Violent Imposition Research Articles

Gender troubling critical whiteness studies in education

Gender is gaining more attention as a category of analysis in educational scholarship; however, much misunderstanding of gender remains, especially in how sex and gender are often treated as synonymous analytics. Additionally, gender and race are often treated as wholly separate despite their ongoing entwined epistemic and ontological genealogies. While critical studies of whiteness hold the potential to interrogate how gender itself is a violent imposition of white supremacy (Ozias & Nicolazzo, 2021; Spillers, 1987), the present study uncovers substantively different findings. Specifically, our content analysis of the past decade of CwS literature in higher education demonstrates what we identify as an investment in technologies of whiteness; a commitment that reinforces reductive, harmful, and inaccurate knowledge/power regimes of race/gender. In doing so, much of the CwS scholarship (including our own) undermines its intended goals by furthering, rather than dismantling, the effects of white cisheteropatriarchy.

White Settler-colonialism and Epistemic Violence in “Post-apartheid South Africa”: An Azanian Philosophical Analysis

This article is a critical attempt to problematise the notions of European Modernity and Rationality. It is fundamentally an Afrikan philosophical critique of epistemic violence that comes with European Modernity and Rationality. It argues that European Modernity triumphed in “South Africa” following unjust conquest of the Indigenous people since 1652, which was characterised by loss of sovereignty and epistemicide. This resulted in the violent imposition of the law and jurisprudence of White settlers, which are antithetical to Afrikan law and jurisprudence. This epistemicidal nature of White settler colonialism manifests itself through the legal technicalisation of issues of historical injustice.

Monocrops

ABSTRACT ‘Monocrops’ is a key concept needed to understand agrarian dynamics today. Strictly speaking, it means cultivation of a single crop in a transformed and simplified landscape. Broadly, it means the violent imposition of a pattern of power predicated upon the concentration of control over nature, labor, inputs, production, profits and knowledge, in the form of homogeneous, simplified landscapes. I examine the concept in relation to processes of empire and conquest and the modernization of agriculture through the Green Revolution and beyond. I discuss how thinking against monocrops can help us imagine how to create a more inclusive, just and healthy world.

Black Ecologies (Humanity, Animality, Property)

Black Ecologies (Humanity, Animality, Property)

ОСОБИСТИЙ ДОСВІД МІГРАЦІЇ УКРАЇНОК ПІД ЧАС РОСІЙСЬКО-УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ВІЙНИ (ЩОДЕННИКИ О. КАРІ «ЖИТТЯ ПОСЕРЕД ЖИТТЯ», Н. СУХОРУКОВОЇ «МАРІУПОЛЬ. НАДІЯ» І Т. БЕЛІМОВОЇ «БІЖЕНКА»)

The article focuses on analyzing the diaries of the Ukrainian women, their personal experience of migration during the Russian- Ukrainian war, which began with the Revolution of Dignity November 21, 2013, or the Eurorevolution, Euromaidan, the place where the events developed. It is when the Ukrainian people protested against the then prorussian leadership and its rejection of the course towards the European integration. The Heavenly Hundred February 20, 2014 is the first hundred killed insurgents in this Revolution, which continued with war. Russians did not recognize their invasion of Ukraine. They annexed Crimea too quickly – March 18, 2014. Then the Donetsk region – April 7, 2014, criminally forming the separatist, puppet Donetsk People’s Republic and, April 27, 2014, the Luhansk People’s Republic. Therefore, we are currently witnessing the period of development of a new literature about the war, which seeks an academic attention in order to analyze its multigenre, reader reception, artistic and historical value, influence on the creation of the contemporary literary canon. The diary genre was the first, after poetry, to react to this genocidal war. The diaries of O. Kari, N. Sukhorukova, and T. Belimova attracted the attention of readers, scholars, film directors, and the European community. The genre of the diary is a vivid example of auto-documentary prose, which is provocative, extraordinary, relevant in its content, form and functions, constantly developing and acquiring new genre modifications. The post-colonial approach to the analysis of diaries’ texts as historical evidence makes it possible to talk about trauma, life in trauma, colonialism, colonizer, imperial thinking, violent imposition of a totalitarian regime.

