Violent Encounters Research Articles

Supervised injection facility use and exposure to violence among a cohort of people who inject drugs: A gender-based analysis

BackgroundSupervised injection facilities (SIFs) have been established in many settings, in part to reduce risks associated with injecting in public, including exposure to violence. However, the relationship between SIF use and experiencing violence has not yet been thoroughly evaluated. We sought to longitudinally examine the gender-specific relationship between SIF use and exposure to violence among people who inject drugs (PWID) in a Canadian setting. MethodsData were drawn from two prospective cohort studies of PWID in Vancouver, Canada, between December 2005 and December 2016. Semi-annually, participants completed questionnaires that elicited data concerning sociodemographic characteristics, behavioural patterns, violent encounters and health service utilization. We used multivariable generalized estimating equations (GEE) to estimate the independent association between exclusively injecting drugs at a SIF and experiencing physical or sexual violence among men and women PWID, respectively. ResultsOf 1930 PWID followed for a median of four years, 679 (35.2%) were women and the median age was 41 years at baseline. In total, 353 (52.0%) women and 694 (55.5%) men reported experiencing at least one incident of violence during follow-up. In multivariable analyses, exclusive SIF use was associated with decreased odds of experiencing violence among men after adjusting for potential confounders (Adjusted Odds Ratio [AOR] = 0.64; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.46–0.89). Exclusive SIF use was not significantly associated with experiencing violence among women in adjusted analyses (AOR = 0.97; 95% CI: 0.57–1.66). ConclusionIn light of the recent expansion of SIFs in Canada, our finding of a protective association between exclusive SIF use and exposure to violence among men is encouraging. The fact that we did not observe a significant association between SIF use and experiencing violence among women highlights the need for social-structural interventions that are more responsive to the specific needs of women PWID in relation to violence prevention.

Envision, Not Argue: Innovating EU Policy After the Failures of Libya and Syria

The EU now needs to innovate policies towards the Middle East. The disastrous consequences of the military intervention in Libya are for all practical purposes a European mistake. The air campaign was originally a French initiative with Norway taking a lead role. By the perception of failure, it most likely caused inaction towards the regime in Syria. Only a concert of the regional states can create a new regional political order, and an innovative EU policy needs to engage these states for this purpose. A regional concert is the yet untried option in Western policy towards the Middle East. An effective EU diplomacy is to engage parties in envisioning an alternative regional political order by the analogy of European transformation from violent confrontation to pragmatic cooperation. EU, Middle East, common security, strategy, discourse.

The Vanishing Native

The thematic foci of the Franco-Algerian war films of decolonization have shifted in the last few decades from evoking triumphalist discourses and redemptive fictional narratives to producing powerful transnational antiwar stories. While being critical of the violent history of colonization, defying earlier French governments’ oppressive forms of censorship, and addressing the history of colonial barbarity in Algeria, many French documentarians and filmmakers have skillfully used moving images to critique and expose colonial transgressions. In their efforts to reimagine the horrors of violent encounters between the French army and Algerian guerilla fighters, their narratives cover daring eye-witness accounts of war crimes, including acts of torture at times described by the perpetrators themselves while catering to the expectations of a global audience. Florent Emilio Siri’s L’ennemi intime (2007) and David Oelhoffen’s Far from Men (2014) are among these transnational productions that accomplish both tasks. In the stories told by the two films, the plots show evidence of a fundamental thematic transformation in filmic representations that collapses the differences between colonizer and colonized, situating both as victims of colonization. The article argues that even though both films consistently reproduce the conventional portrait of the colonized as weak, passive, and deeply reliant on French guidance, Far from Men introduces the myth of the vanishing native, a theme that helps legitimize and normalize the settler’s “right” to occupy the colonized space.

Qualitative Research of Violent Incidents Toward Young Paramedics in the Czech Republic.

IntroductionPrehospital and emergency medical services (EMS) providers are usually the first to respond to an individual’s urgent health needs, sometimes in emotionally charged circumstances. Because violence toward EMS providers in the Czech Republic is often overlooked and under-reported, we do not have a complete understanding of the extent of such violence, nor do we have recommendations from EMS professional organizations on how to resolve this problem in prehospital emergency medicine.MethodsWe conducted this study to explore the process of violence against EMS providers, using the Strauss/Corbin systematic approach of grounded theory to create a paradigm model. The participants in this research included personnel who had at least two years experience in the EMS systems of the city of Prague and the Central Bohemian Region, and who had been victims of violence. Our sample included 10 registered paramedics and 10 emergency medical technicians ages 23–33 (mean ± standard deviation: 27.7). The impact of communication during EMS delivery, in the context of violence from patients or their relatives, emerged as the core category and the main focus of our study. The five main groups of the paradigm model of violence against EMS personnel included causal, contextual and intervening conditions, strategies, and consequences.ResultsOf the 20 study participants, 18 reported experiencing an attack during the night shift. Ten participants experienced violence on the street, and 10 inside an ambulance. The perpetrators in all 18 cases were men. The behavior of EMS personnel plays a crucial role in how violent confrontations play out: nonprofessional behavior with drunken or addict patients increases the possibility of violence in 70% of cases.ConclusionWe found that paramedics and EMTs were exposed to verbal abuse and physical violence. However, in 10 of the violent encounters reported by our 20 participants, the attack was perpetrated by otherwise-ordinary people (ie, individuals with strong family support and good jobs) who found themselves in a very stressful situation. Thanks to grounded theory we learned that for all 20 participants there was a potential opportunity to prevent the conflict.

Validation of the Extreme Experiences Scale (EX2) for Armed Conflict Contexts.

