Voices Of Protest Research Articles

Voices of protest and promise: Women's studies in religion, the impact of the feminist critique on the study of religion

L'A. centre la premiere partie de son expose sur l'enorme defi que le discours feminin a a relever a l'endroit de la religion, defi empreint de colere mais d'une colere creatrice conduisant a la deconstruction systematique de toutes les formes du discours et de pensee marquees jusqu'a ce jour par le patriarcat traditionnel, le sexisme et l'androcentrisme. En dernier lieu, elle analyse les effets de la pensee feministe sur les sciences religieuses et met en relief le developpement des programmes d'enseignement et de recherche en milieux universitaires dans le domaine des etudes des femmes au cours des vingt dernieres annees. Elle y detecte un changement de paradigme

The roots of relevance

Since 1986, due to the influential work of Sperber and Wilson, the English lexicon has been enriched with a newly coined technical sense of the word ‘relevant’. It did not catch on. As the world struggled to come to grips with the implications, entailments and presuppositions od this new definition of relevance, the voices of protest, best summarised in Sperber and Wilson (1987), began to intone a set of common themes: selection restrictions too narrow in scope, clashes in argument structure, lack of links to motivational phenomena, to mention but a few. In this paper we shall argue that Sperber and Wilson's concept of relevance is but a particular instance of the ordinary English term ‘relevant’ and that the technical sense which they have introduced is superfluous, counter-productive, counter-intuitive, and stands in the way of an appreciation of the real value of the work they have accomplished. The paper ends with some suggestions for future research.

The Protest of Wild Lily: The Execution of Wang Shih-wei

In the spring of 1942 the Chinese Communist Party in Yenan launched the Rectification Movement (Cheng-feng yun-tung) to train its cadres and control their ideology. This Movement has left a legacy of profound significance. It could be considered the forerunner of many later campaigns, such as the Hundred Flowers Movement and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. During the Rectification Movement a voice of protest was heard in Yenan. voice came from The Wild Lily, an article written by Wang Shih-wei, representing one of the earliest protests against Communist party rule. A native of Honan, born in 1906, Wang was a writer and translator active in the literary circle in Shanghai. After the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937 he went to Yenan in response to the patriotic appeal of the Chinese Communist Party. There he turned a dissident and later was executed.

Obasan: The Politics of the Japanese-Canadian Internment

Joy Kogawa is a well known Japanese-Canadian poet and novelist. Her award-winning autobiographical novel, Obasan (1981),[1] examines the personal wartime internment experience of the author through the fictionalized persona of Naomi Nakane and her Aunt Emily Kato. Obasan, the title character, is Naomi9s other aunt, the one who raises her when World War II destroys the family. Emily is a political activist, the voice of protest and conscience in the novel, while the narrator, Naomi, has to work through her own silence and that of all Japanese-Canadians. As a novel with a dual voice, Obasan is able to probe the politics of the internment experience and its effect on the country as a whole as well as to demonstrate the internal, private damage to these loyal citizens who, as a minority group, kept their suffering quiet and were obedient.

A Time for War: A Study of Warfare in the Old Testament (review)

