Violence In Nepal Research Articles

Adverse childhood experiences and psychological, sexual, and physical forms of intimate partner violence in Nepal.

To examine the prevalence of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and intimate partner violence (IPV) among married couples in Nepal as well as the relationships among ACEs, IPV (psychological, sexual, physical), and psychological distress. The sample comprised the control group (N = 720) of a cluster randomized intervention trial among married women in Nepal. Interviewers assessed ACEs, IPV, quality of life, self-efficacy, and depressive symptoms among participants. Times 2 and 3 were conducted 12 and 28 months after baseline, respectively. At baseline, 24% of women reported a history of ACEs. Across time points, married Nepali women most frequently reported psychological IPV (28%-37%). Greater ACEs and IPV scores were related to less quality of life, less self-efficacy, and more depressive symptoms, |rs| = .10-.78, ps < .025. The largest bivariate correlation existed between women's self-reported experiences of psychological and physical violence, r = .78, p < .001. Across time points, structural equation modeling (comparative fit index = .93, standardized root-mean-square residual = .05; adequate fit with physical violence removed) demonstrated that psychological violence was the most consistent statistical consequent when women's ACEs served as an antecedent; married Nepali men's ACEs were related to women's later experiences of psychological and sexual IPV, although not significantly related to psychological distress. Although limitations in generalizability must be considered, these findings extend Western-focused trauma literature by examining ACEs and IPV in Nepal, a historically underrepresented country in this inquiry. Assessing childhood trauma history inclusive of psychological trauma across genders has research and clinical implications, including prevention efforts. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

PREVALENCE OF SEXUAL VIOLENCE AND RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ACCUSED AND VICTIM CASES ATTENDED IN ONE STOP CRISIS MANAGEMENT CENTER OF CENTRAL NEPAL

Background: Sexual violence is a global public health issue, drawing more concern compared to other forms of violence. Evidence indicates that adolescents face an increased risk of encountering both physical and sexual violence. Despite this, there is a scarcity of nationally representative research on sexual violence in Nepal, hindering the development of informed interventions. This paper seeks to determine the prevalence of sexual violence and relationship between accused and the victim cases attended in one stop crisis management center of central Nepal. Methods: A retrospective cross-sectional study was carried out in the department of Forensic Medicine of College of Medical Sciences in Bharatpur, Chitwan, Nepal, from January, 2023 to January 2024. Ethical approval was taken from institutional review committee of College of Medical Sciences, Bharatpur, Chitwan. Data was entered and analyzed by using descriptive statistical tools in SPSS-16. Results: The prevalence of sexual violence was 41.97% (with 95% CI as 36.31% to 47.62%). Out of 123 sexual violence cases majority (40.65%) of them were in the age group less than 14years followed by 38.21% in the age group 15-18 years. Majority of the victim were female (99.2%) by gender and Janajati (52.8%) by ethnicity. majority (78.9%) were victim of forcefully sexual intercourse. Most of the accused person (20.3%) were stranger followed by boyfriend (17.9%). Conclusions: The prevalence of sexual violence is almost half among all type of violence. Majority of the victim were Adolescence girls and they were from janajati. One out of ten victim had present of body injuries while two out of ten had genital injuries. Most of the accused person were known person (boyfriend, Neighbors, Uncle and cousin). The statistically significant variables were age and gender.

Intimate Partner Violence and its Associated Factors Against Currently Married Women in Nepal