Ballad Poetics in the Era of Black Lives Matter

Abstract This essay approaches ballads as a vital cultural form for dramatizing the histories and social meanings of racial conflict in the US, turning to a series of recent poems written alongside the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement. This archive of poems draws attention to recursive racial divisions as they emerge anew in a calamitous event, highlighting themes of anonymity and hypervisibility, motion and arrest, the violent imposition of carceral order, and the insurrectionary prospects of its refusal. Examining the ways a range of Black poets have been drawing on features associated with ballads, this essay considers how these writers recount the stories and scenes of Ferguson and other now-famous locales of anti-Black state violence and community uprising. With their narratives of common persons subjected to surveillance, exposure, and acts of violence, these poems further the social imaginaries and storytelling mode of the ballad to consider continuing forms of racial injustice and new eruptions of protest in the present.The archive of Black poetic works I consider pursues more oppositional orientations, keyed to the insurgent energy of the streets as well as to the layered practices of Black revisionary ballad and the material histories they encode.

Géza Pálffy. Hungary between Two Empires 1526–1711.

Géza Pálffy. <i>Hungary between Two Empires 1526–1711</i>.

Chapitre 7. La réception de la stérilisation volontaire dans la législation du Brésil et de la France et ses principales conséquences

L’un des plus grands problèmes dont s’interrogent les législateurs, dans l’actualité, se trouve axé sur la question de savoir comment traiter les découvertes scientifiques dévoilées par les nouvelles technologies. Les évolutions scientifiques dans le champ de la santé éveillent, chez l’être humain, le désir d’essayer de dépasser la nature et les développements dans le champ de la santé sexuelle et reproductive, défient non seulement les lois de la nature elle-même, mais aussi les lois mises en place par l’humanité. Parmi les avancées dans le domaine de la contraception humaine, on souligne la stérilisation volontaire, utilisée dans le monde entier comme mesure contraceptive à 99% efficace. Au Brésil, la stérilisation volontaire a été formalisé par la loi de planification familiale qui a imposé, parmi d’autres restrictions, la nécessité du consentement d’une autre personne pour sa réalisation. Il s’agit d’une imposition violente, au service du contrôle sur les corps, de la part de l’Etat. Ce contrôle est notamment imposé sur le corps de la femme, réduisant ainsi son autonomie qui est à la base de sa dignité. Cela étant, le but de cet article est d’interroger les fondements sur lesquels s’appuie et se justifie l’adoption d’une telle limitation de l’autodétermination corporelle. Pour cela, les contributions juridico-philosophiques des auteurs Ronald Dworkin et Jürgen Habermas seront examinées, à la lumière de la bioéthique. L’axe des questions sera sur l’analyse des façons dont le Brésil et la France ont accueilli le procédé de stérilisation volontaire, et quelles ont été les conséquences les plus importantes de cette légalisation-là.

Disrupting Infrastructures of Colonial Hydro-Modernity: Lepcha and Dakelh Struggles against Temporal and Territorial Displacements

To be Indigenous within the modern nation-state is to live with a profound sense of territorial and temporal displacement. Colonial legal regimes situate indigeneity as a condition of temporal stasis, perpetuating the logic of territorial dispossession and erasure. Drawing on research in India and Canada, we focus on Indigenous experiences to theorize the relationship between colonial legal regimes, territory, temporality, and infrastructure. In the Indigenous territories of the Lepchas in the Indian Himalaya and the Dakelh in British Columbia, Canada, hydropower infrastructure effected displacements of Indigenous space-times and sovereignty. Although Indigenous peoples continue to assert legal claims challenging these massive infrastructural projects, colonial legal regimes normalize the often violent imposition of the space-times of state and capitalist development. The Dakelh have challenged the enduring impacts of a 1950s river diversion project; however, Canadian courts legitimized historic displacements, delimiting constitutional protections to current existing Dakelh rights. For the Lepchas, a recent infrastructural boom in the Indian Himalaya is threatening special constitutional provisions upholding tribal customary laws, raising concern among younger Lepchas over the future of their ancestral lands. Despite these threats, we demonstrate how Lepcha and Dakelh relations to time and territory exceed colonial containments. They call into question how the colonial present normalizes historic and ongoing displacements and demand responsibility for the past to craft alternative futures.