Hebrew Studies 32 (1991) 127 Reviews of Mot").1 He preferred the derivation from Akkadian $aJamu, "be dark" (p. 92, n. 16). He (with all other scholars) translated 14:13a, 'l'lEl~n "'RrD:l ln' 'c, "Would that you might hide me in Sheol," and then proceeded with the usual contorted explanation. But could not ...:llEl~ mean the same as (1)0 lEl~ as in 17:4a, ,,~ ru~ C:l" ';', "for their heart (= mind) You have hidden from (= to) reason"? Why should 'l'lEl~ "'RrD:l 1"' '0 not be translated "0 that from Sheol You would hide me" as I have proposed (Michel 1970:176,322; and 1987:315, 325)1 Walter L. Michel Lutheran School ofTheology at Chicago Chicago, IL 60615 A TIME FOR WAR: A STUDY OF WARFARE IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. By T. R. Hobbs. Old Testament Studies 3. Pp. 248. Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1989. Paper, $15.95. This book on warfare in the Hebrew Bible is a clear and very useful study. It is highly focused, but at the same time it deals suggestively with a number of topics and issues related to warfare such as violence, leadership, and ideology. For the sake of convenience I will divide this review into three parts: (1) a sketch of the thesis, content, and argument; (2) an indication of aspects of the study that I consider important for contemporary biblical interpretation; and (3) a comment on an issue which in my view should be approached much differently. The author's purpose "is to introduce the reader to the historical and cultural context of warfare in the Old Testament" (p. 13), at the conclusion of which he sketches some theological implications, particularly for the Christian reader of the Bible. Hobbs draws upon various models of society and history in order to present what he calls a "military historical" approach to the topic (p. 25). He surveys textual and non-textual evidence pertaining to the period of the judges and the monarchy and comments at length on organization and leadership, material, strategy and tactics, and I Walter L. Michel. "Slmwt. 'Deep Darkness' or 'Shadow of Death'?" Biblical Research 29 (1984):5-20. Hebrew Studies 32 (1991) 128 Reviews the role of war in the fonnation of biblical literature. He concludes with a chapter on "Old Testament Warfare and New Testament Insights," Hobbs argues that in general the OT does not oppose warfare but presupposes it as part of the human condition. Warfare was employed in the time of the judges as a legitimate means of defense of the Israelite community against aggression. During the monarchic period kings and their counselors used it as a tool of aggression against neighbors, and warfare became part of an imperial ideology. Prophets raised their voices in protest against such self-aggrandizement and typically delivered oracles of judgment according to which other nations, at YHWH's behest, would defeat and destroy Israel. Even these prophets, however, did not condemn the very existence of warfare, and "in the post-exilic visions of restoration, the prophets also resorted to the ... language of empire to envision a restored Judah and Jerusalem" (p. 222). Although the author does not, as far as I can tell, offer an original thesis of his own, he has certainly brought disparate sorts of material together in a new way and presented his thesis with great clarity and thorough documentation . Here I would simply note some of the most interesting aspects of the book from my standpoint: (1) the common structure of empires in tenns of the king vis-a-vis other offices (drawing upon Eisenstadt; see especially pp. 54-55); (2) leadership and motivation, with particular reference to the question of the role of religion (discussing numerous writers on warfare, leadership, and group psychology; pp. 89-108); (3) ideology (Shils) and the "centre-periphery" model of imperial political systems (Liverani; pp. 186-198); (4) questioning the existence of "holy war" as an ancient Israelite institution (pp. 203-206); and (5) the ambiguity of apocalyptic in the NT (pp. 230-233). I will conclude with a brief comment on an interpretive issue about which I disagree sharply with Hobbs. I think the...

The muted voice of the modern Xhosa poet

In this article a few modern Xhosa poems are cursorily examined with a view to highlighting the voice of protest in Xhosa modern poetry. The purpose of the study is to show what the modern Xhosa poet has to say on the sociopolitical system in South Africa and how self-imposed and institutional cencorship have affected his or her commitment as a ‘political commentator’.

‘Voices of protest and alarm’ from nurses

‘Voices of protest and alarm’ from nurses

Women and spirituality: voices of protest and promise

Preface to the New Edition - Prologue - Voices of Protest and Anger - Voices of Challenge - Voices of Experience - Voices of Spiritual Power - Voices of a New Spirituality - Voices of a New Theology - Voices of Prophecy and Integration - Epilogue - Further Reading - Bibliography - Index

