Violent Conflict Research Articles

Present Pasts of Colonial Modernity: Embroideries by Lucie Kamuswekera

Present Pasts of Colonial Modernity: Embroideries by Lucie Kamuswekera

Exploring the worldwide impact of COVID-19 on conflict risk under climate change

ObjectivesUnderstand whether and how the COVID-19 pandemic affects the risk of different types of conflict worldwide in the context of climate change. MethodologyBased on the database of armed conflict, COVID-19, detailed climate, and non-climate data covering the period 2020–2021, we applied Structural Equation Modeling specifically to reorganize the links between climate, COVID-19, and conflict risk. Moreover, we used the Boosted Regression Tree method to simulate conflict risk under the influence of multiple factors. FindingsThe transmission risk of COVID-19 seems to decrease as the temperature rises. Additionally, COVID-19 has a substantial worldwide impact on conflict risk, albeit regional and conflict risk variations exist. Moreover, when testing a one-month lagged effect, we find consistency across regions, indicating a positive influence of COVID-19 on demonstrations (protests and riots) and a negative relationship with non-state and violent conflict risk. ConclusionCOVID-19 has a complex effect on conflict risk worldwide under climate change. ImplicationsLaying the theoretical foundation of how COVID-19 affects conflict risk and providing some inspiration for the implementation of relevant policies.

Seroprevalence and trends of hepatitis B virus, hepatitis C virus and human immunodeficiency virus in Syrian blood donors at Damascus University Blood Center between 2004 and 2021.

Seroprevalence of transfusion-transmitted viral infections (TTVIs) is a valuable indicator for assessing blood safety, population health and health system performance in the times of peace and conflicts. Only scarce information is available on the impact of the decade-long violent conflict on the prevalence of TTVIs in Syria. Moreover, hepatitis B vaccine was introduced to the national vaccination program in 1993; however, no data is available on the vaccine effectiveness. In this retrospective cross-sectional study, we compiled the screening results for major TTVIs, namely hepatitis B virus (HBV), hepatitis C virus (HCV), and human immuno-deficiency virus (HIV), of volunteer donors at Damascus University Blood Center from May 2004 to October 2021. Prevalence was expressed in percentages for the entire study group and subgroups. Chi-square test and linear regression were used to examine the differences and describe trends in prevalence, respectively, based on demographic characteristics (i.e., age and gender) and time. P-value of <0.005 was considered statistically significant. Of the total 307,774 donors (82.27% males, median age 27 years), 5,929 (1.93%) had serological evidence of at least one TTVI, and 26 (0.0085%) had multiple infections. The lowest prevalence (1.09%) was detected in donors aged 18-25 years old, and a higher prevalence (2.05%) was evident in males in comparison with females (1.38%). The seroprevalence of HBV, HCV, and HIV was 1.18, 0.52, and 0.23%, respectively. Trend analyses revealed a significant regression in HBV and HIV prevalence from 2011 to 2021. HBV seropositivity depicted a temporal decline by ~80%, from 0.79% in 2011 to 0.16% in 2021 in those born in 1993 and thereafter. The seroprevalence of HBV, HIV, and to a lesser extent HCV dropped over the study 18-year period. Possible explanations may include implementation of the HBV vaccine, robust national health system, conservative sociocultural values, and isolation.

Correction to: Horizontal inequalities, sectarian identities, and violent conflict: the case of Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan

Correction to: Horizontal inequalities, sectarian identities, and violent conflict: the case of Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan

Peacekeepers Without Helmets: How Violence Shapes Local Peacebuilding by Civilian Peacekeepers

While United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations are increasingly deployed during ongoing violent conflict, they are also increasingly staffed with civilian personnel tasked with peacebuilding at the local level. How does violent conflict affect civilian peacekeepers’ peacebuilding efforts locally? Shifting the research focus from military to civilian peacekeepers, we argue that the latter have various incentives and the capacity to concentrate their local-level peacebuilding efforts in violence-affected areas. We test our argument using novel, georeferenced data on peacebuilding by “Civil Affairs” personnel of the peacekeeping operation in the Central African Republic. Consistent with our expectation, violence positively correlates with civilian peacekeepers’ peacebuilding interventions both within and across localities. Furthermore, mediation analyses suggest that this correlation is not merely due to greater UN military deployments in violence-affected areas. Instrumental variable regression supports a causal interpretation: violence leads to more efforts by civilian peacekeepers. These findings inform expectations and assessments of peacekeeping effectiveness.

