Violent Conflict Research Articles

A new politics of international criminal justice: accountability in Ukraine and the Israel–Gaza war

Abstract Protecting civilian populations affected by violent conflict and mass atrocities is a challenge in global politics, particularly in view of the persistence of contestation over the application of the Responsibility to Protect principle and geopolitical gridlock in the UN Security Council. Over the past decade, there has been a pronounced rise in international accountability mechanisms to fill protection gaps in the multilateral system. Increasingly, international accountability mechanisms have been activated in the early phases of conflict situations to counter atrocities, promoting protection in ‘real time’. This article proposes that the deepening association between accountability and protection is best understood as an emergent human protection transnational legal order (HPTLO), a mode of decentralized governance that was driven by diverse agency across borders and aimed at solving problems of a global reach through legal ordering. The article provides an account of the formation and character of the HPTLO, demonstrates how it is operating in the context of the wars in Ukraine and Gaza, and identifies key risks and opportunities that these developments present to the global governance of human protection.

Dossiê Terror e intimidade: perspectivas etnográficas e desafios conceituais

The Special Issue proposed here gathers five articles that, stemming from ethnographic research, propose a reflection on the radical relationship between terrorist practices and experiences of intimacy. The Special Issue focuses on the ways in which these two dimensions are linked, suggesting that terrorist practices involve technologies that directly affect experiences considered intimate, concerning bodies, homes, routines, and affections. We argue, with the present proposal, that this is also why the effects of such practices reverberate far beyond the time and place in which they occur. Starting from ethnographic contexts involving routines of state violence in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro; an episode of sexual violence in an agrarian conflict in Paraíba; experiences of forced displacement and exile related to the Colombian conflict; and the armed conflict in Brazil from its urban peripheries; we also want to investigate the political effects of the presence of terror in the midst of everyday life and intimate networks of relationships.

Truth Telling and Reconciliation in the Pacific: Solomon Islands' Experience

Truth-telling was necessary as part of Solomon Islands’ reconciliation and peace-building process following the violent conflict between 1998 and 2003. When Solomon Islands gained constitutional independence from Great Britain in 1978, the architects of independence did not anticipate that the country would be embroiled in a violent conflict 20 years later. This conflict left the national economy in ruins, the nation-state on the verge of disintegration with law and order in disarray and an Australian-led Pacific Islands Forum regional intervention force was deployed in 2003. The Solomon Islands government later established a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to address the causes of the conflict and establish sustainable peace. From 2010 to 2012, the TRC facilitated a process of truth-telling that was seen as important to secure reconciliation and peace. The truth-telling process focused on the plight of the victims and perpetrators with limited focus on traumas that were generated due to factors such as governance, socio-economic issues, land alienation and displacement. This article will discuss transitional justice by paying attention to the role of the TRC and the effects that it produced. Given this context, the conversations around truth-telling should recognise the intersection between the colonially prescribed state and Indigenous expressions of sovereignty defined through socio-cultural relationships and protocols.

#Stand with Ukraine: Analyzing the links between Germans' emotions and their readiness to protest in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine

AbstractThe Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 sparked protests around the globe. Most of Europe had – luckily – not seen violent conflict of this scale on their doorstep for more than 30 years. For Germany, the period was even longer. Being confronted with news about the war drove thousands of German citizens to the streets. In passionate protests, they made various demands of their government. Herein, we investigate the links between Germans' emotions and their readiness to engage in such protests. Drawing on collective action research, we predicted that anger and sympathy would correlate positively with Germans' protest readiness. Given the context and public debate, we predicted that fear should also correlate with protest readiness. Two surveys (total N = 905) conducted with residents of Germany – one day after the invasion and at its first anniversary – supported our hypotheses. We consistently found that the more sympathy and anger respondents experienced, the greater their readiness to protest. Fear explained variance beyond sympathy and anger in two cases and in an information‐seeking measure of protest readiness: Greater fear correlated with a higher interest in demonstrations advocating peace negotiations and a lower interest in demonstrations calling for solidarity with Ukraine. These findings underscore the links between sympathy, anger, fear, and the readiness to protest in response to the contemporary crisis that is the war in Ukraine.