Book reviews

Fighting Their Own War. South African Blacks and the First World War by Albert Grundlingh. Ravan Press: Johannesburg, 1987. Law and Justice in South Africa, edited by John Hund (Centre for Inter‐group Studies, UCT, 1988). P. Lewsen, (ed.), Voices of Protest: From segregation to apartheid, 1938–1948, (Johannesburg, Ad Donker, 1988) The Independent Trade Unions 1974–1984 Ten Years of the South African Labour Bulletin Edited by Johann Maree (Johannesburg, Ravan Press, 1987) The Unspoken by Douglas Reid Skinner. The Carrefour Press: Cape Town, 1988. Studies in the History of Cape Town, volume 6, 1988, Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town, pp. 173. The Making of the South African Past: Major Historians on Race and Class. By Christopher Saunders. Cape Town and Johannesburg: David Philip, 1988. The Changing Past: Trends in South African Historical Writing. By Ken Smith. Johannesburg: Southern Book Publishers, 1988.

The Development of Aboriginal Education

Over the past 15 years the voice of protest in Australia has come to be linked synonymously with the black Australian. The nation’s indigenous people have progressively united and, in the strength of unity and growth of support for their claims, have met increasingly resistant Federal and State governments. Unfortunately, the “land rights” issue has dominated the public Aboriginal doctrine, preventing white Australians from being exposed to and appreciating the other important needs and opinions Aboriginal people have.One of these needs is an education system sympathetic to: past, failed attempts at educating indigenous people; the importance of Aboriginal culture as a socio-cultural identifier and educational issue; and the needs Aboriginal children have in terms of curriculum and pedagogy. These fundamental elements are the counterpoints from which any study of the development of Aboriginal education, within Australia, must proceed.

Prophetic Discourse and the Voice of Protest: The Vindication of Anne Wentworth

Prophetic Discourse and the Voice of Protest: The Vindication of Anne Wentworth. Un article de la revue Man and Nature / L'homme et la nature (Volume 8, 1989, p. 1-136) diffusée par la plateforme Érudit.

Praying the Rosary

Praying the Rosary: The Anal-Erotic Origins of a Popular Catholic Devotion, by Michael P. Carroll, was published in the December 1987 issue of the JSSR. The article provoked quite alot of negative response from readers of the journal, some of whom directly challenged the editor's judgment in accepting the article for publication. I might simply have decided to ignore these voices of protest, but I have chosen instead to explore the letter writers' concerns with the author. He readily agreed to my proposal that we explore these issues in an interview format, and here is the result. I am mindful of the fact that some readers who protested our publication of the original article will question the editors' judgment, once again, for devoting additional pages of the journal to this topic. But I believe that some significant issues regarding the nature and objectives of the scientific study of religion have been raised by the response to Michael Carroll's article, and, even more so, by this own response to the questions I put to him. Michael P. Carroll is professor of sociology at the University of Western Ontario. In addition to his book, The Cult of the Virgin Mary (Princeton University Press, 1986), he has published some fifty articles in sociological, anthropological and psychoanalytic journals. Structuralist and psychoanalytic analyses of myths, folklore and contemporary urban culture are his primary specialty.

‘A Piece of Our Life’: the Theatre of the Eighth Day

Poland's Teatr Osmego Dnia – the Theatre of the Eighth Day – has survived for 22 years, with essentially the same personnel since the early seventies, and with a constant commitment to social engagement. The group – which has never included trained actors, because, according to director Lech Raczak, any graduate of a Polish theatre school, ‘cannot act with his whole self’ – was a major voice of protest for the Polish student generation of 1968. Despite constant harassment and frequent arrests, it continues both to inspire and record the work of young oppositional theatres, although in 1985 it was forced to split when six members toured western Europe whilst four others, denied their passports, played in Polish churches. What follows is a collage of two interviews conducted that autumn – in London with Tadeusz Janiszewski, Adam Borowski, and Leszek Sczaniecki, and in Poznan with Lech Raczak and Marcin Keszycki. They discuss the importance of Grotowski for their generation: their working method, based on group improvisation; the function of poetry in physical theatre; their major productions; and the day-to-day survival strategies of a collective dedicated to exploring the expressive and political potential of the actor. The interviews were assembled by Tony Howard, a playwright who also teaches English in the University of Warwick, and who expresses his thanks to the many people who made this feature possible – especially Nick Gardiner, the ‘European’ group's manager, and the translators. Ewa Elandt and Ewa Kraskowska.