Psychological approaches to the study of armed conflict have focused on analyzing post-traumatic stress outcomes, and on evaluating the intensity of exposure to violent confrontation. Nevertheless, psychometrically valid tools required for measuring these traumatic experiences are scarce To validate the Extreme Experiences scale (EX2) for armed conflict contexts for its use in Colombia, and to provide a framework for validation in conflict contexts around the world This Cross-sectional aims to validate the scale with 187 participants, study of validate with 187 participants, comprising population with high exposure to conflict (former combatants and a set of armed conflict victims) and low conflict-exposed individuals (control group). Structures of two domains and 18 items were confirmed: Direct Extreme Experiences (dEX2) and Indirect Extreme Experiences (iEX2); these dimensions were also validated by expert judgment, producing 14-item version. Good levels of internal consistency were found, with a KR-20 of 0.80 for the 18-item version, and 0.77 for the 14-item. The scale differentiates between population with 'high exposure to conflict' from population with 'low exposure' (dnp > 0.5 and area under the ROC >0.90). The scale scores have significant correlation with some mental health constructs. The EX2 scale has good internal consistency, as well as structural validity with regard to exposed groups. This scale can be potentially validated for its use in countries with armed confrontation history. In future versions, the scale may include additional items in order to improve content validity.

СУСПІЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНЕ ТА СИЛОВЕ ПРОТИСТОЯННЯ В УКРАЇНСЬКОМУ МІСТІ МАРІУПОЛЬ НАВЕСНІ 2014 РОКУ

Events that took place on the East of Ukraine after Maidan and the conquest of Crimea by Russia are considered as separatism movement, which has become a military conflict. However, there is still no clear difference between these notions, as these events haven’t been studied and rethought enough. On this regard, the social — political and violent confrontation on Donbas in February — June 2014 has been analyzed and represented in the article, by the example of Mariupol — a city of Azov region with thousands people. Based on the received information it has been found out that events on Donbas was difficult and ambiguous page in the Ukrainian history, which needs to be stud- ied profoundly and without prejudice. It has been discovered that a part of mar- ginal social organizations together with Communist Party of Ukraine, being col- laborators, were supporting the Pro-Russian movement. However, their aim was ambiguous, as each of them was following their own goal — some were inviting Russian military forces to Mariupol, another part sought to join Russian Federa- tion, some wanted an autonomy for Donbas as a part of Ukraine. The local power, striving to keep peace and safety in the city, at the same time was supporting a part of the Pro-Russian demands, in order to put a pressure on the central authority and to keep its influence on the positions in such a way. However, as opposed to the Pro-Russian the part of Mariupol’s population, with the support of political parties, whose leaders were in power in Kyiv, were speaking out against the aggression of Russian Federation and standing for the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Nonetheless, social political conflict grew into the forceful confrontation when sabotage groups, managed by Russian special services, occupied a number of cit- ies of Donbas, which has led to the creation of “DNR”. It has been specified that the capture of Mariupol by the militants was successful due to the organized provo cation on the 9th May, when during the forceful confrontation between Ukrainian military forces and “DNR” collaborators the local population has suffered. The last one has woken a social resonance in the city. On this regard, the Ukrainian military leadership took a decision to retreat from the city, and when the occupa- tional power has revealed its true colors — terror, looting, kidnapping — social attitudes have changed. It gave an opportunity to lead a successful operation on liberation of the city.

Perceptions of Violent Encounters between Police and Young Black Men across Stakeholder Groups

Violence between police and young black men is a longstanding issue that has gained national attention in recent years due to high-profile violent encounters. We conducted 48 semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders from different groups (young black men aged 14-24years, parents, educators, police officers, and staff in youth serving organizations). Stakeholders were asked to (1) identify causes of violent encounters between police and young black men; (2) describe police officers who serve in their communities; and (3) describe interactions between police and young black men. Data were collected and analyzed using thematic analysis and content analysis methods. All stakeholder groups except police felt that violent encounters between police and young black men were caused by officers lacking a connection with communities. Fear and distrust across stakeholder groups was also seen as a cause of violent encounters; youth feared police after having seen or heard of violent encounters, while officers feared youth due to the availability of firearms and previous assaults on officers. Several stakeholder groups recognized that racism and prejudice among police was another cause of violence between police and young black men. Positive interactions between police and youth were seen as the result of established, trusting relationships developed over time. Future efforts to prevent violent encounters between police and young black men should engage multiple stakeholder groups. One avenue for engagement is through community mobilization efforts that foster collaboration, build community trust, and encourage implementation of policies, programs, and practices that prevent future violent encounters.

School Security?

"Schools rethink security training" was the headline on page 1 of the 30 December 2019 issue of The Baltimore Sun daily newspaper. The accompanying article went on to explain that Maryland school students felt unsafe at school. Students on average rated their physical safety at 3.5 and emotional safety at 5.4, each on a scale of 1 to 10, with 10 being the best score. Many students gave their physical safety scores at 1 out of 10. And this is despite active shooter drills that are meant to teach them what to do if there is a violent confrontation, and in which they have all had to participate.

