow on social cohesion in Greece

After the 1919–1922 Greco-Turkish conflict, 1.2 million Greek Orthodox were forcibly displaced from Turkey to Greece, increasing the host population by 20 percent within a few months. Refugees were provided with farmland, new houses and schools, and were granted the Greek citizenship. This paper analyses the social integration outcomes of refugees from the first and second generations, as well as the long-term effect of their resettlement on the social cohesion of receiving communities. Combining historical and modern population censuses and surveys, I find that, by the 2000s, refugees display a high rate of intermarriage with Greek natives, report levels of trust in others and in institutions similar to natives, vote for similar political parties, and exhibit higher political and civic engagement than natives. The integration of refugees was notably fostered by the construction of new schools which helped close the literacy gap with native children shortly after refugees’ arrival in Greece. At the local level, places with higher share of refugees in 1928 display greater participation in voluntary associations 80 years later. I find no evidence that refugees either reduced voter turnout, increased political fragmentation, or led to higher levels of crime in places of resettlement. These results may suggest that early investments in inclusion policies can be effective at fostering refugees’ assimilation, at least when newcomers and locals have similar cultural profiles.

Tax morale and social capital: An empirical investigation among European citizens

AbstractDespite the extensive literature examining determinants of tax morale, little is still known about the relationship between the associational involvement of citizens and their willingness to pay taxes. Given the insights offered by the social capital literature regarding the role of voluntary organizations in shaping civic engagement, this study empirically investigates how membership of different types of associations could influence individual tax morale in Europe. With this in mind, we exploit the information available in the fifth wave of the European Values Study for citizens of 34 countries. Unlike previous studies on tax morale, we classify the types of voluntary associations depending on their potential to build out‐group “bridging” or in‐group “bonding” social ties. In this study, to carry out the classification, three alternative approaches are considered which are based on the sociodemographic heterogeneity within associations, the interconnections between them, and a combination of both. Our findings show that, after controlling for different individual characteristics and country‐specific unobserved heterogeneity, those survey respondents involved in bridging associations tend to exhibit higher levels of tax morale, while the opposite is found for bonding associations. The results are quite robust for the three approaches and different estimation strategies, including an instrumental‐variables methodology.

Exploring the role of voluntary business associations on borrowed institutionalism in regional development: insights from the case of Kayseri in Türkiye

ABSTRACT Institutional and cultural traditions, usually shaped by non-economic factors, help to reduce the transaction costs of firms, particularly the costs of knowledge transfer. This study attempts to explain the effects of non-economic factors over voluntary business associations (BAs) and highlight the concept of “borrowed institutionalism” to illustrate the constructive and destructive power of BAs in their use of their relationships with the political establishment for their members. In Türkiye, BAs are not only economic actors but are also embedded in social forms that contain secular or conservative characteristics. While, the structures of these associations that operate within various ideologies can contribute to the institutional setting, they can also hinder the economic potential of a region by developing love or hate relations with the respective political structures. This forms the basis of the concept of “borrowed institutionalism” introduced in this study. Kayseri, which is one of Türkiye’s successful production centers with its unique socio-political characteristics, and predominantly home to small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) appears to be a critical case to analyze the role of BAs. The findings from Kayseri case study support the idea that both secular and conservative forms of BAs can cyclically be constructive or destructive for their members and create borrowed institutionalism based on non-inclusive institutionalism.

A Study on Socio-Economic Condition throgh Self Help Groups with Special Reference to Chamarajanagara District

Women are the most vital part of Indian economy, constituting one-third of the national labour force and a major contributor to the survival of the family. In order to have a stable and independent position in the society women are mobilized to organize into groups for undertaking mutually beneficial social and economic activities. These groups are basically known as the self help group which serves as a small voluntary association for poor and marginalized women in the society. They come together for the purpose of solving their common problems through self help and mutual help. Self help groups may exist separately or as part of large organizations. The formation of self help groups aims for the development of socio-economic conditions of the group, their quality of life and to help the group to become self-dependent which indirectly relates to the socio-economic development of the country.

The ability of financial support of the educational sphere in the process of financial decentralization of the region: economic and legal aspect

The article considers the possibility of optional implementation of financial and educational decentralization approaches in Ukraine. The strategic role of CMU Order No. 333-r dated April 1, 2014 on the approval of the Concept of Reforming Local Self-Government and Territorial Organization of Power in Ukraine as a conceptual measure of financial and educational transformations is outlined. The legal status and legal options of educational self-government at the level of OTG are defined in accordance with the national "normative basis of decentralization": the Law of Ukraine "On the Voluntary Association of Territorial Communities" No. 157-VIII, the Law of Ukraine "On the Principles of State Regional Policy" No. 156-VIII, etc., as well as relevant legislation (the Law of Ukraine "On Education" No. 2145- VIII of the Law of Ukraine "On Higher Education" No. 1556-VII, etc.).&#x0D; A terminological distinction between the concepts of "power decentralization" and "financial decentralization of the region" is proposed. The problem of budgetary and educational provision of scientific and educational facilities is conceptualized spheres in Ukraine through the prism of the Budget Code of Ukraine No. 2456-VI.&#x0D; Examples of foreign decentralization-educational (management and financial) support are presented and implementation methods of its application in Ukraine are proposed.&#x0D; The ideological problem is that the decentralization of power presupposes, among other things, the financial independence of the region (one of the principles of decentralization is the transfer of resources from the ODF to the OMS), and the issue of its provision is problematic for a country that is used to building financial and economic relations by the "vertical" principle, i.e. "from top to bottom".&#x0D; Taking into account the dependent connection of the educational sphere in Ukraine on the accompanying and sectoral legislation, such trends, without having a direct impact on the volume and expenditure mechanisms of scientific and educational support from the State Budget of Ukraine, create a precedent of institutional and jurisdictional inconsistency.&#x0D; The issue of financial support for higher education and directly – institutions of higher education (HEIs) has several problems, among which “financing of expenses for the maintenance of HEIs, not the actual cost of the educational process” stands out; calculation of budget transfers only in the amount of "educational needs" (without cultural and sports and social assistance initiatives of the development and education self-government); inadequate financial and logistical support of vocational education as a subcomponent and pregenerator of higher education in Ukraine.