Faith by Statute: Parliament and the Settlement of Religion 1559

In the past few decades Tudor-Stuart history has become a good deal more difficult to teach as revisionist interpretations have questioned many of our traditional ways of viewing the period. One of the characteristics of the old orthodoxy was the use of convenient labels and categories which undergraduates could easily master, such as Puritanism or a Civil War brought on by religious, constitutional or even class conflict. J.E. Neale's interpretation of Elizabeth's reign is a prime example of this approach. According to Neale, Elizabeth's parliaments were marked by an ongoing conflict. It began in the first parliament which produced a religious settlement that was a compromise between a conservative Queen and a Puritan House of Commons. Although Elizabeth wanted a more conservative settlement beginning with only a Supremacy Act in her first parliament and followed later by an Act of Uniformity reinstating the first Edwardian prayer book, she was forced to compromise with the Puritan faction in the Commons and accept a slightly modified version of the more radical 1552 prayer book. This began a conflict between the Queen and her Puritan subjects which made up most of the subject matter of Neale's two volumes on Elizabeth's parliaments. Although not universally accepted, Neale's interpretation has long provided the standard textbook explanation, and, since it posited a conflict between two easily identifiable parties over clearly defined issues it was readily understood and communicated. However, it, too, is now being called into question. The existence of a Puritan party has, of course, been seriously debated for some time, and it is not surprising that Neale's explanation of the Settlement, which was probably the weakest part of his thesis, is now also under attack. Norman Jones' study is the second major book on the Settlement in less than two years,' and both works are agreed in their rejection of Neale's point of view. Clearly Neale's interpretation depends on establishing the existence of an influential Puritan faction iri Elizabeth's first parliament, and Jones has convincingly shown that this party simply did not exist. The conservative faction in the Commons was almost as large as the radical Protestant group, and the returning Marian Exiles, whose supposed influence was critical to Neale's argument, were a tiny minority. Furthermore, Elizabeth could hardly have used a loyal House of Lords against a rebellious Commons to restore a more conservative settlement, as Neale maintains, because the major opposition to the Settlment came from the Lords. According to Jones the changes made in the government's original proposal for the Settlement were introduced to appease conservative opinion in the Lords rather than radical Protestant voices in the Commons. Elizabeth initially planned both a Supremacy Act and an Act of Uniformity reestablishing the 1552 prayer book. Although loyally supported by the Commons, she met substantial opposition in the Lords and the Settlement was enacted by the slimmest of margins only after she had imprisoned some of the most vocal opposition among the Catholic prelates and discouraged others from attending. Changes in the Settlement, such as the inclusion of the words of institution from the first Edwardian prayer book, were made as a concession to those Lords who were willing to accept the Supremacy but had qualms about major alterations in Catholic worship. Although this brief summary obviously cannot do justice to the thorough research and carefully constructed arguments which characterize the study, it should be clear that the weakest link in Jones' interpretation is his assumption that Elizabeth originally wanted a restoration of the 1552 prayer book. This can, of course, only be maintained if we discount her own statments about her preferences in religion as propaganda designed for foreign consumption. Although this may well be true and Jones has marshalled a great deal of circumstantial evidence in support of his position, it does not