Chiang Kai-shek's Politics of Shame: Leadership, Legacy, and National Identity in China by Grace Huang (review)

Grace Huang. Chiang Kai-shek’s Politics of Shame: Leadership, Legacy, and National Identity in China. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, . xiv,  pp. Hardcover $., ISBN . Paperback $., ISBN . As Xi Jinping regularly invokes the “century of humiliation” trope to mobilize support for the Communist Party-State’s domestic and international goals, it is instructive to understand the historical context of how Chiang Kai-shek deployed chi—“humiliation” or “shame”—to legitimize his authoritarian rule in China’s Nationalist era (–). It is, in fact, difficult to think of another leader who invoked shame more often than the Generalissimo. Grace Huang’s monograph Chiang Kai-shek’s Politics of Shame provides a grounded explanation of the historical resonances of his use of chi, revealing how Chiang was a more effective leader than scholars have typically acknowledged. Chiang Kai-shek has generally been derided as brutal dictator who prioritized his own power over the well-being of the people and then “failed” in  because of his lack of progressive vision. Huang offers a more nuanced understanding of Chiang’s motivations and accomplishments. She reveals that while he lacked sufficient material and institutional resources to challenge encorachments of the Japanese militarily, Chiang mobilized humiliation as a cultural resource to create a national narrative that had broad emotive appeal that could, at times, be parlayed into helping him achieve his domestic and foreign-policy goals. The first three chapters focus on “agency” as a category for analyzing leadership. Huang reveals much about Chiang’s agency through her extensive use of shilüe, compilations of Chiang’s diary entries, speeches, telegrams, and other records of his own words. Inspired by the imperial-era creation of “Veritable Records,” or dynastic histories, Chiang commissioned the shilüe in order to later construct an “official” history of himself as leader. Unlike the final published history, shilüe served as raw material for internal Kuomintang (KMT) use and were not intended for public consumption. As part of the democratization process in Taiwan, however, the shilüe were published from  to , with monthly volumes covering the years from  to . While Chiang clearly wrote his diary with an eye for posterity, it and the shilüe offer extensive personal reflections that provide real insights into Chiang’s worldview, motivations, and how his perceptions changed over time. Reviews©  by University of Hawai‘i Press Through her reading of the shilüe, Huang discovered that the Jinan Incident of May  was far more important in shaping Chiang’s attitudes as a leader than previously understood. This violent confrontation between Japanese forces and Chiang’s National Revolutionary Army took place at a key moment in the Northern Expedition to unify China. Chiang’s forces took heavy losses, his representatives were tortured, and he ultimately had to issue an apology and agree to suppress anti-Japanese sentiment in order to resume his Northern Expedition. The shilüe extensively record his righteous indignation. His humiliation, reportedly, ran deep. After the Jinan Incident, he included a daily entry in his diary noting at least one thing he would do to “avenge humiliation.” Because their foes were superior in strength, in his public pronouncements Chiang called on himself and the nation to emulate the ancient King of Wu, Goujian (r. – B.C.E.) whose state was defeated by the more powerful Yue. Goujian passively endured humiliating insults, biding his time until he could help his people gradually rebuild their strength to overcome the Yue. Chiang could successfully invoke this story because it was widely known and people in early twentieth-century China could relate to its familiar lessons of sacrifice and perseverance while anticipating the ultimate victory attainable through moral rectitude. In promoting his version of the “avenging humiliation” narrative to justify the avoidance of direct military engagement while unifying and training the population, Chiang showed in subsequent years that he could still take reasonable action within this framework and make progress on his goals. He worked to resist foreign imperialism and win back sovereign rights lost under the unequal treaty system (such as tariff autonomy). He was not simply focused on furthering his own power, as his detractors claim. He...

THE USE OF RELIGION AS TOOL FOR IDEOLOGICAL INDOCTRINATION BY BOKO HARAM: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE

Boko Haram came to limelight in 2009 as a result of its violent confrontation with the Nigerian government. However, its genesis could be linked to the effects of colonialism and the subsequent socio-economic reality of north-East Nigeria. The activities of the group resulted in the death and displacement of many people in the Lake Chad area with significant damage to Nigeria. As a terror group claiming to be operating under the principles of Islam, the ideology of Boko Haram centred on the Rejection of western education, condemnation of secularism and westernisation and the incompatibility of Islam with democracy. These gave rise to discourses on the fields and settings of acquiring knowledge in western oriented schools, the concept of taghut (polytheism), employment under a secular government, and the issue of khawarijism. Thus, to blunt the narratives of Boko Haram and to contain the rise of similar groups, this paper recommends that religious activities such as preaching, delivery of sermons, informal Islamic schools and all religious institutions have to be centralised and strictly controlled by the government. Also, a counter narratives campaign has to be embarked by the government by using the existing religious and traditional institutions to deradicalise the mind of the brain-washed people more especially the youth. The Social media is recommended to be the appropriate and effective channel.

“Nada les hemos cumplido”: negociaciones de paz entre apaches y españoles en la Nueva Vizcaya en 1787

Desde fines del siglo XVI, distintas fuentes de primera mano registraron la presencia de grupos identificados como apaches a lo largo de la frontera norte novohispana. Conforme el poblamiento español avanzó hacia el norte en el siglo XVII y conforme estos grupos clasificados como apaches fueron desplazados hacia el sur, las confrontaciones violentas entre ambos bandos se hicieron recurrentes. Los estudios clásicos sobre estos temas, producidos por autores estadounidenses y españoles, han mostrado que la corona española transitó de manera errática entre las políticas de guerra y negociación para hacer frente a la amenaza apache, y que el punto crítico en la definición de una política firme con respecto de estos grupos indígenas se daría hacia 1786, en la época del virrey Bernardo de Gálvez. Como argumenta este artículo, las mudanzas entre la guerra (ofensiva o defensiva) y los tratados de paz (mediante regalos y el establecimiento de apaches cerca de los presidios) no solamente obedecieron a los cambios en la diplomacia española a gran escala, sino que también estuvieron relacionadas con la distancia que separaba a los altos mandos militares de las experiencias que apaches y españoles vivían en el ámbito local. El caso del fallido intento de pactar la paz con los mezcaleros en 1787 en la Nueva Vizcaya muestra la forma en que las fisuras en las líneas de mando españolas, y la distancia cultural entre los apaches y la jerarquía militar, dificultaron la construcción de una paz duradera entre ambosbandos a fines del siglo XVIII.