The economic impact of violence in southern Chile

ABSTRACT For more than two decades, the Araucania region in southern Chile has been afflicted by violent acts related to the so-called Mapuche conflict. In this study, we ask what the region’s per capita GDP might have been if there had been no violence. To address this question, we establish 1997 as the starting point of the conflict and construct a counterfactual measure of Araucania’s per capita GDP using the synthetic control methodology. Our analysis indicates that the region’s per capita GDP has experienced an average decline of approximately US2.589 between 1998 and 2020 as a result of the violent conflict. This is a 22% decrease in comparison to the Araucania region’s anticipated GDP per capita.

Women entrepreneurs in violent conflict zones

Women entrepreneurs in violent conflict zones Read here for insights from a Libya-based study conducted by researchers at the University of Alberta about women entrepreneurs in violent conflict zones. In a couple of recent Open Access Government publications, Professor Jennifer Jennings from the University of Alberta collaborated with a former doctoral student to offer ideas for policy priorities and policy-oriented research related to gender and entrepreneurship. Here, she teams up with one of her current PhD students, Omima Elkailani, to share findings from a study of women’s entrepreneurship in one of the world’s most violent conflict zones: the African country of Libya after the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings.

Strategic state violence and migration in conflict

AbstractGovernments routinely wage civil conflicts in ways that disrupt civilians' lives and livelihoods, creating harmful externalities like internal displacement. Both fighting and displacement hinder economic activity, jeopardizing popular support for governments and reducing the future gains of governance. How do states fight when using force induces migration and thus risks popular discontent? I model a conflict where government efforts to control territory spur displacement, creating economic disruption that can spark tension between displaced civilians and government supporters. The risk of losing popular support leads the government to modify its tactics. While the government could mitigate the disruptive consequences of displacement by fighting less, I find another, more troubling, strategy. Governments may engage in preemptive violence to prevent migration. Moreover, economic downturns exacerbate migration incentives and, I find, can also increase violence against civilians. Governments anticipating displacement fight more intense conflicts today to see relatively less migration in the future.

Zimbabwe: Relational Peacebuilding Amidst Protracted Social Conflict. Strategies and Significance of Endogenous Approaches

Independent Zimbabwe has experienced continual episodes of mostly violent intra-state conflict that have left the country polarised and divided along mostly ethnic, racial, and class lines. In the aftermath of each conflictual episode, peacemaking attempts have been implemented to se cede hostilities, however, these attempts have only built peace at the superstructure while neglect ing the grassroots, which has been the microcosm of conflict wherein most of the actors are, be they perpetrators, victims and survivors. State-led attempts at reconciliation have failed to address the after-effects of conflict, and it is the argument of this paper that endogenous approaches to relational peacebuilding cannot continue to be ignored as they can potentially address some of the fault lines. Respondents to the study were purposively selected from three provinces in the coun try. Findings indicate the relevance and efficacy of these approaches in building peace at the family and community levels. Keywords: Relational peace, conflict, endoge nous, tradition, Zimbabwe.

Kenya: Socio-Demographic Determinants of Intractable Communal Land Use Conflicts in the Squatter Enclaves of Mount Elgon Region

In the post-Cold War world order, the African Continent has been a stage for some of the most violent intra-state conflicts arising from natural resources and land distribution. These contes tations have often been inter-communal and take the violent extremism route. The consequences of these devastating contestations have been apocalyptic in most of these conflicts. In Kenya’s Mount Elgon Region, the emergence of extremism Sabaot Land Defence Forces and counter-extremist groups is rooted in a long historical struggle for equitable distribution of land rights. Despite efforts by state and non-state actors, sustainable peace remains a distant mirage. Socio-economic deter minants have emerged as fundamental determinants in these extremist contestations, yet, extant literature has been silent on this subject matter. This paper sought to interrogate socio-demographic determinants as pathways for homegrown extremism in the Mount Elgon Region. Study findings revealed strong support for the interplay between ownership of land, source of income, level of education, and sustenance of homegrown extremism over land-use conflicts in the study area. The paper recommends the need for the Ministry of Lands to expedite the management of the historical land question to contain the socio-demographic determinants as pathways for homegrown ex tremism in the study area. The findings under score the importance of land tenure security in pursuit of peaceful, just, and inclusive societies as advocated for in the Sustainable Development Agenda 2030. Keywords: Demographic, extremism, home grown, land-use, Mt. Elgon.