Micro‐Evidence for Peacebuilding Theories and Policies edited by YuichiKubota, Singapore, Springer, 2022, viii +120 pp.

The Developing EconomiesEarly View Book Review Micro-Evidence for Peacebuilding Theories and Policies edited by Yuichi Kubota, Singapore, Springer, 2022, viii +120 pp. Wakako Maekawa, Corresponding Author Wakako Maekawa [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0003-3879-8874 Osaka University, Osaka, JapanEmail [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Wakako Maekawa, Corresponding Author Wakako Maekawa [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0003-3879-8874 Osaka University, Osaka, JapanEmail [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 29 May 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/deve.12371Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. REFERENCES Axelrod, Robert. 1967. “Conflict of Interest: An Axiomatic Approach.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 11, no. 1: 87– 99. Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede. 2002. All International Politics Is Local: The Diffusion of Conflict, Integration, and Democratization. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Hellmüller, Sara. 2013. “The Power of Perceptions: Localizing International Peacebuilding Approaches.” International Peacekeeping 20, no. 2: 219– 32. Langer, Arnim, and Frances Stewart. 2014. “ Horizontal Inequalities and Violent Conflict: Conceptual and Empirical Linkages.” In Routledge Handbook of Civil Wars, edited by Edward Newman and Karl DeRouen. London: Routledge. MacGinty, Roger, and Oliver P. Richmond. 2013. “The Local Turn in Peace Building: A Critical Agenda for Peace.” Third World Quarterly 34, no. 5: 763– 83. Talentino, Andrea Kathryn. 2007. “Perceptions of Peacebuilding: The Dynamics of Imposer and Imposed Upon.” International Studies Perspectives 8, no. 2: 152– 71. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue ReferencesRelatedInformation

Surviving violent conflicts and climate variability: An intersectional analysis of differentiated access to diversification resources among smallholder farmers in Kuka

Kuka, a sub-district in Shendam Local Government Area of Plateau State-Nigeria has been experiencing violent conflicts since 2001 amidst damning ecological stressors. Between 2001 to date, Shendam Local Government, to which Kuka belongs, has experienced 28 different violent conflicts which were fought largely along ethnic and religious lines. This has intersected with climate variability to generate various risk factors for smallholder farmers in Kuka prompting varied diversification processes. While issues of diversification among smallholder farmers have been well documented in critical literature on adaptation, the extent to which social and relational factors inform differentiated access to diversification resources among smallholder farmers in the specific region of Kuka, to the best knowledge of the researcher, has been least investigated. This study contributes to critical debate on farmers' adaptation strategies by arguing that social and relational factors of sex, age, gender, social capital, economic status, religion and ethnicity intersect to inform differentiated access to diversification resources prompting differentiated vulnerabilities to social and ecological stressors among smallholder farmers in Kuka. This was arrived at by integrating an explanatory sequential design of the mixed methods approach with the Theory of Access to develop questionnaires and interview guides which enabled the collection of field data from 330 participants. It was therefore, recommended that: (1) the relational and social mechanisms of access should be checked to reduce the alienation of smallholder farmers from access and use of community resources, (2) the traditional authorities should work with the various religious leaders to address discriminatory cultural and social practices that inform differentiated access to diversification resources among smallholder farmers, and (3) the people of kuka should engage in collective projects that would provide avenues for cross-cultural and inter-religious interactions bringing about an integration of all social groups and the consequent elimination of discriminatory social practices that inform differentiated treatment of community members.