Social Media and Xenophobic Solidarity in Post-colonial Africa

In recent times, there is a resurgence of aggressive consciousness by citizens of most African countries, firmly fashioned and sustained through social media. Social media in this way effectively play roles of mobilizing and (re)constructing national identities and solidarities in ways that citizens regularly enter into violent confrontations with foreign nationals, often stereotyped as threats to the prosperity of citizens. In some African countries, executive orders have been given by heads of government that saw the vicious expulsion of millions of foreign nationals. With the advent of distance-and time-shrinking information and communication technologies, social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and WhatsApp are relied upon in rousing support for national interests and in-group solidarity. Through a systematic review of national immigration policies and content analysis of Facebook newsfeeds in selected countries of East/Central, West and Southern Africa (Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Somalia, Ghana, Uganda, and South Africa), this paper examines how social media strengthen in-group solidarities with the attendant consequences of loss of lives, properties, and inter-state diplomatic relations in postcolonial Africa. The paper concludes that while encouraging freedom of expression within the continent, social media also bolster freedom to hate as both citizens and foreign nationals become more distrustful of one another, thereby exacerbating competition, rivalry and xenophobia. As citizens exercise their right to voice their opinions, they also actively dehumanize foreign nationals. The paper recommends that kin and friendship networks should become the sphere within which interventions for antixenophobia campaigns occur in post-colonial Africa, as these hold the social capital to bridge the divide between citizens and foreign nationals in attempts to achieve peaceful co-existence.

Identity Politics and Democracy in Hong Kong's Social Unrest

206 Feminist Studies 46, no. 1. © 2020 by Feminist Studies, Inc. Pang Laikwan Identity Politics and Democracy in Hong Kong’s Social Unrest Hong Kong’s anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (anti-ELAB) movement began with legislation proposed in February 2019 to allow the transfer of fugitives to jurisdictions with which the city lacks formal extradition treaties. The law quickly attracted a tremendous amount of criticism and generated enormous anxiety because mainland China was one of those jurisdictions.1 In fact, many believe that this bill was proposed to allow the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to transfer wanted persons of any nationality from Hong Kong to China, subject to a legal process that many view as highly dubious. A large-scale anti-government movement exploded in June 2019 when pro-establishment legislators in Hong Kong insisted on passing it, and millions of people took to the streets. The government waited three months to withdraw the bill, only doing so after some of the most violent confrontations between civilians and the police in Hong Kong’s history. With Beijing’s 1. The law was originally proposed after a Hong Kong man, who killed his pregnant girlfriend in Taiwan, could not be extradited back to Taiwan to stand trial for the murder due to the lack of formal extradition laws. The proposed law, which would be applied to Hong Kong citizens, foreign residents, and even people passing through on business or as tourists, is being opposed due to the fear that it would be used to extradite Hong Kong political/civil rights activists and dissidents to China, where they would be harshly punished. Pang Laikwan 207 support, the Hong Kong government has doggedly resisted negotiating with the protestors over other demands, such as setting up an independent inquiry into police misconduct. As people have become completely disillusioned with the government and their own futures, tensions have increased. Collapsing many of the city’s socioeconomic problems into one cause, the anti-ELAB movement is primarily an anti-authoritarian impulse motivated by the unifying power of the term “Hongkongers.” As the movement unfolds, one of the most popular slogans, “Add Oil, Hongkongers!” (meaning “Keep going, Hongkongers!”) gradually transformed into “Rebel, Hongkongers!” and “Revenge, Hongkongers!” showing the protestors ’ anger about unrestrained police violence and the Beijing regime behind it. The militarization associated with these protests is both worrisome and symptomatic. This short essay analyzes this movement and uses it as a vehicle to disentangle social and political identity. My concern is about how a large-scale political movement can realign identities to generate power from the bottom. I use an Arendtian approach to ground my theoretical orientation, asking: How can political actions be understood as the pursuit of freedom to transcend one’s biological and social identity? From an intersectional feminist angle, if we are aware that social discrimination operates within a complex network of simultaneous discriminations , real social change can only be envisioned using a broad political canvas. Hong Kong’s anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill movement provides such a setting. Division and Inclusion “The people” might be the emptiest, but also the most powerful, phrase in the modern political lexicon. It can be used by politicians to justify groundless proposals or criticisms, but it is also the foundation and source of legitimacy for all modern political institutions. Indeed, the most basic meaning of democracy is “rule of the people,” which is impossible to avoid in any democratic imagination. As has been widely seen throughout the world, however, “the people” is often attached to various degrees of xenophobia—hatred of outsiders in the name of in-group solidarity . While the Hong Kong protestors’ courageous demands for the PRC to honor its promise to grant the city a high degree of autonomy have gained widespread international sympathy, thorny social divisions persist within the movement. 208 Pang Laikwan While Hong Kong has never been a united society, the anti-ELAB protests—like most social movements—have been highly divisive, splitting Hong Kong people apart. Most obviously, “the people” are divided by their political identifications, forming a primary antagonism between those who support the protests and those who do not, usually described...