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health and human rights issue in Nepal. This paper aims to assess factors associated with intimate partner violence against currently married women in Nepal. Data for this study is derived from the Nepal Demographic Health Surveys (NDHS) of 2022. A sample of 3,839 currently married women of reproductive age (15-49 years) who participated in the domestic violence module of the survey are included Physical, emotional, and sexual violence against women by husbands is considered as dependent variables. Any type of violence is derived from these three types of violence. The chi-square test is used to test the significant association between two variables. Logistic regression was used to assess the net effect of several independent variables, the result revealed that more than one-fourth (27%) of currently married women experienced any form of IPV with more than one-fifth (23.1%) physical, approximately one-eighth (12.8%) sexual, and less than one-tenth (7.1%) emotional violence. In multivariate logistic regression analysis, age at first marriage, women’s education, ethnicity, ecological zone, wealth index, husband education, and husband’s alcohol consumption are highly significant associations with intimate partner violence, as indicated by the very low p-values (&lt;0.001). The findings of this study suggest that to make meaningful strides in reducing intimate partner violence in Nepal, emphasis should be given to promote the education level of husband and wife, gender equality, economic empowerment, reducing ethnic and regional disparity, and ensuring an inclusive society.

Entrenched, Unrelenting, Unsettled: Cultural Essentialism in International Development Research on Domestic Violence in Nepal

Domestic violence (DV) is a serious problem that reinforces patriarchy and interlocking systems of oppression. Yet, as a form of gender-based violence, DV has long been implicated in essentialist discourses that produce cultural Others, primarily through a deficit lens. Similarly, the field of international development was founded upon a discursive binary between groups labeled “traditional” and an idealized portrait of Western modernity. Drawing on feminist and postcolonial scholarship, this study employed critical discourse analysis (CDA) to investigate how culture was constructed in 26 development research reports funded by international organizations that examined DV in Nepal. The analysis revealed that references to tradition and social change, and discourses of violence as endemic to place, sustained essentializing formulations of Nepali culture. Nevertheless, some passages in the documents inserted evidence that unsettled this essentialist narrative. These findings suggest that researchers, policymakers, and practitioners should develop a reflexive anti-essentialist stance, promote collaboration and leadership in research by diverse stakeholders in developing countries, seek to understand local strategies and resources that are being used to address social problems such as DV, and document the impacts of recent and transnational processes on social problems within developing countries.

Ultraleftism to Missary of Commoners: Case of Victims of Sexual Violence During Insurgency

A decade-long armed conflict resulted in the prevalence of survivors of sexual violence in Nepal. The survivors include those who sustained physical and/or mental harm and social distress due to sexual violence or having such family members. The insurgency launched by the then CPN (Maoist) in 1996 was an act of ultra-leftism. The victims of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) are being deprived of justice even after a decade and a half without realization of the agreed transitional justice process as per the Comprehension Peace Accord (CPA). Despite the examples of good practices that exist globally, the CRSV survivors in Nepal have not been acknowledged adequately as a crucial facet of the conflict resolution processes neither in any peace dialogue nor in the CPA and peace-building initiatives pursued afterward. Findings concluded that the conflict resolution processes so far do not mean anything to them as they have neither been part of nor benefited from the claimed ‘peace-building initiatives’in Nepal. This article has revealed that the situation is worrying sum as leaving the survivors behind does not simply lead to failure of the conflict resolution process in Nepal. In explaining PMPD Bhandari states that the communist party can resolve any problem with the help of people amidst the political and organizational works without imposing the security forces. Therefore, while illustrating the severity of incidents and concerns of CRSV survivors, the article has drawn the attention of all stakeholders to ensure the effective participation of the CRSV survivors’ and integrate their issues and concerns into peace-building processes.