Global Governance and the Role of Intergovernmental Organisations in Promoting Global Peace and Security

This paper examines the role of intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) in promoting international peace and security in different parts of the world. The paper reveals that the post-World War II international system ushered in a new era that witnessed not only the proliferation of IGOs driven by the desire to promote peace and security in their respective regions, but also, engaged in peacekeeping missions in restoring stability in conflict zones. The paper affirms that the provision of Chapter VIII of the United Nations (UN) Charter is instrumental in the increase in the number of IGOs across different regions of the world. The paper establishes that one of the fundamental achievements arising from the establishment of IGOs is that it has enabled the respective regions of the world to respond to the outbreak of violent conflicts through peacekeeping and other conflict resolution mechanisms. The paper examines the role of IGOs in promoting international peace and security through the lenses of global governance. Global governance is both a phenomenon and theory that provides explanations on the factors that influenced the nature, pattern, and processes of international organisations, especially IGOs since the post-Cold War period. The paper admonishes world leaders to embrace the propositions of global governance, as it would enable them to achieve their objectives. It utilises both primary and secondary sources to analyse and interpret the subject matter.

Foreign Direct Investment Hosts and Violent Government Repression of Protests

AbstractThere has been a brewing argument on the effects of economic globalization on the repression of human rights. My argument in this article joins the optimistic perspective on the relationship between the globalizing economy and state repression. I argue that governments consider backlash from investors in their decisions about whether to use repression. Investors, motivated by international human rights norms and a fear of violent conflict, would prefer that governments not introduce brute force into a nonviolent protest. Thus, governments in countries that depend more on foreign direct investment (FDI) should be less likely to use violence against protesters than those that are less dependent on FDI. Using data analysis of protest events and inward FDI stock, I test this argument and find a negative relationship between these two variables.

Leadership Crises and Implications for Sustainable Development in Nigeria

Nigeria has indeed struggled with socio-economic growth and development since its emancipation from colonial domination, trundling within a cycle of rent-booms, recessions, and even economic collapse. This study argues that the root cause of these socio-economic problems is poor leadership, marked by oppression, exploitation, nepotistic governance structure, electoral violence, and pervasive and systemic corruption. These negative indices have plunged the nation into a state of protracted violent conflicts, extreme poverty, weak infrastructure, rising youth unemployment and restlessness, untimely deaths, and multifaceted humanitarian crises. The paper examines the nature of political leadership and its bourgeoning effects on the development of Nigeria, using the predatory state paradigm as a guide. Relying on secondary data, the study asserts that the Nigerian ruling elites are aware of the dire situation of the country but keep aloof in order to maintain their corrupt grip on power. The study maintains that visionary leadership needs to be strategically harmonised with the abundant resources of the nation for it to get back on the track of development and instill confidence in a disenchanted populace.

Integrating climate mitigation and environmental peacebuilding objectives through sustainable land use systems: Theory of change and indicators

Land is an essential natural resource for climate mitigation and peace. It is commonly connected with sources of GHG emissions and with drivers of (violent) conflict. Therefore, climate mitigation and peacebuilding strategies are co-designing sustainable land-use systems (SLUS) with affected communities to integrate land-based climate mitigation and peacebuilding objectives. SLUS is practiced within agricultural production systems that meet sustainability principles (environmental, social, and economic). Nevertheless, there needs to be more program evaluation frameworks, especially measurable indicators, that integrate these two objectives (achieving peace and climate mitigation). This study aims to develop a methodology and criteria to evaluate the precise mechanisms of SLUS influencing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and drivers of conflict. A mix-method approach was used in two case study regions, Cesar and Caquetá, Colombia, where SLUS strategies where implemented. First, we conducted three workshops, two in-person and one virtual (n = 103). Secondly, we held semi-structured interviews (n = 115) to make an analysis of the conflict. Our research focused on the drivers of land-based emissions and conflict drivers targeted by the SLUS implementation. Lastly, through a household survey (n = 929), we illustrated the impacts of SLUS in peacebuilding at the farm level. Results show that SLUS, such as cocoa agroforestry, can contribute to climate change mitigation and deliver co-benefits in four core factors: (i) socio-economic inclusion by creating jobs and diversifying livelihoods, (ii) dialogue and conflict transformation by allowing negotiations around the participatory design of farms, including conservation agreements, (iii) natural resource governance, and (iv) cooperation by creating knowledge exchange and a community of practice.