Ole and the Reds: The "Americanism" of Seattle Mayor Ole Hanson

by TERJE I. LEIREN 3 Ole and the Reds : The " Americanism " of Seattle Mayor Ole Hanson On shipbuilding January 21, industry 1919, a wage resulted dispute in a in strike Seattle's by shipbuilding industry resulted in a strike by the Metal Trades Union. Two days later, the Central Labor Council of Seattle voted overwhelmingly in favor of a sympathetic general strike by its 130-union membership . On the morning of February 6, the city of Seattle came to a virtual standstill.1 Politicians in the Pacific Northwest and throughout the nation saw the action as the harbinger of a Bolshevik revolution. Newspapers and periodicals echoed their fear, accusing revolutionary elements in the labor movement, especially the International Workers of the World (IWW), of spreading treason and sedition. The "Red Scare," which the strike helped to fuel, also gained impetus from the success of the revolution in Russia in November, 1917, and the new government's perceived international misbehavior . Their separate peace with Germany and an aggressive revolutionary posture, further exaggerated by American radical activity, helped to frighten and bewilder segments of the American public. Immigrants 75 Terje I. Leiren were often the target of neo-nativist hostility: in the words of one Seattle newspaper, the strike was started by "this riffraff from Europe."2 Ironically, the man who emerged as a genuine national figure through his actions in defeating the strike was Ole Hanson, mayor of Seattle and himself the son of Norwegian immigrants. A now-and-then politician, Hanson was a real-estate developer in Seattle whose political position changed from being a supporter of the Progressive Republicanism of Theodore Roosevelt to becoming one of the earliest and most visible opponents of Bolshevism and the Red Revolution. For much of his career Hanson appeared to fit into Jon Wefald's view in his 1971 study, A Voice of Protest, of Norwegians in America as "consistently progressive, often radical" and generally found to be standing left of center in their support for reform.3 Whereas Wefald contends that Norwegian immigrants brought class antagonisms with them and translated those into political expression in the Middle West, Hanson's reform philosophy emphasized class cooperation , but was more firmly founded in a strict moral code. American involvement in World War I crystallized his philosophy, but also carried the seeds of a remarkable shift when, as mayor during the General Strike, he became an advocate of limiting immigration while establishing himself as an outspoken proponent of "Americanism." It is the purpose of this essay, therefore, to examine the career of Ole Hanson by focusing on his political views as expressed in the public record. How did this son of immigrant Norwegian parents come to be acclaimed as "the melting pot's vindication" and "America's first after-the-war civilian hero"? The Seattle Post-Intelligencer noted that although "a native born son of immigrant parents, there is no hyphen attached to this Seattle Mayor's title of American."4 In his 1964 76 MAYOR OLE HANSON study of the Seattle General Strike, Robert L. Friedheim claimed that the strike gave Ole Hanson "delusions of grandeur" which eventually led him to declare his candidacy for the presidential nomination in 1920. The validity of Friedheim's assertion will be examined, although there is no doubt that Hanson's battle against the Reds raised him from obscurity to the status of a celebrity featured in publications across the United States. In 1920 he published a compilation of his views in a book titled Americanism versus Bolshevism.5 Ole Hanson was born January 6, 1874, to parents who had emigrated from Gudbrandsdalen and settled in Union Grove, Wisconsin. As a young man he was interested in the law, but it was business which seemed to hold the greatest attraction for him. He discovered that he had a talent as a salesman; after he married in 1895, he was frequently on the road selling drug supplies.6 His legs badly injured in a train wreck which killed one of his children in 1900, Hanson rehabilitated himself largely through his own will after doctors had told him he would likely be permanently paralyzed. Following the example of his hero...