A qualitative study on gender inequality and gender-based violence in Nepal

BackgroundGender inequality and violence are not mutually exclusive phenomena but complex loops affecting each other. Women in Nepal face several inequalities and violence. The causes are diverse, but most of these results are due to socially assigned lower positioning of women. The hierarchies based on power make women face subordination and violence in Nepal. The study aims to explore participants' understanding and experience to identify the status of inequality for women and how violence emerges as one of its consequences. Furthermore, it explores the causes of sex trafficking as an example of an outcome of inequality and violence.MethodThe study formulated separate male and female groups using a purposive sampling method. The study used a multistage focus group discussion, where the same groups met at different intervals. Six focus group discussions, three times each with male and female groups, were conducted in a year. Thirty-six individuals, including sixteen males and twenty females, were involved in the discussions. The study used constructivist grounded theory for the data analysis.ResultsThe study participants identify that a power play between men and women reinforce inequality and increases the likelihood of violence for women. The findings suggest that the subjugation of women occurs due to practices based on gender differences, constricted life opportunities, and internalization of constructed differences among women. The study identifies that interpersonal and socio-cultural violence can result due to established differences between men and women. Sex trafficking, as an example of the outcome of inequality and violence, occurs due to the disadvantageous position of women compounded by poverty and illiteracy. The study has developed a concept of power-play which is identified as a cause and consequence of women's subordination and violence. This power play is found operative at various levels with social approval for men to use violence and maintain/produce inequality.ConclusionThe theoretical concept of power play shows that there are inequitable power relations between men and women. The male-centric socio-cultural norms and practices have endowed men with privilege, power, and an opportunity to exploit women. This lowers the status of women and the power-play help to produce and sustain inequality. The power-play exposes women to violence and manifests itself as one of the worst expressions used by men.

Crisis and opportunity

It is not a good time for the global economy. Many countries are experiencing an economic downturn due to several factors. COVID-19 remains a persistent challenge to many countries despite high vaccination rates. In Asia and beyond, a new surge of cases has been delaying the ability of economies to recover and “normalize” since early 2020. Another factor is the ongoing Russia–Ukraine war that started in February 2022. With no end in sight, the war has taken a toll on global supply chains including food (i.e., wheat, potatoes) and oil. Rising food and oil prices have affected societies worldwide unequally with the poor and marginalized receiving the greatest negative impact of actions and decisions made beyond their states' borders. Governments will face tremendous challenges in addressing the economic hardship experienced by their people. Their pandemic response has drained their fiscal resources and led many states to borrow extensively. In the Philippines, for example, government debt has doubled since the pandemic began. This has severely limited the ability of its government to effectively respond to inflation and jumpstart the economy. But it is in Sri Lanka where a full-fledged economic crisis wreaked havoc with the resignation of the government. Without sufficient foreign currency reserves, the Sri Lankan economy virtually shut down with a shortage of oil and gas as well as basic food necessities. As seen in the past, such economic hardship caused popular outrage with massive protests unseen in its contemporary history. The global economic downturn is a serious legitimacy challenge to governments of all types. The dire global economic situation requires states and international institutions to immediately act, seriously work in a collective manner, and commit to uplift everyone from the crisis. This is not an easy decision as retreating to protectionist measures is the easy and rational path in the short run. The looming food crisis around the world is not because there is a lack of supply but with political decisions that seek to protect domestic markets at the sacrifice of foreign markets. This “protectionist reflex” could cause more hardship, especially in low-income economies and highly unequal societies. We will have to wait in the coming months whether the global economy can indeed fix these market distortions on its own but as history has taught us, previous international economic crises required proactive measures of states and international organizations. Asian Politics & Policy has published numerous articles on the linkages between economic crisis and political factors. Yu's (2010) study about China's proposal to develop a Western Economic Triangle has been met with skepticism given the various challenges in the country's western frontier. This inequality within one of the world's biggest economies will continue to impact the ability of China to recover from the current economic downturn. China's more assertive stance in the region will also influence its ability to present itself as a problem solver to the current economic crisis. The country's ability to integrate itself into the global economy and be more interdependent with other countries has not necessarily released the mechanisms attributed by international relations theory regarding liberal or democratic peace. Leon (2017) argued that this is because China remains in a process of power transition. Thus, it will take some time before China can act as a responsible economic actor. Finally, existing regional trade arrangements such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership may require adjustments to appropriately and sufficiently address the current challenges faced by economies in the Indo-Pacific region. In one study, such trade arrangements may have to balance the desire to be autonomous from the global trade order with the necessity of linking with other economies to address the global economic crisis (Novikov & Shumkova, 2018). In this issue of Asian Politics & Policy, we are pleased to publish original research articles that covered topics ranging from military history, Taiwan's soft power diplomacy, irrigation policy reforms in Southeast Asia, policy brokers for infrastructure projects in Thailand, and youth violence in Nepal. We are also featuring two policy review articles regarding COVID-19 policy responses in Indonesia and Hong Kong as well as the usual media and book reviews. We hope that our journal can be a good academic medium for serious and rigorous debates and discussions on public policies and international affairs in Asia.