DAYA DUKUNG POLITIK DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM KEPALA DAERAH (STUDI HISTORIS KONFLIK PEMILUKADA TOLITOLI TAHUN 2010)

Overlapping KPU decisions regarding the status of Aziz Bestari's participation in the 2010 local leaders election of Tolitoli after his deputy Amirudin passed away at the campaign stage sparked anger and vertically violent conflict. The research aims to determine the political carrying capacity in the 2010 Tolitoli post-conflict local election. The research method used is qualitative with a historical research type, where the data source comes from previous research studies, interview documents, stories of original actors and eyewitnesses to the 2010 post-conflict local election conflict, authentic evidence in the form of KPUD's archives, photos, newspapers, online media, literature, and applicable laws/regulations. The informants were 11 people determined by purposive sampling. Furthermore, the data were analyzed using data analysis techniques according to B. Mathew Miles and A. Michael Huberman. The results of the study, the KPU's decision in the 2010 Tolitoli Regency post-conflict local election damaged the values of harmony in society, the interpretation of Article 63 paragraph 2 of Law No.32/2004 was not easy to understand, especially by the implementor, there was a violation of the election organizers' code of ethics, and the attitude of the KPUD those who print new ballots without waiting for the decision of the Constitutional Court.

Finland and Military Volunteers in the Swedish Fascist Imaginary, 1809–1944

AbstractThis article explores the place of Finland and the Swedish military volunteers of the 1918 civil war, and 1939–44 Finno-Soviet wars, in the Swedish fascist imaginary. The loss of Finland to Russia in 1809 was heavily romanticized in Swedish nationalist culture, and shaped Swedish responses to both conflicts, mediated through famous literary works which encouraged a sense of shame and betrayal. Through examination of the historical relationship between the two countries, the volunteer effort in 1918, and the subsequent emergence of fascism in the interwar period, it is shown that this imaginary of the Finnish–Swedish relationship strongly shaped Swedish fascism. The article traces key military volunteer veterans in various fascist organizations, and the symbolic appropriation of the veterans. Rather than a comparatively peaceful manifestation of fascism in neutral Sweden, Swedish fascism was possessed of a heavily militarized imaginary rooted in violent proxy conflicts in its former eastern borderlands – in this regard it also showed substantial overlap with Swedish conservative nationalism.

The promise and limits of moral exemplars for intergroup conflict resolution and reconciliation

AbstractStories about moral exemplars can provide crucial information about the moral heterogeneity of social groups involved in the conflict. This article addresses the role of moral exemplars narratives in changing perceptions of violent historic intergroup conflicts. We propose that two central outcomes of such interventions make them potentially an effective approach for improving intergroup relations in situations of violent intergroup conflict: (1) facilitation of intergroup contact and (2) increasing reconciliatory attitudes. Although most of the existing research on moral exemplars is focused on their positive outcomes, we suggest that moral exemplars might also have destructive consequences: they could be misused to gain an advantage in an intergroup conflict and might stress the immorality of the non‐helping majority. By integrating these two possibilities, we propose a curvilinear model of the effects of moral exemplars narratives in post‐conflict reconciliation and resolution of violent conflicts.

Posttraumatic Growth and Resilience on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence: A Set of Systematic Reviews of Literature

Sexual violence is highly prevalent in sociopolitical conflict contexts. Even though its negative effects are well documented, further research is needed on how community experiences of social growth and rebuilding could positively impact victims of sexual violence in these contexts. As a starting point, we conducted a two-phase systematic review. The first phase focused on the relationships between sociopolitical conflict, sexual violence, and psychological effects or trauma (2010–2017), and, in addition to the deep negative psychological effects, it also found reports of posttraumatic growth in victims. This led to a second phase that related sexual violence in sociopolitical conflict contexts to posttraumatic growth and resilience (2017–2022). We found nine publications documenting experiences of resilience and posttraumatic growth in victims of sexual violence in sociopolitical conflicts. Interestingly, resilience and posttraumatic growth were shown not only in victims but also in communities and new generations, which is relevant to understanding the long-lasting effects of violence in contexts of sociopolitical conflict.