Maryland, My Maryland: Music and Patriotism during the American Civil War by James A. Davis

Reviewed by: Maryland, My Maryland: Music and Patriotism during the American Civil War by James A. Davis Stephanie Dunson Maryland, My Maryland: Music and Patriotism during the American Civil War. By James A. Davis. (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2019. Pp. xxviii, 358. $55.00, ISBN 978-1-4962-1072-2.) America in the nineteenth century was a particularly musical place. From folk songs and slave songs to parlor tunes, hymns, and aspiring anthems, the music of the era reflected a range of social attitudes, emerging cultural standards, and political divides. Accordingly, thoughtful analysis of music of the age is a boon to scholars with the requisite skills to effectively leverage the material for the analysis of the historical moment. James A. Davis is a scholar of that rank, as evidenced in his previous scholarship and further demonstrated in this thoroughly researched and deeply satisfying book. Here his sole focus is the titular song “Maryland, My Maryland.” Ubiquitous immediately before and throughout the Civil War, the melody provides a surprisingly effective platform, through Davis’s capable analysis, for observing shifting attitudes about national identity, regionalism, class, and fealty. In spite of the book’s large and lofty themes, an absorbing feature is that the details are commonly presented at a human scale. Davis has lavished attention on selecting excerpts from letters, journals, newspaper accounts, and memoirs to form what he describes as “a musical microhistory”: “a study of those accidents, the seemingly random and trivial events that by themselves seem inconsequential, but when taken as a whole are seen to have shaped the future character, meaning, and function of one of the most prominent songs in American history” (pp. xviii, xxvi). The song at the heart of Davis’s book was inspired by a poem written by Marylander James Ryder Randall after the Pratt Street Riot, a melee in Baltimore that occurred the week after the battle of Fort Sumter. While transferring trains in the city, a troop of Union soldiers was attacked by a group of pro-Confederacy civilians. Cornered by the mob, the soldiers fired at the crowd. Four soldiers and twelve civilians were killed in the violent encounter, sparking outrage across the South. Randall’s poem challenged Marylanders to join the Confederacy and “[a]venge the patriotic gore” of the pro-South citizens who died in the bloody exchange. It was quickly published in newspapers throughout the South to popular acclaim. So taken by the poem were the [End Page 484] Maryland sisters Jennie and Hetty Cary that they cast it as the lyric to a popular college glee (the melody was later popularized as the tune of the holiday song “O Tannenbaum”). “Maryland, My Maryland” was then printed and distributed by a local Baltimore music publisher. For reasons and in ways that Davis recounts, the song was immediately popular, particularly in the southern states. Davis writes that the song “was adopted as one of a handful of Southern anthems, even though it celebrated a state that never joined the Confederacy” (p. xvii). Indeed, the fact that a song so central to the Confederacy was in fact a rallying cry to a state that failed to formally ally itself with the rebel cause is the central paradox of the book. Geography, demographics, and dual political alliances kept Maryland in the Union. And yet, as Davis effectively argues, in lieu of involvement of the actual state, the Maryland of the song became the symbol of an imaginary, idealized South—even as it became something of a point of parody for those supporting the Union. The song’s resulting fluidity is charted throughout the book’s chapters, as the song and its namesake state serve as metaphor and microcosm of the tragically contradictory ideas and attitudes that nearly destroyed the nation. Moving chronologically through the Civil War years, Davis’s book meticulously explores the song’s origins, reception, use, and reuse, detailing the tension between the nation’s love of a good melody and its conflicting ideas of what constitutes a good cause. Stephanie Dunson Williams College Copyright © 2020 The Southern Historical Association

Varium. Cú Chulainn's battle-scars: a new interpretation of a quatrain in <em>Aided Guill meic Carbada <sub>7</sub>Aided Gairb Glinne Rige</em>

