Vocabulary Of Medicine Research Articles

A Study of Arabic Vocabulary in The 19th Century Malay Medical Manuscript

This study focuses on the usage of Arabic words written in Tayyib al-Ihsan. Objectives of this study are to identify Arabic medicine vocabulary found in Tayyib al-Ihsan and to calculate the percentage of disease names in the Arabic language identified in this manuscript. This paperwork applied a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. The result of this study shows that there are 61 (71.7%) types of illness written in the Arabic language. The most used word is جذام “leprosy” 6 (9.83%), followed by برص “icthyosis” and فالج “semi paralysis” 4 (6.55%), نقرس “gout” and خنازير “scrofulous” 3 (4.91%), and others.

Active models in modern Portuguese neology: new words and the pandemic

In the paper, neology is considered as a heuristic activity that is carried out with the help of language. The article uses materials of modern Portuguese-language media discourse, of the Internet version of the leading media resources in Portugal and Brazil, in particular. The combination of structural, psycholinguistic, functional-stylistic, denotative, cognitive-discursive and lexicographic approaches helps to identify the main active models in the field of Portuguese neology. During the coronavirus pandemic, Portuguese neology develops in a classical way, at the same time some new phenomena are observed. Traditionally, occurring processes include word formation (affixation, abbreviation and word composition), semantic reinterpretations of lexical units, and borrowings. There is a large proportion of initial abbreviations in word formation, both alphabetic (sigla) and phonetic (acronyms). Many initial abbreviations are of international origin. Compound words function alongside scientific symbols. In affixation, prefix word-formation is prevailing. To enrich the dictionary, borrowings are attracted mainly from the English language. New neological models are associated with the determinologization of medicine vocabulary, which migrates into everyday discourse. Proper names are interpreted in a new way. Some anthroponyms, mythonyms and toponyms acquire associative connotations or become part of complex words. Derivation in the field of phraseology, in which the number of fixed combinations increases, is boosting. Paremiology is being renewed with antiproverbs. Linguocreative activity is represented by expressive memes and hashtags. In the pandemic period, along with neologisms, potential words with great expressiveness appear. Portuguese neology actively conceptualizes the events of the coronavirus pandemic. In the field of conceptualization, subdomains of medicine, media and everyday discourse, in the focus of which lies the concept of “disease”, are distinguished. The latter is understood both with the help of conventional lexical means and lexical resources from different styles. During the pandemic, the neological field “coronavirus pandemic” appears as part of the constantly expanding neologosphere of the language.

PMO: A knowledge representation model towards precision medicine.

With the rapid development of biomedical technology, amounts of data in the field of precision medicine (PM) are growing exponentially. Valuable knowledge is included in scattered data in which meaningful biomedical entities and their semantic relationships are buried. Therefore, it is necessary to develop a knowledge representation model like ontology to formally represent the relationships among diseases, phenotypes, genes, mutations, drugs, etc. and achieve effective integration of heterogeneous data. On basis of existing work, our study focus on solving the following issues: (i) Selecting the primary entities in PM domain; (ii) collecting and integrating biomedical vocabularies related to the above entities; (iii) defining and normalizing semantic relationships among these entities. We proposed a semi-automated method which improved the original Ontology Development 101 method to build the Precision Medicine Ontology (PMO), including defining the scope of the PMO according to the definition of PM, collecting terms from different biomedical resources, integrating and normalizing the terms by a combination of machine and manual work, defining the annotation properties, reusing existing ontologies and taxonomies, defining semantic relationships, evaluating PMO and creating the PMO website. Finally, the Precision Medicine Vocabulary (PMV) contains 4.53 million terms collected from 62 biomedical vocabularies, and the PMO includes eleven branches of PM concepts such as disease, chemical and drug, phenotype, gene, mutation, gene product and cell, described by 93 semantic relationships among them. PMO is an open, extensible ontology of PM, all of the terms and relationships in which could be obtained from the PMO website (http://www.phoc.org.cn/pmo/). Compared to existing project, our work has brought a broader and deeper coverage of mutation, gene and gene product, which enriches the semantic type and vocabulary in PM domain and benefits all users in terms of medical literature annotation, text mining and knowledge base construction.

What doctors feel: how emotions affect the practice of medicine.

What doctors feel: how emotions affect the practice of medicine.

Quizzes and conversations: exploring the role of retrieval in medical education

Editor’s note: This article is part of a series in Medical Education entitled ‘Dialogue’. Each publication in the series will be a transcription of an e-mail discussion about a current issue in the field held by two scholars who have approached the issue from different perspectives. For further details, see the editorial published in Med Educ 2012;46(9):826–7. In this issue, Douglas P Larsen, Director for Medical Student Education for the Division of Paediatric Neurology, Washington University in St Louis, and Tim Dornan, Professor of Medical Education, Faculty of Health, Medicine and Life Sciences, Maastricht University, discuss the roles that testing, broadly defined, and social interaction play in the acquisition and retention of medical knowledge.

Contrastive Studies on the Category System of Traditional Chinese Medicine

This article makes a contrastive analysis on the first category and second category of traditional Chinese medicine among Chinese Traditional Medicine and Materia Mediea Subject Headings (third edition), the TCMLS Metathesaurus and Chinese Library Classification (fifth edition), and points out the features and defects in these classifications, hoping to give some useful proposals to the construction of traditional Chinese medicine vocabulary. Key words: Traditional Chinese Medicine and Materia Medica Subject Headings; Traditional Chinese medical language system (TCMLS); the TCMLS metathesaurus; Chinese library classification

The end of professional dominance

M edicalization is one of those rare successful sociological terms that has entered the vocabulary of everyday life. Even doctors, who are allegedly its main beneficiaries use the word and sometimes even denounce the threat of "creeping medicalization." The growing usage of this sociological concept is underpinned by its resonance with contemporary cultural processes. Conditions such as cancer, obesity and AIDS along with such drugs as Viagra and Prozac have as many cultural meanings as they have medical connotations. Since its emergence in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the thesis of medicalization has been a prism through which subsequent social developments have been viewed. There has been a steady expansion of medical boundaries and, increasingly, individual and social experiences are framed in medical terms as an illness or disorder. The promotion and celebration of health as the paramount value of Western society has encouraged people to interpret a variety of human activities through the vocabulary of medicine. Frequently, illness categories are used to make sense of routine problems of existence. Shyness, apprehension of failure, the inability to focus on tasks, promiscuity, and childlessness are just some of the problems that come with a medical diagnosis. Conditions that hitherto were confined to children, for example, ADHD (Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder) are now diagnosed in adults. Men are now claiming to suffer from illnesses that were until recently regarded as specifically women's conditions such as postnatal depression and menopause. The ever-widening definition of illness has been paralleled by the steady growth in expenditure on health. Not surprisingly, the health industry has been an important beneficiary of, and contributor to, the medicalization process. The medicalization thesis emerged as a critique of medical professionalism and, specifically, of medical power. It represented a reaction against rationality, expert knowledge and the biomedical model of health. Frequently, the exercise of this power was portrayed as a form of social control--particularly the control of women's bodies or of behavior that failed to conform to prevailing norms. For many of its influential proponents, medicalization was associated with the conscious pursuit of medical interest through establishing hegemony in defining and managing health and illness. The metaphor of "medical imperialism" was used to represent the idea of the expansionary ambition of a predatory profession.

Towards new information resources for public health—From W ordN et to M edicalW ordN et

In the last two decades, W ordNet has evolved as the most comprehensive computational lexicon of general English. In this article, we discuss its potential for supporting the creation of an entirely new kind of information resource for public health, viz. M edicalW ordN et. This resource is not to be conceived merely as a lexical extension of the original W ordN et to medical terminology; indeed, there is already a considerable degree of overlap between W ordN et and the vocabulary of medicine. Instead, we propose a new type of repository, consisting of three large collections of (1) medically relevant word forms, structured along the lines of the existing Princeton W ordN et; (2) medically validated propositions, referred to here as medical facts, which will constitute what we shall call M edicalF actN et; and (3) propositions reflecting laypersons’ medical beliefs, which will constitute what we shall call the M edicalB eliefN et. We introduce a methodology for setting up the M edicalW ordN et. We then turn to the discussion of research challenges that have to be met to build this new type of information resource. We build a database of sentences relevant to the medical domain. The sentences are generated from WordNet via its relations as well as from medical statements broken down into elementary propositions. Two subcorpora of sentences are distinguished, MedicalBeliefNet and MedicalFactNet. The former is rated for assent by laypersons; the latter for correctness by medical experts. The sentence corpora will be valuable for a variety of applications in information retrieval as well as in research in linguistics and psychology with respect to the study of expert and non-expert beliefs and their linguistic expressions. Our work has to meet several considerable challenges. These include accounting for the distinction between medical experts and laypersons, the social issues of expert-layperson communication in different media, the linguistic aspects of encoding medical knowledge, and the reliability, volume, and emergence of medical knowledge. The work described here has been tested in a small pilot experiment [39] and awaits large-scale implementation.

Stedman's Electronic Medical Dictionary

We still remember our first encounter as medical students with the intimidating vocabulary of medicine—not only Latin words, which seemed incomprehensible, but, even worse, terms commemorating prominent past figures. (What, exactly, is anti-Trendelenburg?) We also recall the sense of relief when, after some delay, we purchased our first medical dictionaries, which we still use to this very day. Stedman's Electronic Medical Dictionary contains the entire text of the 26th edition of Stedman's Medical Dictionary (book version). Unfortunately, the illustrations are omitted from the electronic version. After quick and simple installation of the software, one is presented with a self-explanatory search screen. Besides the straightforward word search, searching options also include Boolean operators (AND, OR, NOT), Browse on index (useful when looking up long terms or when the precise spelling is unknown), and Previous and Next entry. The useful History (log-file) feature brings up a list of all previously searched

Status of voicetype dictation for windows for the emergency physician

The purpose of this study is to assess the accuracy of the IBM VoiceType Dictation emergency medicine vocabulary domain under several conditions. The vocabulary domain, microphone position, and background noise markedly reduce dictation accuracy. Consequently, this voice recognition system is impractical in an emergency department setting.