Introduction to the special issue: in/civility in peace and conflict

ABSTRACT In this introduction to the special issue, we bring anthropological debates about civility into conversation with peace and conflict research on civil society peacebuilding. International peacebuilding has been widely criticised for its claims to being impartial and based entirely on technical expertise and, therefore, to acting outside politics, disguising processes of exclusion and hierarchies such as those between the global/local and the civil/uncivil. Extending from this critique, we propose civility as a conceptual lens to focus on the practices and norms aimed at promoting restraint and respect in violent conflict. Through this lens, we seek to examine the ambivalent notions and practices – often considered ‘the virtue’ – of civil society as manifested in public claims for decency, respect, peace and doing good. By (re-)drawing boundaries in society, these claims create possibilities for solidarity and peaceful politics across differences, but they often also (re-)produce conflict, violence and inequalities between people and groups.

The Brain Is Not Working (Thluak Rian a Ttuan Lo): Perceptions of Mental Illness in a Resettled Chin Community

For decades, violent conflict has caused forced displacement throughout Myanmar. Chin people, largely from the northwestern Chin state in Myanmar, have been subjected to this violence resulting in displacement and resettlement with refugee status for thousands of Chin people. Scholars have often endeavored to understand the psychological outcomes of displacement and resettlement, with empirical work often dedicated to the onset of posttraumatic stress, depression, anxiety, and other Western-defined constructs of mental illness being correlated with traumatic experiences. These endeavors fail to center cultural explanations of mental illness among specific cultural groups like the Chin. Therefore, we used a community-collaborative, grounded theory approach to interview Chin people ( N = 20) resettled in the midwestern United States. Grounded theory analyses led to identification of two categories reflecting participants’ explanatory models of mental illness: (a) The Brain is Not working and (b) Causal Beliefs of The Brain not Working. The first category has one subcategory (Symptoms of the Brain not Working) and the second category is separated into three subcategories: (a) Going Crazy, Being Born Like that, and Thinking too Much as Causes, (b) Religion as an Explanation, and (c) “Control Your Heart”: Personal Responsibility and the Onset of Illness. These are discussed in light of the need to better understand cultural models of illness for Chin people with refugee status in contexts of resettlement. Specific attention is afforded to potential importance of this idiom of distress.

Peace, preference, and property: return migration after violent conflict

Journal Article Peace, preference, and property: return migration after violent conflict Get access Peace, preference, and property: return migration after violent conflict. By Sandra F Joireman. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. 2022. 192pp. £67.00. Isbn978 0 47213 326 0. Available as e-book. James Denselow James Denselow University of St Andrews, UK Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 3, May 2023, Pages 1331–1332, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad102 Published: 02 May 2023

Providing Meaning to Violence: Multiple Mobilizations and Dynamics of Conflict Escalation from November 2013 until February 2014 in Ukraine

AbstractThe article examines the aspects of contention and conflict escalation before and during the period from November 2013 till February 2014 in Ukraine that have not yet received due attention in research. It studies the contention between the government and the opposition and the concomitant Maidan protest mobilizations by groups advocating unity with Russia, and opposing the visions of political community of the radical groups making up part of the Maidan coalition. Conflict escalation is studied as a combination of structural conditions, choices and actions taken by conflict agents, and evolving discursive factors that enable political violence. The analysis indicates that while structural conditions played a role, conflict escalation is a nonlinear and agency-driven process, evolving through mutually influencing choices and actions of the competing parties, that either drive escalation or lead to deradicalization. The article suggests that the modes of contention and radicalization between the government and the opposition opened opportunities for groups supporting unity with Russia to escalate their demands, to radicalize their visions of political community, and to build leverage with Russia. In conclusion, several key narratives and discursive processes enabling the legitimization of the use of force and the implications for peacebuilding are discussed. The findings help to understand better the environment in which violent conflict further escalated in 2014.

International Conflicts and Conflict Resolution: Periscoping the Role of the United Nations

It is the contention of realist scholars and thinkers that states in the international system have a natural inclination or proclivity to war. This position is anchored on their belief that the world is inherently anarchic and that, therefore, it is in the interest of states in the international system to be prepared at all times to defend themselves. Relying on the historical-descriptive methodology of content analysis, this paper argues that though conflicts are inevitable in international relations, the international community has put in place certain mechanisms to avoid the occurrence of violent and destructive inter-state conflicts in order to preserve the global system. It concludes that the United Nations is at the forefront of ensuring that international conflicts and war are avoided or at least prevented from assuming violent dimensions which would threaten global peace and security.