DOI: https://doi.org/10.3318/ERIU.2020.70.7 Ériu LXX (2020) 171–176 Royal Irish Academy VARIUM Cú Chulainn’s battle-scars: a new interpretation of a quatrain in Aided Guill meic Carbada 7 Aided Gairb Glinne Rige* DIL s.v. forrind ‘point (of a weapon), barb’ provides three examples.1 One of these is taken from a quatrain preserved in the late Middle Irish­prosimetric tale Aided Guill meic Carbada 7 Aided Gairb Glinne Rige (hereafter AG), edited by Stokes (1893). The word in question is found in the final line of the second couplet: ni ḟail díb ar talmain tend / crecht arna fagbaim fairrend, ‘Of them on the firm earth there is none for which I do not leave a spearpoint’, LL 12881 (trans. Stokes 1893, 423).2 Stokes’s translation of ­ fairrend as ‘spearpoint’ suggests he understood it as a word consisting of for- + rind ‘a point, tip, apex’ (DIL 1 rind), an i-stem. The editors of the Dictionary suggested emending tend … fairrend to tind … fairrind,3 presumably on the basis that a palatalised final -nd would be expected for an acc. sg. i-stem and therefore emendation to tind would also be needed to fulfil the requirement for deibide rhyme. In this note I revisit this proposed emendation in the Dictionary and provide a new analysis and interpretation of the second couplet in AG, suggesting that fairrend has a more nuanced meaning than forrind ‘barb, spearpoint’ and that perhaps no emendation is needed. AG recounts Cú Chulainn’s violent encounters with and the subsequent deaths of Goll mac Carbada and Garb Glinne Rige. After having slaughtered Goll mac Carbada, Cú Chulainn returns to Emain only to discover that it is abandoned. While Cú Chulainn was away, Conchobar and the Ulaid had gone to visit Dún Colptha at Cúailnge, at the invitation of the hospitaller Conall mac Gleó Glaiss. When Cú Chulainn learns of * This varium arose from an example and brief observation originally included in a note on n-stems which I submitted to Celtica 30 (2018). I am grateful to that journal’s peer-reviewer who suggested I should expand it for another publication. I am indebted to the editors of Ériu as well as to Liam Breatnach for their many helpful suggestions, comments and corrections , and to Nike Stam for reading an earlier draft. I, of course, am solely responsible for any remaining errors. 1 Two examples are from the LL recension of the Táin Bó Cúailgne: gen. pl. tríchu farrindi ,‘thirty barbs’ (O’Rahilly 1967, ll 3345–7, trans. 228–9); dat. pl. dá ḟorrindib,‘with its barbs’ (O’Rahilly 1967, ll 3359; trans. 229). In both instances, forrind refers to the ‘barbs’ that protrude from the gáe bolga cast by Cú Chulainn at Fer Diad. 2 There are two extant independent copies of AG, namely, Book of Leinster (TCD MS 1339 (H 2.18); hereafter LL), fol. 107b24–111b45; NLS Adv. MS 72.1.40 (hereafter K), fol. 29a1–37b25. LL was edited, with variant readings from K, and translated by Stokes (1893); for a diplomatic edition and translation of the LL text, accompanied by a diplomatic transcription of the Edinburgh text, see Hannan (1987). Fogarty (2005) provided a critical edition, with LL serving as the base-text, and a translation. For a discussion of the tale’s date of composition, see Fogarty (2005, 6–13). According to Fogarty (2005, 2–4) the copies of AG derive from a shared exemplar. I provide Stokes’s translation throughout this discussion, as this is the most easily accessible edition available. 3 See DIL s.v. forrind. 172 VARIUM Conchobar’s whereabouts, he sets out in pursuit of him. Cú Chulainn’s charioteer, Láeg mac Ríangabra, gives him a choice of two routes: a long and easy path or a short and difficult path. Láeg warns Cú Chulainn that he will encounter Garb of Glenn Rige on the short path, but Cú Chulainn states that no warrior will deter him.4 Cú Chulainn meets Garb and the two engage in battle, attacking each other violently with spears.5 Cú Chulainn...

Varium. Cú Chulainn's battle-scars: a new interpretation of a quatrain in Aided Guill meic Carbada 7Aided Gairb Glinne Rige

DOI: https://doi.org/10.3318/ERIU.2020.70.7 Ériu LXX (2020) 171–176 Royal Irish Academy VARIUM Cú Chulainn’s battle-scars: a new interpretation of a quatrain in Aided Guill meic Carbada 7 Aided Gairb Glinne Rige* DIL s.v. forrind ‘point (of a weapon), barb’ provides three examples.1 One of these is taken from a quatrain preserved in the late Middle Irish­prosimetric tale Aided Guill meic Carbada 7 Aided Gairb Glinne Rige (hereafter AG), edited by Stokes (1893). The word in question is found in the final line of the second couplet: ni ḟail díb ar talmain tend / crecht arna fagbaim fairrend, ‘Of them on the firm earth there is none for which I do not leave a spearpoint’, LL 12881 (trans. Stokes 1893, 423).2 Stokes’s translation of ­ fairrend as ‘spearpoint’ suggests he understood it as a word consisting of for- + rind ‘a point, tip, apex’ (DIL 1 rind), an i-stem. The editors of the Dictionary suggested emending tend … fairrend to tind … fairrind,3 presumably on the basis that a palatalised final -nd would be expected for an acc. sg. i-stem and therefore emendation to tind would also be needed to fulfil the requirement for deibide rhyme. In this note I revisit this proposed emendation in the Dictionary and provide a new analysis and interpretation of the second couplet in AG, suggesting that fairrend has a more nuanced meaning than forrind ‘barb, spearpoint’ and that perhaps no emendation is needed. AG recounts Cú Chulainn’s violent encounters with and the subsequent deaths of Goll mac Carbada and Garb Glinne Rige. After having slaughtered Goll mac Carbada, Cú Chulainn returns to Emain only to discover that it is abandoned. While Cú Chulainn was away, Conchobar and the Ulaid had gone to visit Dún Colptha at Cúailnge, at the invitation of the hospitaller Conall mac Gleó Glaiss. When Cú Chulainn learns of * This varium arose from an example and brief observation originally included in a note on n-stems which I submitted to Celtica 30 (2018). I am grateful to that journal’s peer-reviewer who suggested I should expand it for another publication. I am indebted to the editors of Ériu as well as to Liam Breatnach for their many helpful suggestions, comments and corrections , and to Nike Stam for reading an earlier draft. I, of course, am solely responsible for any remaining errors. 1 Two examples are from the LL recension of the Táin Bó Cúailgne: gen. pl. tríchu farrindi ,‘thirty barbs’ (O’Rahilly 1967, ll 3345–7, trans. 228–9); dat. pl. dá ḟorrindib,‘with its barbs’ (O’Rahilly 1967, ll 3359; trans. 229). In both instances, forrind refers to the ‘barbs’ that protrude from the gáe bolga cast by Cú Chulainn at Fer Diad. 2 There are two extant independent copies of AG, namely, Book of Leinster (TCD MS 1339 (H 2.18); hereafter LL), fol. 107b24–111b45; NLS Adv. MS 72.1.40 (hereafter K), fol. 29a1–37b25. LL was edited, with variant readings from K, and translated by Stokes (1893); for a diplomatic edition and translation of the LL text, accompanied by a diplomatic transcription of the Edinburgh text, see Hannan (1987). Fogarty (2005) provided a critical edition, with LL serving as the base-text, and a translation. For a discussion of the tale’s date of composition, see Fogarty (2005, 6–13). According to Fogarty (2005, 2–4) the copies of AG derive from a shared exemplar. I provide Stokes’s translation throughout this discussion, as this is the most easily accessible edition available. 3 See DIL s.v. forrind. 172 VARIUM Conchobar’s whereabouts, he sets out in pursuit of him. Cú Chulainn’s charioteer, Láeg mac Ríangabra, gives him a choice of two routes: a long and easy path or a short and difficult path. Láeg warns Cú Chulainn that he will encounter Garb of Glenn Rige on the short path, but Cú Chulainn states that no warrior will deter him.4 Cú Chulainn meets Garb and the two engage in battle, attacking each other violently with spears.5 Cú Chulainn...

The Moplah Rebellion Reconsidered: Islamic Insurrection in Southern India, 1921-1922

Contemporary newspaper reports and de-classified archival sources are used to revisit an infamous episode in the long, contentious, and very often violent encounter between colonial rule and the Muslim Moplah peasants. The significance of the Moplah rebellion is re-stated as being relevant and revelatory to all peoples, despite the timelessness of war, as it marks the emergence of protracted (asymmetrical) guerrilla tactics as the dominant mode of anti-colonial warfare. Moreover, the long series of suicide attacks by the Moplahs, and the punitive justice, summary executions, and abuse they experienced as prisoners at the hands of the colonial government, are all appallingly familiar today as part and parcel of ‘modern warfare’. Analysts, educators, policy makers and researchers are invited to review the events that constitute the Moplah rebellion (primarily as they were portrayed by newspaper reporters) in order to grasp the ‘new realities’ the conflict gave rise to, and to appreciate the wider international significance of what happened in Malabar (South India) at that time. Rather than speculate on the psychological and sociological facets of Moplah resistance and the politics of a mass movement, as in the case of the prevailing discourse on the Khilafat movement, new insight into the imbrications of the history of the Moplahs is provided by situating the events of the Moplah rebellion of 1921-22 against the contemporary background of militant Islamism and the on-going ‘War on Terror’.

Everyday Crimes: Social Violence and Civil Rights in Early America by Kelly A. Ryan

Reviewed by: Everyday Crimes: Social Violence and Civil Rights in Early America by Kelly A. Ryan Catherine L. Evans (bio) Keywords (Lang: English) Law, Civil rights, Legal culture, Violence Everyday Crimes: Social Violence and Civil Rights in Early America. By Kelly A. Ryan. (New York: NYU Press, 2019400. Pp.. Cloth, $39.00.) Kelly A. Ryan’s Everyday Crimes: Social Violence and Civil Rights in Early America opens with two beatings. In 1741, the Boston Post Boy dispassionately reported a Massachusetts slave master’s violent assaults on an enslaved woman whom he accused of theft, and an enslaved man, her alleged accomplice. Ryan uses this incident, and others like it, to explore corporal punishment in early America, focusing on Massachusetts and New York. She argues that “legally and socially dependent peoples,” including “slaves, wives, and youthful servants,” were considered fitting objects of violent chastisement, and were therefore often denied legal redress when their safety was threatened or violated (1). However, legitimate violence had limits. While husbands could punish their wives and children, masters their slaves, and employers their servants, excessive or spectacular violence could attract both social censure and legal liability. Everyday Crimes describes the uneven topography of violence across groups over time. Throughout, Ryan emphasizes the complexities of [End Page 755] “dependence.” Gender, marital and slave status, age, race, and class collectively shaped an individual’s imagined susceptibility to violence. The book is divided into three chronological parts, from the colonial era through the Revolutionary period and into the early republic. Some chapters within parts take up particular groups, such as apprentices, “white wives,” and enslaved people. Others pursue themes, including “relationship building,” loyalty and suspicion, and “legal strategies for civil rights” (vii). Ryan characterizes the seventeenth century as a period of “great possibility,” as British North American settlers contemplated where to “draw the line between correction and abuse” in rapidly evolving colonial contexts (62). The eighteenth century, conversely, brought conservative retrenchment. Stable institutions, growing populations, and northerners’ deepening ties to the transatlantic slave trade prompted a renewed emphasis on social hierarchy and the authority of husbands and masters. The looming American Revolution prompted officials and other elites to regard dependent peoples’ protests as threats to social order. The crisis also brought some opportunities for change, and married women and African Americans made significant gains in New England and New York courts in the first decades of the new republic. Everyday Crimes is densely peopled. Ryan draws on archival records of criminal complaints and cases in which dependent victims of violence sought a variety of legal remedies, from peace bonds to convictions, against their aggressors. She structures her chapters around sketches of violent confrontations gleaned from newspapers and government records. These stories illustrate the ways in which dependent groups resisted their legal guardians’ violence, whether through resort to the courts or by less formal means, such as escaping, avoiding abusive masters, or seeking support from “bystanders,” including neighbors, patrons, and activists. Ryan is centrally interested in how even unsuccessful claims of abuse by dependent victims against violent guardians “influenced the creation of standards for safety in the community even if community members disagreed” (27). Although courts generally sided with guardians over dependents, she sees both power and politics in individual complainants’ choices to reveal their injuries and to “put their narratives about abuse on the map to be discovered” (5). She argues that these cases reveal human-and civil-rights consciousness among dependents, as they asserted their “belief in the human rights to safety and freedom from coercive labour” (5). In this, she challenges historians, such as Samuel Moyn, who see “human rights” as a twentieth-century innovation. Even those who locate [End Page 756] the birth of human rights and humanitarian discourses in the antislavery movements of the nineteenth century are, in Ryan’s view, overlooking the quiet campaign of seventeenth-and eighteenth-century dependents against abuse. Ryan is similarly eager to connect early American dependents’ efforts to the broader historiography of civil-rights legal activism, which she sees as unnecessarily confined to the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Some may be reluctant to follow Ryan in describing dependents’ petitions, freedom suits, peace suits, and requests for divorce as...