Neither secular nor sectarian: perspectives on social life and politics among Beirut's religiously devout youth

Abstract This paper explores the following question: How does individual religiosity and attachment to a religious community relate to sectarian political loyalties or interpersonal prejudices in a post-conflict, institutionally sectarianized society? The paper explores this question through dialectic, participatory methods with youth involved in community-based youth associations with a religious component. The paper investigates how religiously devout youth in Lebanon conceptualize the personal and communal elements of their religiosity in relation to sectarian politics. In this way, the paper contributes to a study of social sectarianism, in which scholars are striving to understand what individuals mean when they speak about sect, and how discussions surrounding sect mask more complex underlying social realities. Overall, these accounts suggest that personal and social religiosity both positively influence anti-sectarian political outlook among participants, while other factors, such as the institutional sectarianization of public life and a history of violent conflict maintain participants' default attachment to co-sectarian networks in terms of routine, economic security, and communal belonging.

Perception of perpetrators’ acknowledgement of victimhood increases rather than decreases support for reconciliation with another victim group

ABSTRACT Centuries of colonial oppression in the collective memory of native Indonesians perpetuated their perception as victims of historical injustice, and left behind violent intergroup conflicts. We investigated how perceived acknowledgement of victimhood by perpetrators and another victim group would predict support for reconciliation with Chinese Indonesians through acknowledgement of ingroup wrongdoing and reduced prejudice. We conducted an online survey among native Indonesians (N = 333) and identified an indirect relationship between perceived acknowledgement of victimhood by Dutch colonizers and support for reconciliation with Chinese Indonesians via the mediating effect of prejudice. However, contrary to expectations, participants with higher levels of perceived acknowledgement of victimhood by perpetrators were more likely to show prejudice, which in turn predicted lower support for reconciliation. Acknowledgement of ingroup wrongdoing was not a statistically significant mediator. This study suggests that, in some cases, acknowledgement of victimhood by the perpetrator group may be primarily taken as a confirmation of victimhood rather than a direct path towards a more peaceful co-existence with other groups.

Warriors from the south? Arrowheads from the Tollense Valley and Central Europe

Investigations in the Tollense Valley in north-eastern Germany have provided evidence of a large and violent conflict in the thirteenth century BC. Typological analysis of arrowheads from the valley (10 flint and 54 bronze specimens) and comparison with type distributions in Central Europe, presented here for the first time, emphasise the supra-regional nature of the conflict. While the flint arrowheads are typical for the local Nordic Bronze Age, the bronze arrowheads show a mixture of local and non-local forms, adding to the growing evidence for a clash between local groups and at least one incoming group from southern Central Europe.

How Radio Affects Violent Conflict: New Evidence from Rwanda

Researchers have long debated how radio broadcasts affected the dynamics of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, with some arguing that the radio was highly consequential, and others suggesting such effects have been overstated. This article contributes to these debates—as well as to debates regarding the role of old and new media in collective action—by examining whether and how Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (Radio RTLM) coverage was associated with two core aspects of the violence: (1) subnational onset of genocidal violence and (2) participation in genocidal violence across subnational spaces. Drawing on new data on Radio RTLM coverage, we find that areas with coverage were more likely to experience immediate onset of violence. However, our analysis of participation in the genocide—which uses more accurate measures of participation and of radio coverage than prior studies—finds no significant association between Radio RTLM coverage and subnational levels of participation. After illustrating that these results are robust to numerous model specifications, we theorize that information broadcast over the radio’s airways contributed to the creation of a critical mass that initiated genocide in localized spaces. We conclude by considering the importance of understanding the role of media in the subnational onset of violence.