Youth, politics, and youth‐led political violence in Nepal

AbstractThis article examines how participation and mobilization of youth in politics has led to an unintended consequence: youth‐led violence. We define youth‐led violence as a particular form of political violence that emerged from an interplay between political power, domination, and rent‐seeking behavior. To elaborate on youth‐led violence between 1990 and 2018 in Nepal, we identified and analyzed push and pull factors that explain the dynamics and dimensions of why youth participate in politics and how it creates a condition where political violence is accepted and normalized.

Epochal Role of Women’s Education to Reduce the Severity of Domestic Violence in Nepal: Evidence from Nepal Demographic and Health Survey 2016

Violence against women is a deleterious violation of human rights. Despite having the different policy and legal provisions, the incident of domestic violence is still exacerbating in Nepal. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the significant role of education for reducing physical, sexual and emotional violence against women. The study uses the data of Nepal Demographic and Health Survey 2016 which focuses on the 4,444 women ages 15 to 49 years having multiple background characteristics. Mainly, univariate, bi-variate and logistic regression analysis is applied to analyze the data. There is an inverse relationship between the level of education and the degree of violence. The level of education has the strongest and positive effect on reducing violence. The higher level of education has significant effect on reducing physical violence [pushed, shook or had something thrown (OR=0.27, CI: 0.16-0.43), slapped (OR=0.17, CI: 0.12-0.26) and kicked or dragged (OR: 0.11, CI: 0.05-0.23)], sexual violence [physically forced into unwanted sex (OR=0.35, CI: 0.19-0.62) and in forced into other unwanted sexual acts (OR=0.22, CI: 0.08-0.61)] and emotional violence [humiliation (OR=0.28, CI: 0.15-0.50), threat (OR=0.16, CI: 0.07-0.41) and insult (OR=0.36, CI: 0.22-0.58). There is an inverse relationship between the level of education and violence against women in Nepal. Women with higher level of education have significantly contributed to reducing either type of violence and vice versa. So, women’s education can be regarded as a prominent contributing factor for reducing domestic violence in Nepal.

Exploring the Linkages Between Women’s Paid and Unpaid Work and Their Experiences of Intimate Partner and Non-Partner Violence in Nepal

ABSTRACT Economic bargaining models contend that women’s paid work reduces violence experienced due to increased bargaining power, while male backlash models argue that violence is likely to increase as the traditional male breadwinner role is threatened. The empirical linkages between women working for pay and experiencing men’s violence are also mixed. This study examines the association between women’s paid work participation and their experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-partner violence (NPV). It uses multivariate probit regressions to analyze survey data from 937 randomly selected women members of cooperative societies spanning the seven districts of Nepal. The paper hypothesizes that in a traditional setting like Nepal, working women are more likely to experience increased violence as they transgress traditional gender roles. Results suggest that employed women experience both IPV and NPV. Investments in longitudinal studies are needed to understand the point at which economic empowerment yields reversals in violence experienced. HIGHLIGHTS Women’s work statuses influence their experiences of different forms of men’s violence in Nepal. Women’s paid work participation is not necessarily protective against violence by increasing their bargaining power. Women’s employment may increase exposure to violence because of underlying gender hierarchies. Longitudinal research is needed to understand when economic empowerment may avert violence.