Faith by Statute: Parliament and the Settlement of Religion, 1559

In the past few decades Tudor-Stuart history has become a good deal more difficult to teach as revisionist interpretations have questioned many of our traditional ways of viewing the period. One of the characteristics of the old orthodoxy was the use of convenient labels and categories which undergraduates could easily master, such as Puritanism or a Civil War brought on by religious, constitutional or even class conflict. J.E. Neale's interpretation of Elizabeth's reign is a prime example of this approach. According to Neale, Elizabeth's parliaments were marked by an ongoing conflict. It began in the first parliament which produced a religious settlement that was a compromise between a conservative Queen and a Puritan House of Commons. Although Elizabeth wanted a more conservative settlement beginning with only a Supremacy Act in her first parliament and followed later by an Act of Uniformity reinstating the first Edwardian prayer book, she was forced to compromise with the Puritan faction in the Commons and accept a slightly modified version of the more radical 1552 prayer book. This began a conflict between the Queen and her Puritan subjects which made up most of the subject matter of Neale's two volumes on Elizabeth's parliaments. Although not universally accepted, Neale's interpretation has long provided the standard textbook explanation, and, since it posited a conflict between two easily identifiable parties over clearly defined issues it was readily understood and communicated. However, it, too, is now being called into question. The existence of a Puritan party has, of course, been seriously debated for some time, and it is not surprising that Neale's explanation of the Settlement, which was probably the weakest part of his thesis, is now also under attack. Norman Jones' study is the second major book on the Settlement in less than two years,' and both works are agreed in their rejection of Neale's point of view. Clearly Neale's interpretation depends on establishing the existence of an influential Puritan faction iri Elizabeth's first parliament, and Jones has convincingly shown that this party simply did not exist. The conservative faction in the Commons was almost as large as the radical Protestant group, and the returning Marian Exiles, whose supposed influence was critical to Neale's argument, were a tiny minority. Furthermore, Elizabeth could hardly have used a loyal House of Lords against a rebellious Commons to restore a more conservative settlement, as Neale maintains, because the major opposition to the Settlment came from the Lords. According to Jones the changes made in the government's original proposal for the Settlement were introduced to appease conservative opinion in the Lords rather than radical Protestant voices in the Commons. Elizabeth initially planned both a Supremacy Act and an Act of Uniformity reestablishing the 1552 prayer book. Although loyally supported by the Commons, she met substantial opposition in the Lords and the Settlement was enacted by the slimmest of margins only after she had imprisoned some of the most vocal opposition among the Catholic prelates and discouraged others from attending. Changes in the Settlement, such as the inclusion of the words of institution from the first Edwardian prayer book, were made as a concession to those Lords who were willing to accept the Supremacy but had qualms about major alterations in Catholic worship. Although this brief summary obviously cannot do justice to the thorough research and carefully constructed arguments which characterize the study, it should be clear that the weakest link in Jones' interpretation is his assumption that Elizabeth originally wanted a restoration of the 1552 prayer book. This can, of course, only be maintained if we discount her own statments about her preferences in religion as propaganda designed for foreign consumption. Although this may well be true and Jones has marshalled a great deal of circumstantial evidence in support of his position, it does not

Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, & The Great Depression by Alan Brinkley

Book Review| July 01 1984 Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, & The Great Depression by Alan Brinkley Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, & The Great Depression. By Brinkley, Alan. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982. Pp. viii, 348. $18.50. Otis L. Graham, Jr. Otis L. Graham, Jr. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google South Atlantic Quarterly (1984) 83 (3): 345–346. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-83-3-345viii348 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Otis L. Graham; Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, & The Great Depression by Alan Brinkley. South Atlantic Quarterly 1 July 1984; 83 (3): 345–346. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-83-3-345viii348 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsSouth Atlantic Quarterly Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 1984 by Duke University Press1984 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Voice of Protest: Political Poetry in the Post-Mao Era

Poetry in the People's Republic of China during the past 30 years has been dominated by works intensely political in nature – a kind of poetry known by the name zhengzhi shuqing shi (political lyric). The function of this poetry was to eulogize current political movements and to generate public support for them. This phenomenon reached its height during the xin minge yundong (New Folksong Movement) of 1958 when millions of peasants were mobilized to write poetry to praise the Great Leap Forward and the people's commune. Even when the Great Leap backfired and a widespread famine ensued, poetry was still boasting of “commune members piling rice all the way to the sky.” The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966–76) proved a greater disaster than the Great Leap Forward, hence, the greater need for poetry to supply optimism. It was also a time of personality cult and xiandai mixin (modern superstition); poetry was therefore obliged to provide eulogies. To meet these demands, large quantities of what poet Gong Liu called “huanhu shi” (hail-to-the-chief poems) flooded the market. Many of them were considered to be little more than “rhymed lies.”

Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression

Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression

Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression.

Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression.