Vietnam-China Relations Research Articles

Vietnam-China and the Indo-Pacific

This research paper delves into the intricate relationship between Vietnam and China in the Indo-Pacific region, offering a multifaceted exploration across various dimensions. The study commences with an examination of Vietnam's demographics. The paper proceeds to underscore the growing relevance of the Indo-Pacific for Vietnam, on a strategic perspective. Vietnam's standing in the region is meticulously analysed, taking into account its historical and contemporary positioning amidst evolving regional dynamics. Vietnam's perception of the Indo-Pacific is a pivotal focus, examining its outlook and its strategic priorities within the broader context of regional challenges and opportunities, notably in the South China Sea. The study further delves into the development of Vietnamese South China Sea policy, encompassing territorial disputes and economic interests, culminating in an exploration of Vietnam's grand plan for the South China Sea. A central theme is Vietnam's "THREE NOS" policy, reflecting its judicious and pragmatic approach to regional complexities. The paper delineates Vietnam's efforts to enhance strategic partnerships with major Indo-Pacific powers, including the USA, Australia, India, and Japan, positioning it as an integral player in the regional security architecture. In addition to discussing strategic alliances with powerful nations, the paper offers details on Vietnam-China relations from the 1970s until their postCold War normalisation. In conclusion, the research provides a set of policy recommendations for Vietnam to navigate its complex relationship with China in the Indo-Pacific, emphasizing continued engagement with major powers, strengthening strategic partnerships, and adopting a balanced and pragmatic approach. This comprehensive analysis offers valuable insights into Vietnam's evolving role in the Indo-Pacific and its strategic imperatives.

Vietnam’s Current Perceptions and Policies Regarding Its Relations with China

Despite having same political ideologies, Vietnam and China share mutual suspicion and contradictions in their bilateral interactions. Since the normalization of Sino-Vietnamese relations in 1991, In the post-Cold War era, Vietnam-China relations could be called as a mature asymmetry. These have affected strategic considerations in Vietnam’s policy towards China. I argue that Vietnam’s cooperation strategy with China encompasses ‘both cooperation and struggle’. In other words, unlike conditions of mature asymmetry, where both countries attempt to maintain peaceful relations, in the case of Vietnam and China, the responsibility has been placed more in the former rather than the latter. In addition, I argue that though the relations are perceived to be driven by ideological affinity and growing economic interdependence, the ‘trust deficit’ is a determining factor that obstructs the development of the two countries’ relations.

Problems and Prospects of contemporary Vietnam–China Relations

In 20222023 in connection with the escalation of the confrontation between the United States and China in Asia-Pacific in both military and political spheres, the position of the countries of East and Southeast Asia acquires an extremely important role. A number of regional powers have already taken their side, and the struggle between the two superpowers now aims to attract new allies and partners out of the ASEAN countries. Vietnam as a regional leader and a major economic player in the strategically important Greater Mekong region is of paramount importance to the interests of both the United States and China. Vietnam finds itself in the epicenter of a big diplomatic game between Washington and Beijing. The Chinese leadership can no longer ignore the danger of rapprochement of its Southern neighbors with the military-political associations that the United States forms along the borders of the PRC. The future of not only the two-state dialogue, but also in many respects the security and stability in the Southeast Asia depends on how the Chinese authorities approach the resolution of problems in VietnamChina relations.

Outstanding Project of Russian Vietnamese Studies. Review of the book “The Complete Annals of Daiviet”, Vol. 7

The review focuses on the seventh volume of the Complete Annals of Daiviet (Đại Việt sử k ton thư), published in 2020. This central monument of Vietnamese traditional historical thought has not been translated into European languages. Volume seven presents a translation of chapters XVIXVII, covering the period of Vietnamese history from 1533 to 1599. The book consists of several parts: a study on Vietnam China relations and political history of North Vietnam in the 16th century, the translation itself, and a detailed commentary. The Appendices section contains translations of Chinese and Vietnamese works. The translation from hanviet was done by the leading Russian expert on Vietnamese history A.L. Fedorin, Doctor of Historical Sciences, who also wrote the research part and comments. The publication of the seventh volume of the Complete Annals of Daiviet can be attributed to the outstanding achievements of the Russian scholar.

Cross-Border Ethnic Relations at Vietnam-China Border Markets since 1990

At the Vietnamese-Chinese border, markets serve as places not only for exchanging and purchasing goods but also for socio-cultural exchanges among ethnic groups on both sides of the border. The Vietnamese economic renovation in the late 1980s and the process of normalizing Vietnam-China relations in1990 have contributed to the development of the market system at the borderline between these two countries, meeting the commodity trade needs of involved ethnic groups in the region and the surrounding areas, promoting cultural exchange, and maintaining and expanding kinship relations and friendship between the ethnic groups on both sides of the border. This article explores the cross-border ethnic relationships shown in trading, exchanging goods, and developing social networks of ethnic minorities in two typical border markets - Loc Binh market in Lang Son’s Loc Binh district and Can Cau commune market in Lao Cai’s Si Ma Cai district - thereby clarifying the dynamics of ethnic relations in the Vietnam-China border area since 1990.

