Violence Policy Research Articles

Defining Child Exposure to Domestic Violence: Lessons from a Historical Review of the Literature

Child witnesses of domestic violence policies and practices have been fraught with conceptual challenges that limit their implementation. Such limitations are evident in the case of Minnesota, which amended their definition of child neglect to include a child’s exposure to family violence, only to later repeal this amendment in response to pressure from child welfare administrators and domestic violence advocates (Edleson, Gassman-Pines, & Hill, 2006; Kantor & Little, 2003). The conceptual flaws are also evident in disparities across state statutes for definitions of child witnesses of domestic violence and the legal penalties it carries (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2021). To enhance the integrity of child witnesses of domestic violence policies and practices, critical attention is needed to clarify and refine the central construct. Pursuant to this goal, this conceptual paper analyzes and synthesizes the history of child welfare. It demonstrates how child witnesses of domestic violence became a social and legal problem. The author traces the evolution of child welfare as a concept and provides new insights. The author also sheds light on the driving forces of child welfare policies and practices. The paper begins in the colonial ages, which gave roots to the contemporary child welfare system. The author describes the early development of child welfare leading to contemporary practice. The paper ends by making evidence-based recommendations for constructing child welfare policies that enhance the safety of children exposed to domestic violence using least restrictive interventions.

Australian nurses' perceptions about workplace violence management, strategies and support services.

This study ascertained nurses' perceptions about workplace violence management, strategies and support services. Nurses regularly encounter verbal and physical violence in their workplace. Workplace violence has long-term consequences on nurses' personal lives and professional work ability. However, more needs to be known about nurses' perceptions of violence management and interventions used. Ninety-eight nurses from a regional public hospital in Queensland, Australia, completed a survey about workplace violence. Nurses worked in the Emergency Department, Intensive Care Unit or Mental Health Department. Ninety-five per cent of nurses stated that all violence should be reported, but 18% would take no action, and 22% would not complete an incident from. Perceptions and preferred responses differed for verbal and physical violence. Low-level interventions and aggression management training were preferred by nurses. Nearly all nurses felt that they should be involved in the development of workplace violence policies. Nurses rate aggression management training highly, and they desire more input into violence policies. The under-reporting of violent incidents remains an issue for future management. Understanding nurses' perceptions of workplace violence management enables the identification of gaps when applying policy and adopting practical approaches to reduce the incidence and severity of workplace violence.

Health and Environmental Tolls of Protracted Conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa

The effects of conflict on public health and ecosystem well-being are understudied and rarely figure in public debates about war-making. Protracted conflicts are particularly damaging to people and environments in ways that are inadequately documented. In recent wars in the Middle East and North Africa, parties to the conflicts have induced hunger and displacement and undermined public health through the use of violence and economic policies that deprive civilians of access to food, water, fuel, and livelihoods. Environmental pollution is widespread, particularly in cities that became war zones, while the COVID-19 pandemic has deepened conflict-induced poverty and food insecurity.

The politics of child welfare: Are child welfare policies, budgets and functioning a red/blue issue?

Child Protective Services (CPS) are a politically contentious area of practice and policy. While this is well known, no attempts have been made to understand differences in state level CPS systems as a function of state political orientation. We explore the bivariate and limited multivariate relationships between state political orientation (governorships, legislature and public voting patterns), CPS funding, the adoption of specific policies (differential response, drug policy, intimate partner violence policy, centralization and mandated reporting), system inputs (referral rate, percentage of reports from mandated sources, report types), and system outputs (percent screened in, percent substantiated and percent placed). We also explore the degree to which other state characteristics (wealth, rurality) are related to these outcomes. We find that political orientation has few associations with any of our dependent measures, and when present, such associations could plausibly related to state income and rurality measures, which did have consistent relationships to CPS functioning. Our approach found little indication that “Red” and “Blue” states differ markedly with regard to their CPS systems, and we include a series of suggestions for future research. We discuss the potential policy and practice implications of our findings.

Exploring Rural and Regional Social Workers’ Perceptions and Practices of Technology-Facilitated Domestic Abuse

ABSTRACT Technology-facilitated domestic abuse is an insidious form of intimate partner violence with widespread impact on women, children, and communities. Yet little is known about how family violence practitioners respond to technology-facilitated domestic abuse, particularly in rural and regional contexts. This article reports on a small-scale qualitative study exploring technology-facilitated domestic abuse—related practice experiences of seven female-identifying social workers practising within regional Victorian family violence services. The study identifies that technology-facilitated domestic abuse is often nebulous and immune to available legal and social support remedies. The study findings invariably point to fundamental flaws in the policy and legal structures that shape family violence services. IMPLICATIONS Additional research that employs a mixed-method approach and a larger sample would enable a more comprehensive exploration of the prevalence, patterns, nature, and consequences of technology-facilitated domestic abuse. Family violence policies, legislation, and practice responses need to evolve in ways that better target technology-facilitated domestic abuse and its impact on women, children, and communities. The systematic review and evidence-informed development of professional training is needed for front-line workers to feel confident to address technology-facilitated domestic abuse.

To co-opt or coerce? State capacity, regime strategy, and organized religion in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam

This article explores the dynamic relationship between states, authoritarian regimes, and organized religion in the ostensibly Marxist-Leninist states of Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. Despite espousing an initial shared ideological commitment toward curbing the influence of domestic religion, actual regime policies toward these groups have varied considerably over time. I argue that the explanation for this difference can be found in unpacking the strength of each regime’s state apparatus. This article introduces a new typological theory for understanding how state capacity has shaped the divergent strategies Cambodian, Lao and Vietnamese regimes have employed to manage organized religion during the post-Vietnam War era (1975 to present). In brief, I argue that regime elites in Vietnam have successfully co-opted organized religion through the state bureaucracy. Conversely, Marxist-inspired regimes in Cambodia and Laos have oscillated between policies of coercive violence and strategic accommodation to dilute the power of domestic religious groups.

일본의 학교폭력 현황과 대책

Objectives The purpose of this study was to analyze the present state and policy of school violence in Japan and to identify its characteristics.
 Methods To this end, the analysis was focused on the current situation and basic measures announced by the Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology in 2020.
 Results As a result, the following four characteristics were obtained : First, the number of school violence was the highest in elementary school. In Japan, school violence was more prevalent in elementary school than in secondary school, and 1-3 grades were more common in elementary school than in grades 4-6. Second, for the prevention of school violence, there was a tendency in Japan to place importance on human relationships within schools (or classes) and to emphasize the sense of group norms. Third, Japan is emphasizing early detection of school violence and early response. Fourth, serious school violence was dealt with separately from general school violence. In the case of Japan, suicide, serious physical or physical injury, or loss of money or valuables, or students not attending school for a long period of time, were considered a serious situation, and special measures were taken.
 Conclusions School violence in Japan has shown a tendency to increase little by little over the past five years, and the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) in Japan responds specifically to the prevention of school violence, focusing on four main areas: prevention, early detection, early response, and response to serious situations.

Understand how to comply with NCAA campus sexual violence policy

The NCAA has continued to enhance its approach to preventing and addressing sexual violence since 2010. In support of that effort, the NCAA initially provided and later updated a comprehensive toolkit with suggested actions for member institutions to help guide them in developing and implementing effective practices, procedures, and education on the subject. (See https://ncaaorg.s3.amazonaws.com/ssi/violence/SSI_SexualViolencePreventionToolkit.pdf.)

Gambling with the Windigo: Theorizing Indigenous Casinos and Gambling in Canada

The legacy of colonialism in Canada manifests through land dispossession, structural violence and assimilative policies. Casinos are an anomaly emerging in Canada, becoming major economic engines, generating capital for housing, education, health, and language and cultural rejuvenation programs. On the other hand, the literature on Indigenous casinos raises crucial questions about compromised sovereignty, addiction, and neocolonial economic and political entrapment. This article theorises Indigenous casinos as a modern expression of the windigo. In Algonquian oral history, the windigo is a mythic giant cannibal. The underlying meaning of the windigo is the consumption of Indigenous peoples leading to illness and death. One can become a windigo and consume others, and one must always be cautious of this possibility. I propose casinos and Indigenous-provincial gambling revenue agreements are modern-day windigook (plural form of windigo). This framework provides an urgently needed new theorisation of casinos, grounded in Indigenous epistemology and ontology.

The Batty Effect: Victim-Survivors and Domestic and Family Violence Policy Change.

This article explores the influence of victim-survivors as change agents through the examination of the case of domestic and family violence advocate Rosie Batty. Utilizing public policy and criminological theories, and drawing from interviews with Batty and policy actors, the article examines the "Batty effect" and the convergence of factors that helped drive significant social and policy reforms in Australia. The article considers how Batty reflects characteristics of the policy entrepreneur and ideal victim, and how the sociopolitical context at the time provided the conditions for change. We conclude by exploring the implications for victim-survivor led policy change.

A critical cartography of domestic violence policies in Mozambique

BackgroundDomestic violence (DV) affects millions of people worldwide, especially women impacting their health status and livelihoods. To prevent DV and to improve the quality of victims’ lives, Mozambican governmental and non-governmental entities are making efforts to develop adequate policies and legislation and to improve the accessibility of services for victims of DV.However, a critical review of whether or not current policies and legislation concerning DV in Mozambique are in agreement with international guidelines has yet to be examined. Therefore, this paper aims to map the Mozambican legislative and policy responses to DV. It also strives to analyse their alignment with international treaties and conventions and with each other.MethodsThrough a critical cartography, documents were selected and their content analysed. Some of these documents were not available online, printed versions were not available on the field and some were not up to date. Therefore, we had to search for them via physical office visits at governmental institutions with a responsibility to deal with DV aspects. These documents were listed and analysed for key content applying a framework inquiring on recommendations of international agencies such as World Health Organization. Subsequently, we compared these policies with international conventions and treaties of which Mozambique is signatory and with each other to identify discrepancies.ResultsOverall, six institutions were visited assuring identification of all available information and policy documents on DV. We identified a total of fifteen national DV documents of which five were on laws, one on policy and nine institutional strategic/action plans. Most of the national DV documents focused on strategies for assistance/care of victims and prevention of DV. Little focus was found on advocacy, monitoring and evaluation.ConclusionsMozambique has demonstrated its commitment by signing several international and regional treaties and conventions on DV. Despite this, the lack of consistency in the alignment of international treaties and conventions with national policies and laws is remarkable. However, a gap in the reliable translation of national policies and laws into strategic plans is to be found particularly in relation to naming type, beneficiaries, main strategies and multi-sectorial approach.

"They're Not Closing This School, We Won't Let Them".

This autoethnography details the story of my personal experience in the field as a social work MSW and Ph.D. student, working as the facilitator of a human rights-based after-school and summer program at an urban high school set for permanent closure in a structurally oppressed community, and my journey to the realization that I was witnessing genocide in the form of structural violence. One purpose in writing this narrative is to provide a social and cultural context to the ubiquity of structurally violent policies, such as closing public schools. This story also testifies to the wealth of strengths that youth possess to resist even the most severe human rights abuses. I also write to show the inextricable political link between individuals and societal structures and systems and to challenge social workers to actively oppose structural violence and its genocidal effects. As I reflect on the genocidal conditions I witnessed, I will at the same time critically consider the profession of social work’s role in responding to structural violence, as well as the great potential that our profession has to meaningfully address crises like these.

Racism and Poverty are Barriers to the Treatment of Youth Mental Health Concerns

ABSTRACT Objective Traditional studies of treatment moderators have focused largely on psychological factors such as clinical severity. Racial and economic inequity exert large effects on youth mental health, on treatment efficacy, and on the likelihood of receiving treatment altogether. Yet, these factors are studied less often by clinical psychological scientists. Method We conducted a narrative review of literature on racial and economic inequities and their impact on youth mental health. Results First, systemic problems such as racism and poverty increase the risk of developing complex health issues and decrease the likelihood of benefiting from treatment. Second, attitudinal barriers, such as mistrust associated with treatments provided by researchers and government agencies, decrease the likelihood that minoritized groups will engage with or benefit from evidence-based treatments. Third, minoritized and underserved communities are especially unlikely to receive evidence-based treatment. Conclusion Clinical psychological science has unique insights that can help address systemic inequities that can decrease treatment efficacy for youth mental health treatment. Psychological scientists can help eliminate disparities in accessing evidence-based treatment and help end violent policies in underserved minoritized communities by at the very least (1) building and supporting scalable community-based treatments as well as (2) publicly advocating for an end to violent policies that impose negative social costs.

Two Pink Lines: An Exploratory, Comparative Study of Florida’s Pregnancy-associated and Nonpregnancy-associated Intimate Partner Homicides

Pregnancy-associated Intimate Partner Homicides (PAIPHs) are murders of pregnant women by a former or current intimate partner. This study uses aggregated public data from 2000 to 2019 to examine 33 Florida Pregnancy-associated Intimate Partner Homicides and a comparison group of 33 Nonpregnant Intimate Partner Homicides (NIPHs). Findings show that unwanted pregnancies or relationships, avoidance of prosecution, doubts concerning the unborn child’s paternity, infidelity accusations, and the victim’s drug use are risk factors for Florida’s Pregnancy-associated Intimate Partner Homicides. Moreover, findings suggest a need for Maternal Intimate Partner Violence programs, policies, and interventions targeted toward pregnant women and their intimate partners.

Building the Evidence for Family Violence Policy Reform: The Work of Specialist Women’s Refuges in Victoria, Australia

While specialist women’s refuges have been central to responses to family violence since the 1970s, their work is under-researched. Little is known outside the family violence sector about the support they provide and how it assists women and children. There have been some critiques of their work but there is limited knowledge of the constraints women’s refuges face. Based on interviews and focus groups with 100 professional stakeholders and twenty-two service users, this article analyses the work of women’s refuges in the Australian state of Victoria in an effort to inform policy reform. The research found that refuges’ underpinning gendered analysis, focus on safety and support and advocacy to ensure women’s human rights are met have much to offer further developments in responding to family violence. In doing so, the article contributes to critical debates about the operation of refuges and the need for specialist family violence services.

Gender Based Violence in South Africa

In Africa, and elsewhere, no unified masculine identity exists. However, in all societies, there are expectations about how male child and adult should act and behave. Each society determines gender roles and meanings of violent acts; and these meanings also vary depending on the context. This paper presents an overview on the common male child’s socialization practices in South Africa and how these contribute to a gender hierarchy that sees women as subordinate and even perpetuate violent behaviour against women. Using South Africa as example, where one of the world’s highest rates of violent crime and gender-based violence is recorded, this paper examines the association between apartheid’s racist and violent policies and existing masculine identities.

The impact of the Queensland Government's Tackling Alcohol-Fuelled Violence Policy on live music performances in Fortitude Valley, Brisbane, Australia.

The Queensland Government's Tackling Alcohol-Fuelled Violence (TAFV) Policy was met with concern from live music venue owners who feared decreased patronage and associated revenue. This study investigates the impact of the TAFV Policy on live music venues and performances in Fortitude Valley, an inner-city suburb of Brisbane, Australia recognised as a hub of live music performances. Data relating to live music venues and performances in Fortitude Valley for the 2000-2018 financial years were obtained from the Australasian Performing Right Association (APRA AMCOS), who maintains an online data portal allowing artists to enter performance details to collect royalty payments. These data were supplemented with six precinct mapping audits of live music venues operating in the Fortitude Valley Safe Night Precinct between July 2016 and September 2019. APRA AMCOS data show increases in the number of reported live music performances and venues in Fortitude Valley between 2000 and 2019. Precinct mapping audits show minimal changes in the operation of live music venues in Fortitude Valley between 2016 and 2019. As the first study to independently document the impact of licenced venue trading hour changes on live music, this study shows the number of live performances reported to APRA AMCOS and original live music venues trading in the Fortitude Valley Safe Night Precinct were unchanged by the introduction of the TAFV. The study highlights the value of using performance returns and venue audits to track live music in a contested policy space.

The impact of Queensland's Tackling Alcohol-Fuelled Violence Policy on nightlife and business trade.

Key elements of the Queensland Government's Tackling Alcohol Fuelled Violence (TAFV) policy included the introduction of mandatory identification (ID) scanners and reduced trading hours for licensed venues located within Safe Night Precincts (SNP). These measures raised concerns among licensed venue owners and other key stakeholders regarding the potential negative impact of the policy on business trade and nightlife. Using multiple data sources, this paper examines the impact of the TAFV policy on nightlife and trade in three Queensland SNPs: Fortitude Valley, Surfers Paradise and Cairns. Data from ID scanners (2017-2019), foot traffic counters (2017-2019) and counts of liquor licences issued (2015-2019) were used to measure the policy's impact on the number of patrons and licensed venues within SNPs. Joinpoint regression and auto-regressive integrated moving average models were developed to examine changes in these measures over time. No significant changes were observed in the number of ID scans over time, although Surfers Paradise showed a 0.13% reduction during high alcohol hours. Foot traffic counts from Fortitude Valley showed no significant impact of the policy on the number of patrons in the area during high-alcohol hours. The number of commercial hotel licenses increased in all three regions, and commercial other-bar licenses increased in all regions except Surfers Paradise SNP where numbers remained stable. Patterns in trading and the number of patrons within SNPs were mostly stable or increasing following the implementation of the TAFV policy beyond normal fluctuations.

The impact of changes to alcohol policy on patron drinking behaviours in Queensland.

On 1 July 2016, stage 1 of the Tackling Alcohol-Fuelled Violence (TAFV) policy was introduced in Queensland, Australia and included restricted alcohol service to 03:00 in dedicated entertainment precincts (safe night precincts or SNPs). During stage 2 (from 1 February 2017), the number of extended trading permits (i.e. trading until 05:00) per venue were reduced; and during stage 3 (from 1 July 2017), networked identification scanners were mandated for late-night venues. We aim to examine whether patron drinking behaviours in two key SNPs changed significantly following stages 2 and 3. The study design was repeated cross-sectional, with three data collection (policy) stages. Patrons street surveys were conducted in Fortitude Valley (n=2066) and Cairns (n=1021) SNPs between July 2016 and November 2018. Linear or negative binomial regressions were conducted to examine changes in three key outcomes: blood alcohol concentration (BAC) reading, proportion of pre-drinkers and number of pre-drinks. We found no significant difference in BAC reading, proportion of pre-drinkers or number of pre-drinks at stages 2 and 3 of the policy compared to baseline in Fortitude Valley. In Cairns, we found significant reductions in patron BAC at stage 3 of the policy, and female BAC at stages 2 and 3 compared to baseline; while the proportion of females pre-drinking significantly reduced by half in stage 2. Despite evidence of some reductions in alcohol consumption, high levels of intoxication remain, suggesting harm reduction may be more difficult to achieve in these drinkers.

The impact of late-night alcohol restrictions on ambulance call-outs in entertainment precincts.

In July 2016, the Queensland Government introduced the Tackling Alcohol-Fuelled Violence (TAFV) policy to address alcohol-related harm in entertainment precincts [safe night precincts (SNP)]. Additional measures were introduced in February and July 2017. We aim to examine the impact of the policy on Queensland Ambulance Service call-outs in Fortitude Valley, Surfers Paradise, all 15 SNP suburbs combined and statewide. Auto-regressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) models and seasonal ARIMA (SARIMA) models were developed to test the impact of TAFV policy stages on monthly number of ambulance call-outs during high alcohol hours (HAH; Friday and Saturday nights, 20:00-05:59) over an 8-year period (July 2011-June 2019). The average number of monthly call-outs in HAH reduced by 26.2% in Fortitude Valley, 21.1% in Surfers Paradise and 4.3% in all 15 SNP suburbs combined. In Fortitude Valley, there was a significant decline in the monthly number of call-outs between 00:00 and 02:59 and across all HAH combined when examining the cumulative effect of the policy stages; and significant declines between 03:00 and 05:59 after each stage and cumulatively. Across the 15 SNP suburbs combined, there was a significant decline in call-outs between 03:00 and 05:59 after the third policy stage (July 2017). There were no significant declines in Surfers Paradise or statewide. Overall, the introduction of the TAFV policy stages in Queensland had a limited effect on ambulance call-outs during HAH. However, there were some notable declines in HAH ambulance call-outs in some of the state's key nightlife suburbs.