Echoes of conflict and displacement in maternal health: Life-course violence, timing, and maternal stress after childbirth at the northern Thailand-Myanmar border

Armed conflict, displacement, and related violence is escalating globally, concentrated among civilians and migrants in border areas, and poses grave harms to women and children. The current study investigates how women’s life-course experiences of conflict and displacement are linked to maternal stress and health outcomes after childbirth at the Thailand-Myanmar border, specifically stress, mental health, and cardiometabolic outcomes. Analyses are based on a cross-sectional population-based maternal and child health survey of 701 mothers, collected in 2017–18 in northern Thailand along the Myanmar border, including in camps, worksites, and residential homes. Results suggest that how conflict violence shapes contemporary stress and health depends on the outcome, level and timing of conflict violence exposure, and subsequent contextual threats and deprivation in displacement contexts. Past conflict violence was associated with symptoms of perceived stress (PS) and generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) but not depression. It was also associated with hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis activity (hair cortisol concentration) and adiposity (waist circumference and waist-to-hip ratio). Additionally, past conflict violence that began in childhood was particularly salient for PS, GAD, and adiposity; and level and timing of violence were salient jointly for HPA activity. Post-displacement factors also independently predicted higher blood pressure and played a potentially partial mediating role in the association between conflict exposure and both PS and GAD symptoms.

‘Ubuntu’ African Philosophy or ‘Ubuntu’ as a Philosophy for Africa

This paper tries to develop a tenable philosophical idea of Ubuntu, that is, more specifically, a crystallized and sanitized African indigenous ethical perspective. Africa as an idea seems to be a “contested” concept in this contemporary post-colonial era due to the influx of different nuances, races, values, and beliefs that are in contention. Should this be a source of worry? So far, Ubuntu theory and practice in Africa seem to have become emotive, politicized, and not inclusive enough due to grandstanding about ownership, poor conceptual and theoretical articulation, as well as antagonism from other related foreign dominant worldviews that wish to become the development paradigm for most African social and political systems. This raises relational and dialogical issues about meaning from an African viewpoint. The search for an African endogenous paradigm for development is urgent given the real consequences of a (neo)colonial tendency that has threatened and disadvantaged the development of most countries due to its dominant paradigms of alienation, exploitation, and marginalization. These values have altered or affected African behaviour and thinking. This transformation of the African personality raises issues about agency. The underlying values of a development paradigm or philosophy of development for Africa require an ethical basis for human existence in political and social order. Generally, social order in most parts of Africa is beset by the problem of a negative dominant social paradigm (DSP) or core social values of hatred, intolerance, the abuse of human rights, dehumanization, exploitation, authoritarianism, poverty, and oppression. This often leads to tension, violent conflicts, and wars. So to build a viable and stable endogenous paradigm for development in most African sociopolitical environments, we attempt to use the main pillar of interconnectedness among human beings, which is central to Ubuntu as a humane and humanistic social system, to underscore some key moral and democratic values required for human liberation and transformation. The research question is: What concrete elements or values of Ubuntu can be useful as paradigms of endogenous African development? Specifically, our findings suggest that Ubuntu ethics is defined by a set of human values central among which are reciprocity, the common good, peaceful relations, an emphasis on human dignity and the value of human life, as well as consensus, tolerance, and mutual respect. Thus, the paper argues for the possibility of utilizing Ubuntu ethical correlates as materials for establishing stable and viable development worldwide and specifically in Africa.

Radio Okapi online newspapers: Between media framing, conflict and peacebuilding

United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) have incorporated a Public Information (PI) component to communicate with the public. This component has shifted from public outreach towards media reports on current events, including violent incidents. Few studies have assessed the contribution of the PI components of UN-led media. This article assesses the framing of Radio Okapi (RO) online newspaper articles to understand RO’s contribution to peacebuilding processes in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), an ethnically highly polarized region where many sites are difficult to access. By analysing how RO reports on violent incidents in this region, the study identifies some shortfalls in RO’s PI role. Its framing of reporting can obscure the causes of conflict, for example, by equating ethnic communities with their armed actors and giving secondary importance to the direct victims of armed violence. Moreover, much RO reporting relies on uncorroborated and questionable sources of information, mostly provided by security services. Its framing is unlikely to contribute to sustainable peacebuilding processes and thus does not meet the PI aspirations of UNPKOs. This article suggests that journalists should be empowered with background skills and knowledge relevant to peace journalism, framing news reports in ways that help tackle the root causes and drivers of violent conflict.