Capitaloceno, luchas por lo común y disputas por otros términos de interdependencia en el tejido de la vida. Reflexiones desde América Latina

Las reflexiones que aquí se presentan nacen de las preocupaciones del área de investigación de “entramados comunitarios y formas de lo político” en torno a lo que hoy en América Latina significa defender la vida para un amplio y variado abanico de procesos organizativos y luchas comunitarias en medio de las renovadas dinámicas de apropiación, despojo, devastación y degradación de las naturalezas humanas y no humanas que las violentas lógicas de acumulación impulsan sin parar. Esta inquietud nos ha llevado a la tarea de dotarnos de una mirada analítica, ecológica, holística y relacional en torno a la noción de vida, que hemos ido componiendo en diálogo con la perspectiva de la ecología-mundo, la ecología política latinoamericana y la apuesta de algunas tradiciones del feminismo por poner en el centro la vida. En este texto, a modo de síntesis parciales, presentamos lo que, desde nuestras propias inquietudes políticas, implica pensar la vida, el Capitaloceno y las disputas planteadas por una multiplicidad de luchas en defensa de lo común con base en diversas investigaciones en diferentes países de América Latina, en particular en México y Bolivia, pero también en Ecuador, Guatemala, Colombia y Uruguay. El texto se compone de tres apartados. En el primero, explicamos qué entendemos por condición de interdependencia y cómo, a partir de esta idea, recuperamos la noción de trama/tejido de la vida propuesta por diferentes autores. En el segundo, nos preguntamos por la vida que el proyecto moderno-capitalista ha ido produciendo a partir de la lógica de dominio de carácter antropocéntrico, patriarcal y colonial y los modos en los que se ha buscado reorganizar la condición de interdependencia, poniendo a trabajar a las naturalezas humanas y no humanas para garantizar la lógica de acumulación. Un ejemplo a través del cual ilustramos estas dinámicas es la gestión capitalista de las relaciones de interdependencia en torno al agua en tiempos neoliberales. Y finalmente, exponemos sobre la base de numerosas investigaciones, enfocadas principalmente en experiencias comunitarias en oposición a algún proyecto extractivista, nuestro acercamiento al antagonismo social y la disputa que entablan las luchas por lo común en América Latina para defender la vida y gestionar las relaciones de interdependencia en contradicción con los términos de coproducción capitalistas.

WARTIME AND POST-WAR RAPE IN FRANCO'S SPAIN

AbstractBy examining the experience of rape in Spain in the 1930s and 1940s, this article explains how the Spanish Civil War and Franco's dictatorship dramatically increased the likelihood of women becoming victims of sexual assault. Contrary to what historians often assume, this phenomenon was not the result of rape being deliberately used as a ‘weapon of war’ or as a blunt method of political repression against women. The upsurge in sexual violence was a by-product of structural transformations in the wartime and dictatorial contexts, and it was the direct consequence, rather than the instrument, of the violent imposition of a fascist-inspired regime. Using archival evidence from numerous Spanish archives, the article historicizes rape in a wider cultural, legal, and social context and reveals the essential albeit ambiguous political nature of both wartime and post-war rape. The experience of rape was mostly shaped not by repression but structural factors such as ruralization and social hierarchization, demographic upheavals, exacerbation of violent masculinity models, the proliferation of weapons, and the influence of fascist and national-Catholic ideologies. Rape became an expression of the nature of power and social and gender relations in Franco's regime.

Nihilistic Thinking as the Self-Will of the Mind and the Projects of Its Overcoming

The author analyzes the conceptions of ontological nihilism in the works of S. Kierkegaard, F. Nietzsche, M. Heidegger, E. Jünger. On the basis of this analysis, violence is defined as a manifestation of nihilism, of the “will to nothingness” and hypertrophy of the self-will of man. The article demonstrates the importance of the problem of nihilism. The nihilistic thinking of modern man is expressed in the attitude toward a radical transformation of the world from the position of his “absolute” righteousness. The paradox of the current situation is that there is the reverse side of this transformative activity, when there is only the appearance of action and the dilution of responsibility. Confidence in the rightness of own views and beliefs increases the risk of the violent imposition of own vision of reality. Historical and philosophical reconstruction of the conceptions of nihilism allowed to reveal the following projects of its comprehension and resolution: (1) the project of “positing of values,” which consists in the transformation of the evaluation, which is understood as another perspective of positing values, leading to the affirmation of being; (2) the project of overcoming nihilism from the space of temporality, carried out through the resoluteness to accept the historicity of own existence; (3) the project of overcoming nihilism as the oblivion of being from the spatial perspective of the “line,” allowing to realize the “glimpse” of being. The author concludes that it is impossible to solve the problem of violence and its various forms of its manifestation without overcoming “ontological nihilism.” Significant role in solving the problem of ontological violence is assigned to philosophy as a critical and responsible form of thinking, which is capable to help a person to bear the burden of the world, to provide meanings and affirm being, as well as to unite people and resist the fundamentalist claims of exclusivity and rightness.

Desvalorización de la profesión docente en Chile: capitalismo tardío y profesorado

El presente texto es una revisión bibliográfica que analizó la formación del profesorado chileno desde sus inicios y sus características fundacionales hasta el periodo dictatorial. El objetivo de este trabajo es demostrar que la desvalorización de la profesión docente en Chile, junto al proceso progresivo de depreciación de la educación en las sociedades de mercado, es el resultado de una imposición violenta del capitalismo en el país a escalas superiores. Para ello, se evidencia cómo la literatura analizada sustenta el protagonismo social que detentó la docencia en el periodo anterior a la dictadura y cómo las estrategias dictatoriales terminan con el prestigio de la docencia en Chile a través de políticas opresivas.

Autodeterminação indígena

Somente no Brasil existem 253 povos indígenas que apesar de acossados pela imposição violenta do capital, ainda orientam suas ações de acordo com sua sociabilidade indígena. Embora cada vez mais pressionados a abandonarem seu modo de vida, como diria Darcy Ribeiro, espantoso não é que tantos índios morressem pela eficácia das armas, dos vírus e dos ardis postos em cena pelos colonizadores de ontem e hoje, mas sim a incrível sobrevivência de alguns povos até os dias atuais. Ainda hoje, na aguda crise estrutural do capital, estes povos, seguem resistindo. Neste longo processo de resistência, podem os povos indígenas alavancar possibilidades históricas de superação do capital?

VIVES, VITORIA Y MARIANA: RELIGIÓN Y PROGRESO SOCIAL

Se proponen tres ejemplos históricos para mostrar cómo la religión, en la forma del cristianismo católico, ha promovido el avance de la filosofía moral o la filosofía social. Frente a posiciones que entienden que la religión tiene como función principal la conservación del status quo de una sociedad en particular (Marx o Durkheim) estos casos notables muestran que más bien es al contrario: las motivaciones religiosas han provocado cambios en la forma de pensar que inevitablemente implican cambios en el modo de vida (Weber). Elegimos tres autores ligados por la época y el espacio (Siglo de oro español) y la religión (cristianismo católico). Juan Luis Vives propuso desde la filosofía cristiana que inspira todo su trabajo una asistencia regular y organizada a los pobres, que andando el tiempo se convertiría en la asistencia social contemporánea. Francisco de Vitoria, reflexionando sobre las causas de la guerra justa, los títulos de conquista o esclavitud, sentó las bases del derecho internacional al margen de la imposición violenta. Juan de Mariana hizo una reflexión política limitando tanto el poder del emperador que incluso sugirió la posibilidad del tiranicidio en caso de necesidad. Estos tres autores nos muestran que, aunque la religión continúa jugando un papel importante en la transmisión del estado de cosas, también ejerce una influencia que permite la evolución en las costumbres y, en consecuencia, en la reflexión ética.

Monumento a Julio Argentino Roca: huellas del silencio

La escultura que es objeto de nuestra investigación está dedicada al ex presidente de la nación (1880-1886 y 1898-1904), Julio Argentino Roca. La misma, emplazada sobre la avenida que lleva su mismo nombre y la calle Perú, en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, ha sido realizada por José Luis Zorrilla de San Martín, e inaugurada en 1941.&#x0D; Todo el conjunto escultórico parece una especie de nave, que serena y tranquilamente navega hacia el centro neurálgico del poder. Representa el proyecto en el que estábamos embarcados como país, por decisión de una élite. En esa época surgían los nuevos proyectos de traza en la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Un planteo de ciudad diagonal y racional, proyectada al estilo boulevard francés. Esta racionalidad en la traza escondía la violenta imposición de un progreso ciego, en el cual se creyó como si se tratara de una nueva religión, sin importar los medios con los cuales llegaría a imponerse.&#x0D; &#x0D;

The portuguese language in Brazil: multiple peoples, multiple forms

This paper looks at the role of African, Amerindian, and Portuguese peoples in shaping and spreading the Portuguese language in Brazil from an interdisciplinary approach. Drawing from secondary and primary sources – such as Antônio da Costa Peixoto’s New Book of the Mina General Language (1741) and Friar Cannecattim’s Dictionary of the Bunda or Angolan Language (1804) – it explores the interplay between language, power, and identity to historicise the process by which Portuguese became the primary language in Brazil, despite its multilingual landscape. In doing so, it challenges the idea that the spread of Portuguese and language shift was always a conscious product of the Portuguese Crown and a result of open violent imposition. On the contrary, the spread and consolidation of Portuguese deeply depended on the missionaries, the population, and symbolic colonial practices. Additionally, the fact that Portuguese prevailed as the main language spoken in Brazil has not precluded it from being profoundly intertwined with Amerindian and African languages. Such languages formed a multilingual society, being largely responsible for the differentiation between European and Brazilian Portuguese.

Data Epistemologies, The Coloniality of Power, and Resistance

Data assemblages amplify historical forms of colonization through a complex arrangement of practices, materialities, territories, bodies, and subjectivities. Data-centric epistemologies should be understood as an expression of the coloniality of power manifested as the violent imposition of ways of being, thinking, and feeling that leads to the expulsion of human beings from the social order, denies the existence of alternative worlds and epistemologies, and threatens life on Earth. This article develops a theoretical model to analyze the coloniality of power through data and explores the multiple dimensions of coloniality as a framework for identifying ways of resisting data colonization. Finally, this article suggests possible alternative data epistemologies that are respectful of populations, cultural diversity, and environments.

