Violence In Sudan Research Articles

The Role of Extremist Groups in Fueling Violence in Sudan

In this paper we consider the role extremist groups play in perpetuating violence in Sudan, a country long plagued by terrorism and political instability. We examine the various groups’ ideologies, world views, and objectives, and discuss the influence these groups have on the social, political, and economic welfare of Sudan. Starting with an historical overview, we explain how extremism in Sudan first took root. We examine the primary players and their regional and international influences. Further, we examine the significant toll extremist-driven violence has taken and continues to take on civilian population as well as on governance and the economy. Furthermore, we study the ways Sudanese government has attempted to disempower extremist groups and analyze the effectiveness of international interventions. By analyzing the root causes of extremism as well as current events, we seek to provide a thoughtful land nuanced understanding of this pernicious issue. This study serves as a critical examination of the complexities surrounding extremist violence in Sudan, contributing to the broader discourse on counterterrorism and peacebuilding in conflict-prone regions.

The consequences of Sudan’s armed conflict on public health: a closer look at the devastating impact

The consequences of Sudan’s armed conflict on public health: a closer look at the devastating impact

The critical state of children's health during the Sudan crisis

Sudan has been struggling to deal with a socioeconomic predicament that began in April, 2019, after widespread demonstrations against the governance strategies of the former head of state, Omar al-Bashir. As a result of these strategies, the health-care situation in Sudan was already in a state of decline before the 6 days of intense violence from April 15 to April 20, 2023, 1 Al JazeeraSudan fighting in its sixth day: here is a list of key events. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/4/20/sudan-fighting-enters-day-6-what-to-knowDate: April, 20, 2023 Date accessed: April 20, 2023 Google Scholar which only exacerbated the country's already dire humanitarian crisis. The UNHCR estimates that by June 12, 2023, approximately 1·43 million individuals had been internally displaced and that 467 195 individuals had emigrated from Sudan since April 15, 2023. The chaotic situation's disruption of the nation's fragile health-care system is likely to have a disproportionate effect on the more than 10 million Sudanese children in need of health-care assistance, particularly those who are malnourished or have other illnesses. 2 UNICEFEscalating violence in Sudan puts millions of children at risk. https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/escalating-violence-sudan-puts-millions-children-riskDate: April 20, 2023 Date accessed: April 20, 2023 Google Scholar The high prevalence in Sudan of malaria, hepatitis E, and dengue fever already contributes to the increased need for health-care assistance of the population. 3 Ismail Z Aborode AT Oyeyemi AA et al. Impact of COVID-19 pandemic on viral hepatitis in Africa: challenges and way forward. Int J Health Plann Manage. 2022; 37: 547-552 Crossref PubMed Scopus (10) Google Scholar Medical facilities are experiencing challenges in meeting the demand for pharmaceuticals and medical equipment, even as they persist in providing care to individuals who sustained injuries during the current armed conflict or intercommunal altercations. 4 Soyemi TS Aborode AT Shortage of hospital bed capacity and overcrowding in emergency tertiary healthcare centers in Nigeria. Ann Med Surg (Lond). 2022; 82104675 PubMed Google Scholar

Curating consent: sexual violence, moral politics and gendered agency in Sudan

ABSTRACT This article seeks to move beyond the impasse between the anthropological tradition (that remains cautious to condemn human rights violations defined by “universal” standards), and the international community (which advocates such “universal” norms). In line with feminist anthropological work in northeast Africa that has advanced understandings of gendered agency in Islamic and patriarchal cultures, I suggest that a careful analysis of plural local normative structures is necessary to understand any practice of women’s subordination and potential for agency. Two registers of justice are in circulation, in which ideals of feminine agency are made explicit. Women and girls who cannot identify their experience through either register of justice may not seek to report it. This helps account for why neither register of justice is useful to the majority of Sudanese women, but this seemingly impossible situation does not determine their capacity for agency. I draw inspiration from post-colonial feminism and Science and Technology Studies (STS) approaches where the “culture” of sexual violence in Sudan is arguably a “translation” of Sudan’s national and transnational moral politics into the micropolitics of power among women and men in an inevitably plural post-colonial setting. Thus agency here is also “doing postcolonial gender.”