Antenatal-Based Pilot Psychosocial Intervention to Enhance Mental Health of Pregnant Women Experiencing Domestic and Family Violence in Nepal.

Survivors of domestic and family violence (DFV) report poorer quality of life and worsening mental health. This study evaluated the effect of a counseling and education intervention on the mental health and help-seeking behaviors among pregnant women living with DFV. A parallel pilot randomized controlled trial was performed among 140 pregnant women attending an antenatal clinic of a tertiary hospital of Nepal. Using computer-generated random numbers, participants were randomized to the intervention group (a counseling session, an information booklet about DFV, and contact details of the counselor) or a control group (usual care plus a booklet containing contact details of local DFV support services). Outcome measures included mental health, quality of life (QOL), self-efficacy, social support, and safety planning behaviors. Analyses followed intention-to-treat, using the generalized estimating equation model. Intervention participants showed significant improvements in anxiety (β = -3.24, p < .001) and depression (β = -3.16, p < .001) at postintervention. Such improvements were also sustained at follow-up assessment (p < .001). Significant group and time interaction for QOL, social support, use of safety behaviors, and self-efficacy (p < .05) revealed a greater increase in these outcome measures among intervention participants at both follow-up assessments compared with the control group. This pilot integrated intervention showed promising outcomes in improving the mental health, social support, and the use of safety behaviors among women with DFV. This intervention could be incorporated into regular antenatal care as a strategy to identify and support victims of DFV. Larger controlled trials with longer follow-up are needed to support and expand on the current findings regarding the effectiveness of a psychosocial intervention targeting victims of DFV in resource-constrained settings.

Impact of the Change Starts at Home Trial on Women's experience of intimate partner violence in Nepal.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) affects 1 in 3 women worldwide. Research in low- and middle-income countries suggests that multicomponent interventions incorporating media, group work, and community mobilization may be effective at changing social norms that enable such violence. Our study aimed to evaluate the impact of a radio programme plus community engagement versus radio programming alone on the 12-month prevalence of IPV. Using a cluster randomized, repeat cross-sectional, single-blinded approach, thirty-six village communities were pair-matched within three districts in Nepal and randomly assigned to either control or intervention. Both groups were exposed to social behaviour change communication through radio programming. In addition, weekly listening and discussion groups (LDGs) were formed in intervention communities to meet and discuss radio programming over the 40-week intervention period. Participants were also exposed to other community mobilization activities such as street theatre and messaging from local leaders who were engaged in intervention programming. IPV was measured at baseline, 12 months post-baseline at program conclusion, and 28 months post-baseline using a simple random sample of 40 married women per cluster (n = approximately 1440 at each time point) along with 382 women who participated in the LDGs. Although control and intervention groups were demographically similar, baseline rates of IPV were higher in control areas. The trend in IPV for both groups was nonlinear, largely declining at midline (control condition) and rising again at endline (control and intervention conditions), possibly reflecting greater reporting due to awareness-raising activities. Significant differences between the two groups were largely absent at endline. Higher LDG attendance was associated with decreases in several forms of IPV, some of which persisted to endline. These findings suggest that intensive community engagement over longer timespans or social network measurement may be necessary to detect significant changes at the community level (NCT02942433).

Understanding Youth Political Violence in Nepal

Social, economic and political injustice promotes violence among youth. Political parties involved in Nepali democratic upheavals resort to violence; this is where youth are portrayed as major actors in performing violent acts. Youths have always taken part in these political struggles. Political parties have used facts that relate to people suffering from various miseries as a means of manoeuvring and mobilizing youth to participate in armed struggles and uprisings. One would expect these violent episodes to have decreased as the country is now transitioning from armed conflict towards a sustainable peace, but instead post-war Nepal has been continuously facing challenges that youth are posing through their violent behaviours. Addressing issues of unemployment, a corrupt political culture, nepotism and inappropriate political socialization are factors which require urgent responses with political commitment to stop youth participation in political violence. One way to realize this would be to encourage youth engagement in positive peace-building endeavours in Nepal.