Offline: Sexual and reproductive rights—health and hypocrisy

Mark Heywood stood to ask his question in Johannesburg last week at the launch of the Guttmacher–Lancet Commission on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights for All. He observed that we were in a country blighted with a “rape culture”—the epicentre of an epidemic of violations against sexual and reproductive rights. The country had no strategy for dealing with these violations. Only recently was a draft policy on teenage pregnancy written. Regression is taking place in access to abortion. And what, he asked, did we think about the present crisis engulfing UNAIDS? Michel Sidibé, its Executive Director, was arriving in South Africa that same day. And yet wasn't he guilty of failing to deal with the same issues we were urging others to address? What message did we have for him? The launch of our Commission was held in Constitution Hill, a former jail where many anti-apartheid campaigners were once incarcerated. We were in the Women's Prison, now converted into a museum and memorial to South Africa's tortured past. The violent imposition of white racial power. Black women registered in blue ink, white women in red. Physical and psychological humiliation. Dehumanisation. Mindless and repetitive tasks, such as washing, scrubbing, and shining floors with cloths and brushes, working on bleeding knees. Doctors and nurses employed in the prison colluded with the racist regime, inflicting additional cruelties. “I wanted nothing to do with their doctors. I thought they would poison me”, said one prisoner. Another: “There was one black woman who slipped in the shower and broke her hip. The doctor wouldn't come out at night to see her. He made her stand in the queue and he swore at her. Her face was swollen with pain.” South Africa today is free. But violence against women and girls has assumed new forms. Karabo Mokoena, 22 years old and murdered in Johannesburg. Her killer doused her body in acid and set it ablaze. He was sentenced to 32 years in prison just days before we arrived. Zolile Khumalo, a 21-year-old student in Durban. Zolile's former partner shot her dead in her dormitory. In South Africa, the frequency of femicide is five-times the global rate. Every 4 h a woman is murdered. One in five women over the age of 18 years has experienced violence by their partner. A newspaper, The Star, called femicide, “a South African curse”. The health and rights of women and girls worldwide are under attack. The purpose of the Guttmacher–Lancet Commission, co-chaired by Ann Starrs and Alex Ezeh, was to write a new manifesto to advance sexual and reproductive health and rights. We want to take advantage of the opportunities presented by the Sustainable Development Goals. We want to insist on a package of essential and cost-effective interventions as part of universal health coverage. And we want to fight against the forces of conservatism that are killing women, especially young women, today. This struggle is political as well as technical. As Justice Edwin Cameron noted, “Speaking about sex is a political act.” And Mark Heywood's question? Michel Sidibé has done much that is good at UNAIDS. He is a compelling activist. He commands respect and admiration among politicians. His ability to communicate the continued urgency of the AIDS epidemic has saved countless lives. And yet his responses to allegations of sexual misconduct at UNAIDS have been disappointing. He has supporters. But the growing schism over his leadership only shows how divided the AIDS community has become through statements and decisions that many view as ambivalent and ambiguous. There are calls for Sidibé to resign or to be fired. Neither outcome should happen. The UNAIDS Programme Coordinating Board last week issued its terms of reference for an Independent Expert Panel on sexual harassment, bullying, and abuse at the UNAIDS secretariat. The panel will deliver its report by December. UN Secretary-General António Guterres must then decide Sidibé's fate. In the meantime, the right response should surely be that Sidibé voluntarily suspends himself during the period of this inquiry. Voluntary suspension would enable an acting Executive Director (possibly Gunilla Carlsson, who only joined UNAIDS in February) to defuse a disablingly acrimonious dispute and restore confidence in UNAIDS. Defending sexual and reproductive health and rights leaves no room for hypocrisy.

Theodicy, Useless Suffering, and Compassionate Asymmetry: Primo Levi, Emmanuel Levinas, and Anti-Theodicy

Emmanuel Levinas declares that we have reached the end of theodicy, but we have not reached the end of discussions and books and special issues on theodicy, and people continue to ask, and answer, the questions “Why?” and “Why me?” about their suffering. In this essay, I would like to explore this persistence of theodicy as a topic of scholarly discussion and as an ongoing human activity, despite powerful and convincing critiques of theodicy. How might we take seriously what Levinas calls “the temptation of theodicy” and, at the same time, take seriously the ways that engaging in theodicy might be a vital part of how someone navigates her own suffering? I suggest that we look to Levinas’s asymmetrical configuration of the uselessness of suffering—that is, while the other’s suffering must remain useless to me, my suffering in response to the other’s suffering can be useful—for a parallel asymmetry concerning Levinas’s declared end of theodicy: while theodicy that justifies the other’s suffering is forbidden to me, I cannot forbid the sufferer’s theodicy in response to her own suffering. Further, I suggest that even in Levi’s harsh rejection of his fellow inmate’s implicit theodicy, Levi still seems to refrain from condemnation of his fellow sufferer, through his use of interrogative and conditional rhetorical structures. Thus, while we might agree with Levinas’s argument that we have reached the end of theodicy on a collective or historical or interpersonal or, even, personal scale, we are forbidden from declaring the end of theodicy for the other. The sufferer always has the prerogative to narrate her own suffering in the manner in which she chooses, and the imposition of meaninglessness onto her suffering, through a prohibition of all theodicy, may be a violent imposition, that mimics, in part, the violence of the imposition of meaning onto her suffering.