A multi-dimensional typology of allyship action in violent intergroup conflict settings: Differentiating actor, target, and type of action

ABSTRACT Despite an increase in social psychological research on allyship, less attention has been paid to allyship action in violent intergroup conflict settings. In this contribution, first, we introduce a multi-dimensional typology of allyship action in such settings by differentiating allyship based on the a) actors (i.e. individuals, collectives, and societies), b) targets (i.e. victim- vs perpetrator-focused), and c) types of those actions (i.e. low- vs high-cost action). Second, we mostly draw on examples from our own research programmes and where relevant from global conflicts and previous studies on allyship to show the applicability of the proposed typology. Finally, we discuss theoretical and practical implications, reflect on the limitations of past studies and suggest directions to address research gaps. Our typology contributes to the collective action and intergroup conflict literatures by showing how allyship action has been studied in conflict settings andthe similarities and differences between conflict and non-conflict settings.

Researching hate speech online: Exploring the potential and limitations of Facebook as a survey tool in Africa

The reasons driving users to flag/report online hate and social media mis/disinformation in Africa—or, conversely, why they choose not to. We conducted surveys with social media users in several African countries to gauge their definitional understandings of online hate and mis/disinformation; their awareness of content moderation processes, including the role of artificial intelligence (AI); and their engagement with flagging/reporting online content. The challenge, however, was how to conduct survey research in difficult-to-reach places, some of which are affected by violent conflict, and within a limited budget. Given that our aim was to reach social media users, we used Facebook to advertise our survey, drawing on the breadth of research on using the platform as a research tool and the fact it has a large user base in the targeted countries. In this article, we explore the practicalities, challenges, and limitations of Facebook as a tool for survey research in African countries.

Jurisdictional Conflicts and Solutions in Bribery Cases of Multinational Corporations

Commercial bribery by multinational corporations is hampering global economic development and threatening the legal authority of states. In dealing with such cases, countries often form violent conflicts of jurisdiction in cases due to differences in legislation, law enforcement and judicial systems, among other reasons. Such conflicts not only affect the efficiency of handling cases, but may also lead to a waste of law enforcement resources and the evasion of legal responsibility by multinational corporations. By introducing the basic types of jurisdiction in cases of multinational corporations, this paper points out the reasons for the formation of conflicts of jurisdiction among countries. Then this paper systematically analyzes some representative domestic acts and international conventions, and finds that most countries and international organizations are actively working on legislation. In many years of judicial practice, the world has achieved remarkable results in combating transnational commercial bribery. However, there are still many shortcomings in these existing legal mechanisms and implementation methods. This paper aims to propose a more efficient solution to the existing dilemma, and suggests that the mechanism for determining jurisdiction in bribery cases of multinational corporations should be further improved by strengthening the international cooperation mechanism and establishing a global anti-bribery body.

The Image of the US Army in American movies: The Soft Power of American Cinema

The formation of the army's image has acquired newfound significance in our time. Paradoxically, alongside the spread of humanist ideology, the number of violent conflicts worldwide is increasing. These stimulates the need for propaganda aimed at shaping the image of the army and enhancing the attractiveness of service. As one of the world's largest military forces, the US army has engaged in a diverse array of conflicts with over 750 military bases in approximately 80 countries (Kohli 2020). A diverse range of tools is employed to shape the image of the US army, including media, recruitment campaigns, social media, public events, etc. Among these tools, movies have their specific role. While traditionally intended for entertainment, movies have been used for over a century as a means to shape public opinion. This article delves into the main attributes of the US Army as a social institution, analyzing its four fundamental characteristics: the Militia Tradition, Mobilization Miracles, Man-Mindedness, Maritime Influence, the weapon and the enemy as distinctive attributes. Additionally, it features the seven core values of the US Army: Loyalty, Duty, Respect, Selfless Service, Honor, Integrity, and Personal Courage. The article provides a detailed analysis of how various components of movie production tools communicate the attributes and core values of the US Army and contribute to shaping its image, examining a high-viewership movie “Interceptor” (2022). The goal of the study was to find out the image of the US Army that “Interceptor” projects and to identify the verbal and visual communicative means it uses for this purpose. The content analysis made it possible to distinguish verbal and visual elements of the movie, encompassing human voice, mise-en-scène, as well as film editing techniques, to identify and highlight the messages and ideas conveyed about the attributes of the US Army.