Mixed methods assessment of women\u2019s risk of intimate partner violence in Nepal

BackgroundIntimate partner violence (IPV) is a significant public health issue that affects one in three women globally and a similarly large number of women in Nepal. Although important policy and programmatic steps have been taken to address violence against women in Nepal over the past decade, there is still a gap on IPV research in Nepal, particularly with regard to social norms.MethodsThis mixed-methods study used in-depth interviews with women and their husbands as well as baseline survey data from a cluster randomized trial testing a primary prevention intervention for IPV to examine the prevalence and risk factors for IPV. Baseline survey data included 1800 women from Nawalparasi, Chitwan, and Kapilvastu districts in Nepal. Multivariate regression was used to identify risk and protective factors for exposure to physical and / or sexual IPV in the prior 12 months. Case-based analysis was used to analyze one of 18 pairs of in-depth interviews to examine risk and protective factors within marriages.ResultsOf 1800 eligible participants, 455 (25.28%) were exposed to IPV. In multivariate analyses, low caste, wife employment, income stress, poor marital communication, quarrelling, husband drunkenness, exposure to IPV as a child, in-law violence, and gender inequitable normative expectations were associated with IPV. The selected case interview represented common themes identified in the analysis including the wife’s exposure to violence as a child, husband alcohol use, and marital quarrelling.ConclusionsGender inequitable norms in the community and the intergenerational transmission of attitudes and behaviors supportive of IPV are important to address in intervention measures.

Social norms and women's risk of intimate partner violence in Nepal

Social norms increasingly are the focus of intimate partner violence (IPV) prevention strategies but are among the least examined contextual factors in quantitative violence research. This study assesses the within-community, between-community, and contextual effect of a new measure of social norms (PVNS: Partner Violence Norms Scale) on women's risk of IPV. Data come from baseline surveys collected from 1435 female, married, reproductive-age participants, residing in 72 wards in three districts (Chitwan, Kapilvastu, Nawalparasi) in Nepal who were enrolled in a cluster randomized trial testing the impact of a social behavioral change communication intervention designed to prevent IPV. Results of unconditional multilevel logistic regression models indicated that there was cluster-level variability in the 12-month prevalence of physical (ICC = 0.07) and sexual (ICC = 0.05) IPV. Mean PVNS scores also varied across wards. When modeled simultaneously, PVNS scores aggregated to the ward-level and at the individual-level were associated with higher odds of physical (ORind = 1.12, CI = 1.04, 1.20; ORward = 1.40, CI = 1.15, 1.72) and sexual (ORind = 1.15, CI = 1.08, 1.24; ORward = 1.47, CI = 1.24, 1.74) IPV. The contextual effect was significant in the physical (0.23, se = 0.11, t = 2.12) and sexual (0.24, se = 0.09, t = 2.64) IPV models, suggesting that the ward-level association was larger than that at the individual-level. Adjustment for covariates slightly attenuated the ward-level association and eliminated the contextual association, suggesting that individual perceptions and the collective community phenomena were equally strong predictors of women's risk of IPV and should be taken into consideration when planning interventions. PVNS is a promising measure of social norms underpinning women's risk of IPV and warrants further psychometric testing.

No ‘end of the peace process’: Federalism and ethnic violence in Nepal

How does the reform of territorial state structures shape prospects for peace after war? Existing research on the institutional causes of peace often focuses on how institutional designs, as the outcomes of reform processes, reduce post-war violence and promote peace. The literature does less frequently address how the politics that characterise reform processes affect the legitimacy of institutions and whether or not violent protest ultimately takes place: this risks omitting key explanations of how institutional reforms contribute to peace and the mechanisms by which this occurs. By examining the case of Nepal, where clashes between protesters and security forces over constitutional provisions for federalism have killed more than 60 people since August 2015, this study shows that three factors of the territorial reform process contributed to the onset of post-war ethnic violence. These included: (1) elite control of decision-making; (2) tight deadlines that promoted backtracking on previous commitments; and (3) the embedding of single territorial reforms in a ‘concert’ of institutional reforms that, as a whole, sparked fear of discrimination among ethnic minorities.