Political violence in Sudan: the need for a coordinated, locally led humanitarian health response

Political violence in Sudan: the need for a coordinated, locally led humanitarian health response

To Intervene in Darfur, or Not: Re-examining the R2P Debate and Its Impact

The outrage over genocidal violence in Sudan provided impetus to “legalise” the concept of humanitarian intervention into a “responsibility to protect” (R2P). However, a decade on, the literature treats Darfur and R2P as coterminous with failure: continued inaction underscored its limitations in delivering protection to civilians. This article argues that this is an impoverished reading, which leaves out important dynamics. The legacy of Darfur is more usefully understood as a formative experience for further intervention, rather than as a benchmark of (non-)compliance with the specificities of an evolving R2P norm. We analyse an intensifying functional convergence between Western actors, the Chinese Communist Party and the African Union around the practice of intervention, with a view to creating political order and not to foster regime change, on the continent. Darfur, in this reading, was an indicator of the increasing tendency towards approaching Africa through an interventionist lens of stabilisation, more so than the premature abortion of a nascent norm.

“Guarding the Guards”: The Failure of the Colonial State to Govern Police Violence in Sudan, ca. 1922–1956

Abstract This article explores the nature and causes of police violence in Condominium Sudan. It contends that rather than demonstrating the sheer strength of the British colonial state and its dhtance from Sudanese society, police violence provided evidence of its weakness, its limited technical capacity, and its general social porosity. The British administration was unable or unwilling to develop a systematically regulated and heavily institutionalized police force, and thus struggled to prevent the police being manipulated to serve the interests of particular ethnic, religious, or political factions. The technical fragility and limited resources of the police abo placed them in a position where they were forced to employ immediate and physical forms of coercion rather than more pervasive and indirect ones.

The scramble for African oil: oppression, corruption and war for control of Africa's natural resources

Introduction PART ONE: POWER FROM ABOVE 1. Foreign States and Trade Relations - Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism and Globalization - Reserves, Production, Peak Oil and War - Case Study: Neo-Colonialism in Gabon - French Domination by Elf-Gabon 2. Multinational Corporations and Nationalization - The Legacy of Geography? - The Legacy of Slavery? - Case Study: Yankee Landlords of Cabinda - Portuguese Colonialism, American Imperialism - Angolan Nationalism and the MPLA 3. International Organization and Governance - Improving Governance in Africa's Oil Sector - International Organizations: TI, Global Witness, PWYP, EITI - Case Study: Chad and the World Bank Model 4. Rentier States and Kleptocracy - Oil Rent and the Rentier - Rentier Mentality, Allocation State - Spanish Guinea (1778-1968) - Dictatorial Guinea 5. Praetorian Regimes and Terror - Soldiers and Oil - Typology of Military States - The Military in Congo-Brazzaville - From Praetorian Rule to Personal Dictatorship PART TWO: POWER FROM BELOW 6. Journalists and Intellectuals - The Treason of the Clerks - Cameroon: the Agathon of Mongo Beti - The Return to Cameroon 7. Political Parties and Elections - Electoral Democracy in Africa - Multiparty Democracy in Sao Tome E Principe - Oil and Corruption in Multiparty Democracy 8. Armed Struggle for Independence - Oil and War - Regional Identity and Violence - Southern Identity and Violence in Sudan - John Garang and the 'New Sudan' 9. Popular Resistance and People Power - Things Don't Fall Apart - Oil and Violence in the Niger Delta - Collapsing the Failed State 10. Unscrambling the Scramble for African Oil - Solution 1: Controlling Corruption - Solution 2: Direct Distribution of Oil Revenues - Solution 3: Invest in Social Development - Solution 4: Boycott African Oil - Solution 5: Stop Consuming Oil Bibliography Index