Medicine is war: and other medical metaphors.

When I worked in a paediatric casualty department children were forever being told that after being stitched, x rayed, or covered in plaster they would be bionic. The desire to be more like is apparently widespread?inevitably perhaps, in an age when technology is both idolised and feared. Medicine is strewn with mechanistic language and concepts, and metaphor the body is a machine suffuses much of language of pathology and physi? ology. I write here about some of linguistic forms that underlie way we talk about medicine and way that they limit as well as advance our thinking. Examining metaphors behind language is worth while because it clarifies our assumptions. Seeing body as a machine, for example, has been useful?the heart, after all, is much like a pump and treating it as one has provided many insights. The success of mechanistic approach, however, has meant that we have often imbued body with other like attributes. All too easily patients become?like machines?identical, passive and fixable. Medicine, as has often been pointed out, has become dominated by a mechanistic hubris, which sees machines and engineered solutions to ill health as favourite way forward. All this, of course, begs question of relation between language we use and things it describes. Some have felt that any language may actually prevent its native speakers from perceiving world in ways that are quite normal in other tongues.1 According to this view, language more or less determines reality. A more orthodox position is that language and our perception of world evolve together, both influencing each other. The particular vocabulary and syntax of any given language do not make it impossible to express certain things, they merely make it more difficult to express them.2 The vocabulary of medicine is certainly one example of way linguistic forms affect our perception of world. As Dixon has pointed out, we have 20 rubrics for different types of respiratory infection but only one word for poverty.3 Differentiating respiratory syncytial virus from mycoplasma thus becomes possible, but we still have only general terms with which to express, say, overcrowding. Our language thus drives important factors to margins of consciousness.

Brief report: Etymologic Evolution of Emergency Paging Euphemisms

Emergency paging euphemisms such as "code call," "blue 100," or "Dr. Ambu" have the potential to become part of the technical vocabulary of medicine through the human tendency to use words creatively; yet this process may occur with considerable diversity of intended meaning, and a loss of precision in speech or thought may result. This study demonstrates that the informal verbification and further etymologic evolution of a paging euphemism at one medical center has resulted in words which mean different things to different users and listeners.

Stedman's Medical Dictionary: A Vocabulary of Medicine and Its Allied Sciences, With Pronunciations and Derivations

The editors of a medical dictionary face colossal problems: new terms to be listed, obsolete terms eliminated, current meanings revised where necessary, synonyms noted and cross-referenced. Someone must decide on the scope and overall coverage, the illustrations to be replaced or added, the possible changes in format. The editors of<i>Stedman's</i>have done their work conscientiously. More than 10,000 new definitions have been added, along with 5,000 new cross-references, while more than 13,000 definitions have been revised, all apparently with computerized control. Compared with the previous edition, the overall size has increased from 1,503 pages to 1,678, an increase due partly to a slightly larger (and, in my opinion, less pleasing) type size and partly to additional text. Many illustrations have been redrawn or totally replaced. But whoever flips the pages, even casually, finds innumerable queries, especially when he compares this edition with the last. Why, for example, was "Edward

Verbal Toys in the "Otic"

To the Editor:— Your word man ( JAMA 186 :138 [Oct 12] 1963), unable to find tuberculotic in the vocabulary of medicine in spite of what he refers to as the fact that where there is an '-osis' there must be an '-otic,' is too easily bemused. Among countless examples, the following nonexistent words spring readily to mind: endometriotic, adenomyotic, thyrotoxicotic, osteoporotic, avitaminotic, hemochromatotic, dermatotic, erythrocytotic furunculotic, dermatophytotic, pediculotic, berylliotic, halitotic, rickettsiotic, and bartonellotic. One might think that my favorite among the missing words would be pneumonultramicroscopicosilicovolcanoconiotic, but it isn't; it's reticuloendotheliotic. Can Dr. Gode think of any -otic words for which there is no -osis? Only two offhand: polyostotic, leprotic. Plus, of course, the rather obvious idiotic.

A Practical Medical Vocabulary in Spanish and Portuguese

W HILE teaching Spanish at Chanute Field, Illinois, officers in the Medical Corps would constantly inquire the meaning of certain medical terms in Spanish. Little by little I compiled a list of terms given to me at random by them and which they considered of practical use. Later on, while instructing in the ASTP at the University of Illinois, I asked the students to give me a list of terms which they thought necessary in dealing with everyday medical problems. The following compilation is the result of both surveys; and, while making no claims to be a basic vocabulary of medicine, we think the list might be of practical use now and after the war.