Blessing or Burden? The Impact of Peace Services on Peace and Violence in Nepal

Recent literature highlights the potential of infrastructures for peace for peacebuilding and violence prevention. An increasing number of studies examine cases of infrastructures for peace, yet little is known about the services individuals actually use when facing conflict. This study investigates local agency in the context of infrastructures for peace in Nepal. Adopting a quantitative approach, we explore the relationship between use of third party support for dealing with conflict (‘peace services’) and individual experiences of peace and violence. Results show that the more respondents reported use of services that actively engage their recipients in dealing with their conflicts, such as mediation, the more peace they experienced in different dimensions of their lives and the lower their propensity for violence was. In contrast, the more respondents reported use of services that require only passive involvement and do not directly focus on the conflict at hand, such as sharing information, the less intrapersonal and intercommunity peace they experienced and the higher their propensity for violence was. Encouraging the use of active peace services could allow more people to enjoy their benefits and ultimately prevent violence and strengthen peace. Future research could further explore the linkages between everyday use of third party support and people's experience of peace and violent behaviour, including direction of effect.

Afterword

In reflecting on the contributions to this collection, the afterword outlines three ways of understanding violence—direct physical force, structural violence and cultural or symbolic violence—and relates these to Steven Lukes’ three faces of power. It revisits Weber’s definition of the modern state as claiming a monopoly of the legitimate use of the first kind of violence, and contrasts that with the ways in which the actual practice of South Asian politics implies or requires violence. The example of state and non-state violence in Nepal in 2015 is used to illustrate these themes. This example brings out, as several contributions do, the importance of borders as violence-provoking sites of state sensitivity.

The Politics of Institutional Reform and Post-Conflict Violence in Nepal

How does the reform of state institutions shape prospects for peace after war? Existing research on the institutional causes of peace focuses on how institutional designs, as the outcomes of reform processes, reduce post-conflict violence and promote peace. The literature does not, however, adequately address how the politics that characterise reform processes affect the legitimacy of institutions and whether or not violent protest against these institutions ultimately takes place. This focus risks omitting key explanations of how institutional reforms contribute to peace and the mechanisms by which this occurs. By examining the case of Nepal, where clashes between protesters and security forces killed almost 60 people between August 2015 and January 2016, this study shows that emotional rhetoric, elite control of decision-making, backtracking on previous commitments, the acceleration of reform processes, and the embedding of single reforms in a “concert of reforms that, as a whole, sparks fears of discrimination are all factors that can lead to post-conflict violence.

‘They just walk away’ – women’s perception of being silenced by antenatal health workers: a qualitative study on women survivors of domestic violence in Nepal

BackgroundDomestic violence during pregnancy has detrimental effects on the health of the mother and the newborn. Antenatal care provides a ‘window of opportunity’ to identify and assist victims of domestic violence during pregnancy. Little is known about the experience, needs, and expectations from the women's perspective in relation to domestic violence in Nepal.ObjectiveOur study aims to explore how women who have experienced domestic violence evaluate their antenatal care and their expectations and needs from health centers.DesignTwelve in-depth interviews were conducted among women who had experienced domestic violence during pregnancy and utilized antenatal care. The women were recruited from two different organizations in Nepal.ResultsWomen in our study concealed their experience of domestic violence due to fear of being insulted, discriminated, and negative attitudes of the health care providers. The women wished that the health care providers were compassionate and asked them about their experience, ensured confidentiality and privacy, and referred them to services that is free of cost.ConclusionsFindings from our study may help the health care providers to change their attitudes toward women survivors of domestic violence. Identifying and assisting these women through antenatal care could result in improved services for them and their newborns.