Structure of ethnic violence in Sudan: a semi-automated network analysis of online news (2003–2010)

Mining textual sources of data can be used to design studies and test theories at temporal and spatial scales unheard of in the past. This opens up new opportunities for conflict studies and ethnographic research. We conducted a semi-automated network analysis of the 2003–2010 Sudan Tribune online news articles and modeled ethnic-group conflict in Sudan. We tested whether an ethnic group’s connections to the environment (livestock, biomes, and other resources) and other ethnic groups was associated with severe conflict and peace terms and whether ethnic-group richness at a given geospatial location was associated with severe conflict. Ethnic groups with more connections to livestock, environmental resources, and those ethnic groups with denser environmental–resource networks in their sphere of influence had more co-occurrences with severe conflict terms. Ethnic groups that had more connections to biomes in their sphere of influence were co-associated with peace terms. Locations that had high ethnic-group richness were associated with a higher frequency of severe conflict terms.

Rethinking Identity, Citizenship, and Violence in Sudan

Since its political independence in 1956, Sudan has witnessed the rise of armed ethnic and regional protest movements that have resulted in great human suffering and the largest number of refugees and displaced peoples in Africa. These protest movements have challenged the legitimacy of the independent Sudanese state, led by Arabized and Islamized elites at the pinnacle of power, to extend and define citizenship rights and responsibilities. In Darfur, Southern Kordofan, and Blue Nile, these movements are not only currently demanding equal citizenship rights, but they are also demanding recognition of special rights including claims to land, autonomous government, and the maintenance of ethno-national identities. They are thus opening up a debate about what citizenship entails, particularly in a multicultural context; how the current state reconciles competing claims of citizenship; and what kinds of viable institutional mechanisms are required for an effective relationship between the state, its citizens, and local power structures.

"Guarding the Guards": The Failure of the Colonial State to Govern Police Violence in Sudan, ca. 1922-1956

This article explores the nature and causes of police violence in Condominium Sudan. It contends that rather than demonstrating the sheer strength of the British colonial state and its distance from Sudanese society, police violence provided evidence of its weakness, its limited technical capacity, and its general social porosity. The British administration was unable or unwilling to develop a systematically regulated and heavily institutionalized police force, and thus struggled to prevent the police being manipulated to serve the interests of particular ethnic, religious, or political factions. The technical fragility and limited resources of the police also placed them in a position where they were forced to employ immediate and physical forms of coercion rather than more pervasive and indirect ones.

Sudan's uncivil war: the global–historical constitution of political violence

It is commonplace to characterise political violence and war in Africa as ‘internal’, encapsulated in the apparently neutral term ‘civil war’. As such, accounts of political violence tend to focus narrowly on the combatants or insurrectionary forces, failing to recognise or address the extent to which political violence is historically and globally constituted. The article addresses this problematic core assumption through examination of the case of Sudan, seeking to contribute to a rethinking of protracted political violence and social crisis in post-colonial Africa. The article interjects in such debates through the use and detailed exposition of a distinct methodological and analytical approach. It interrogates three related dimensions of explanation which are ignored by orthodox framings of ‘civil war’: (1) the technologies of colonial rule which (re)produced and politicised multiple fractures in social relations, bequeathing a fissiparous legacy of racial, religious and ethnic ‘identities’ that have been mobilised in the context of post-colonial struggles over power and resources; (2) the major role of geopolitics in fuelling and exacerbating conflicts within Sudan and the region, particularly through the cold war and the ‘war on terror’; and (3) Sudan's terms of incorporation within the capitalist global economy, which have given rise to a specific character and dynamics of accumulation, based on primitive accumulation and dependent primary commodity production. The article concludes that political violence and crisis are neither new nor extraordinary nor internal, but rather, crucial and constitutive dimensions of Sudan's neo-colonial condition. As such, to claim that political violence in Sudan is ‘civil’ is to countenance the triumph of ideology over history.