Vietnam and China: ideological bedfellows, strange dreamers

ABSTRACT The article examines the evolution of Vietnam–China relations in the post-Cold War to identify the factors that shapes its dynamics. It finds that the bilateral relations have been significantly changed overtime, from strategic antagonism to ideology-shared partnership and subsequently from economic sistership to security rivalry. The two countries’ worldviews have gradually diverged. Given geographical nearness is a constant, such a course is driven by the interactions of four factours, including shifts in security environment, internal factional politics, economic calculations, and rising nationalism. At different points of time, some factor rises dominantly and these others matter less. However, it is observed that since the normalization in 1991 shared ideology figured less and less significantly.

The Reception and Implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative in Vietnam

The article looks back on China’s proposal and promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to Vietnam, as well as Vietnam’s official position and response to this initiative. The implementation of agreements between the two countries is analysed by evaluating two key areas of the BRI in Vietnam, namely facilities connectivity, and trade and investment. China was active in promoting the BRI, whereas Vietnam welcomed the initiative with caution. Cooperation in the two key areas has been promoted. However, it is a continuation of previous cooperation, and it has not been able to alleviate existing problems in Vietnam-China relations.

“Without the Lips, the Teeth feel the Cold(脣亡齒寒)” and the Structure of Asymmetry : The Vietnam-China Relations and the Historyscapes of the Border

“Without the Lips, the Teeth feel the Cold(脣亡齒寒)” and the Structure of Asymmetry : The Vietnam-China Relations and the Historyscapes of the Border

Three Structures of Vietnam-China Relations: a View from the Structural Constructivist Theory

In this essay, an attempt is made to use Alexander Wendt’s structural hypothesis to test the structures of Vietnam–China relations from the beginning up to the present. The results show that Vietnam–China relations have undergone three cultures: Hobbesian culture, Lockean culture, and Kantian culture. In 113 B.C, without any restraint, the expansionist identity of China formed Vietnam–China Hobbesian culture and then nourished it up to the late twelfth century. Then, the external restraints changed Vietnam–China Hobbesian culture into the Lockean culture in 1164. There was an alternation of Hobbesian and Lockean culture in the period of 1164–1885. The transitions of these two cultures were created by external restraint and self-restraint. In the period of 1885–1949, the foundations for the Kantian culture was laid. From 1950 to July 1978, Communist ideology helped the Kantian culture to dominate Vietnam–China relations. Though, from 1968 self-interests created a shift from Kantian culture to Lockean culture. Without self-restraint, the identities of Vietnam and China changed the Kantian culture into the Lockean culture in late 1978, and this culture has been dominating Vietnam–China relations up to the present.

Vietnam-China Relations: a Difficult Search for Agreement

Vietnam-China Relations: a Difficult Search for Agreement

Application of Center-Periphery Theory to the Study of Vietnam-China Relations in the Middle Ages

Application of Center-Periphery Theory to the Study of Vietnam-China Relations in the Middle Ages

War, Rebellion, and Intervention under Hierarchy: Vietnam–China Relations, 1365 to 1841

What does international hierarchy look like? The emerging literatures on hierarchy and international orders remain overwhelmingly focused on the contemporary era and on the great powers that comprise the top of the hierarchy. This article addresses that gap by examining diplomacy, war, and domestic politics in the premodern Vietnam–China relationship under the hierarchic tributary system. Specifically, we construct a unique data set of over 1,200 entries, which measures wars and other violence in the region from 1365 to 1789. The data revealed the stable and legitimate nature of tributary relations between formally unequal political units. The Vietnamese court explicitly recognized its unequal status in its relations with China through a number of institutions and norms. Vietnamese rulers also displayed very little military attention to their relations with China. Rather, Vietnamese leaders were clearly more concerned with quelling chronic domestic instability and managing relations with kingdoms to their south and west.

Recent Chinese Migration to Vietnam

Based on fieldwork conducted in various locations in Vietnam, this article examines the different types of Chinese migration to Vietnam since the normalization of Vietnam-China relations in 1990. The article notes differences between the old and new Chinese migration. Recent Chinese migration is characterized by the diversity in the composition of migrants. Furthermore, recent Chinese migration is fuelled by the government's “go-out strategy” and is closely linked with increasing flows of investments, economic aid, trade and culture from China.