Cleopatra

Reviewed by: Cleopatra Sonja Kleij CleopatraPresented by ZEP theaterproducties and AYA danstheater at Stadsschouwburg Utrecht. 09 27- 12 13, 2019. Choreographed and directed by Wies Bloemen and Peter Pluymaekers. Translated in rhyme by Brainpower. Adaptation by Peter Pluymaekers. Set and lighting by Erik van Raalte. Costumes by Isis Vaandrager. With Arend Brandligt (Antony), Melisa Diktas (Charmian/Ensemble), Michael de Haan (Enobarbus/Ensemble), Samir Hassan (Octavius/Mardian), Sterre Konijn (live music), Anne-May de Lijser (Octavia/Chorus/Ensemble), Isabelle Nelson (Iras/Ensemble), and Mehrnoush Rahmani (Cleopatra). When the lights went on in Stadsschouwburg Utrecht, the audience was presented with a long, thin, metal bridge-like construction, a circle of light, and three female dancers embodying the push and pull of waves through their movement. One of the dancers started to introduce the audience to the story of Cleopatra, the great Queen of Egypt who represents female strength and power. As Cleopatra herself appeared on the metal construction, it became clear that in this scene she sailed on the Nile, the river represented by the dancers. This opening immediately set the tone for this play: a physical and feminist retelling of Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra. Gender equality was the central theme in this production, which was brought about through the plot, the additional speeches, and the dancing. The plot stayed close to Shakespeare's original text. As education appeared to be one of the play's main functions (over half of the performances were intended for schools), it was understandable that the company retained the core narrative in deference to its target audience of high-school students. But, as the title Cleopatraalready signaled, the focus here was on the female protagonist. Cleopatra was no longer portrayed as the foreign, Orientalized woman whose seduction causes Antony's downfall. Instead, she was the Queen of a mighty nation, which was invaded by Rome as a consequence of Antony's incompetence, pride, and misogyny. In placing greater emphasis on the gendered treatment of Cleopatra, the focus seemed to shift away a little from race. For example, here they spoke of " haar hand" ("her hand") not "her white hand." But as in the original play, Cleopatra was inseparably linked to her country, referred to by others as "Egypt." The difference is that in this case the comparison was made more positively, her method of reigning being portrayed as praiseworthy and successful. The cast was also diverse. While Antony [End Page 267]was white (passing), both Cleopatra and Octavius were played by actors of color, thus making the violent confrontations less about racial difference and more about men infiltrating a female space. Making the men in the Queen's life the reason for the tragic ending further neutralized the threat of Cleopatra's sexuality that is present in the original play. Instead, her sexuality was portrayed as normal and natural. While the speech was somewhat cis-normative, the way the female narrator spoke about vaginas and the experience of having a female body further emphasized how these experiences are natural and beautiful, and how they can be powerful. Of course, performing Shakespeare in a different language comes with challenges, opportunities, and above all choices. For this production, several people were involved in the writing. Brainpower, a well-known Dutch rapper, was credited with the translation, Peter Pluymaekers with the adaptation, and Anne-May de Lijser with the new texts of the Chorus, most of which she also performed. The majority of the text took the form of rhymed spoken word poetry, which had the effect of emulating Shakespeare's rhyming language, but with a more modern touch. Nevertheless, to me the language seemed a little clumsy at times. The rhyming sometimes felt forced and the rhythm was not always followed. On the other hand, the newly added speeches worked very well. The female narrator took a similar role to the Chorus in Henry Vby addressing the audience directly and providing commentary. These speeches broke with the rhyme scheme and usual rhythm of the play, which drew further attention to her being not a participant but rather a commentator on the action. The Chorus's main function was to redirect the focus to Cleopatra...

La guerra fría en las favelas y las poblaciones, 1945-1964. Una disputa entre comunistas e Iglesia Católica

espanolLas “favelas” de Rio de Janeiro y las “poblaciones” de Santiago de Chile recibieron habitualmente las visitas de actores externos. Muchas veces conocemos las historias de estos lugares gracias a los relatos de trabajadoras sociales, estudiantes, militantes politicos o benefactores. Con el inicio de la guerra fria la presencia de estos actores asumio un nuevo significado, siendo muy importante la disputa entre comunistas e Iglesia Catolica, que se contendieron la hegemonia del espacio popular, a veces llegando a enfrentamientos violentos. Sin embargo, las actividades desarrolladas por estas instituciones permitieron fortalecer la organizacion de los habitantes y aportar mejoras a sus barrios, contribuyendo a una mayor integracion urbana, social y politica. EnglishThe favelas of Rio de Janeiro and the poblaciones of Santiago de Chile were usually visited by external actors. It is through the accounts of social workers, students, political activists or volunteers that we know about the histories of these places. With the beginning of the cold war, the presence of these individuals took on a new meaning. In this backdrop, the conflict between the communists and the Catholic Church for the hegemony over the low-income neighborhoods, which sometimes led to violent confrontations, took a central stage. Yet, the activities developed by these institutions strengthened the organization of the inhabitants and physically improved these neighborhoods, fostering their urban, social and political integration.