China-ASEAN Relations, April 2011 to December 2011: Chronology of Events

China-ASEAN Relations, April 2011 to December 2011:Chronology of Events Weng Cuifen (bio) APRIL 2011 13th Zhou Yongkang, member of the Politburo Standing Committee of the CCP Central Committee and head of the Central Political and Legislative Committee, meets with the Minister of Public Security of Vietnam, Lê Hồng Anh, in Beijing. Zhou conveyed the CCP Central Committee's congratulations to the new central leadership of the Vietnam Communist Party. Lê stated that Vietnam-China relations are a priority for the Vietnam Communist Party. 14th-16th Yang Jiechi, Foreign Affairs Minister of the People's Republic of China, and the Secretary-General of ASEAN, Dr Surin Pitsuwan, meet during the Boao Forum of the Asia Annual Conference 2011 in Hainan. This year marks the 20th anniversary of ASEAN-China dialogue relations. Under the theme "ASEAN-China: Mutually Beneficial and Win-Win Partners", ASEAN and China will be implementing a series of activities to promote good-neighbourly relations, deepen cooperation and consolidate people-to-people friendship. Yang underscored the fact that practical cooperation between ASEAN and China has entered a new phase. During the meeting, Yang also welcomed the participation of the United States and Russia in the East Asia Summit (EAS). However, China believes that ASEAN should continue to play a central role in the expanded EAS. [End Page 136] 20th A workshop on the China-Malaysia Qinzhou Industrial Park, located in the Beibuwan area of Guangxi Province, is launched in Beijing. It will be the first industrial park built by Malaysia in China. General planning of the project has been finished. China has become Malaysia's biggest trading partner and largest market for Malaysian palm oil, while Malaysia is China's top trading partner in ASEAN. Bilateral trade rose to a record high of USD74.2 billion in 2010. 25th Shortly before his official visits to Malaysia and Indonesia, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao gives a joint interview to journalists from the China National News Agency, Star of Malaysia, SCTV, Kompass and the Jakarta Post of Indonesia, and answered their questions at Zhongnanhai. Regarding the South China Sea, Wen stated that China remains committed to the Declaration of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. He also pointed out that although China and Malaysia have some territorial disputes over some islands and reefs in the South China Sea, this has not prevented the two countries from peaceful coexistence. Wen also claimed that the countries concerned should and can carry out joint development in the South China Sea. 27th-28th Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao pays a two-day official visit to Malaysia. He held talks with his Malaysian counterpart Najib in Kuala Lumpur. Both sides exchanged views on how to enhance China-Malaysia strategic cooperation as well as international and regional issues of common concern. Wen and Najib also addressed the China-Malaysia Economic, Trade and Investment Cooperation Forum in Kuala Lumpur. Wen put forward a five-point proposal for the promotion of trade and cooperation between China and Malaysia. 29th-30th Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao makes a two-day official visit to Indonesia. He met with ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan in Jakarta. Both sides vowed to enhance bilateral cooperation and ties. Wen also met with Indonesian Vice President Boediono in Jakarta to boost economic and trade cooperation between the two countries. Wen said he reached a broad consensus with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for the two sides set a new target for a two-way trade volume of USD80 billion by 2015. MAY 2011 4th The 14th ASEAN+3 Finance Ministers' Meeting opens in Hanoi. The meeting was also attended by the newly appointed Director of the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office and the President of the Asia Development Bank. During the meeting, participants discussed the recent macroeconomic [End Page 137] situation in the East Asian region. Chinese Deputy Minister of Finance Li Yong briefed the meeting on China's current macroeconomic situation and the Twelfth Five-Year Plan, and put forward five suggestions for consolidating the economic recovery of the region. 16th Visiting Chinese State Councillor and Defence Minister Liang Guanglie meets with his Singaporean counterpart Teo Chee Hean in Singapore. Teo, who is...

Vietnam-China Relations since the End of the Cold War

There are two broad approaches to analyzing the dynamics of Vietnam-China relations. One emphasizes the historical memories that have conditioned and shaped the relationship. For some 10 centuries (from 3 B.C. to A.D. 1000), the Vietnamese were under the direct rule of the Chinese. During this long period, while the Vietnamese selectively assimilated much of Chinese culture, they remained intensely nationalistic. To the Vietnamese, the years of Chinese rule and domination are a reminder of Vietnam's weakness and vulnerability vis-a'-vis its huge neighbor. The second approach focuses on external forces and geopolitical considerations. The view is that, historical memories aside, Vietnam-China relations are essentially shaped by the conjunction of geographical proximity, changing ideological configurations, and the evolving nature of relations among China, the former Soviet Union, and the U.S. The two approaches are not necessarily irreconcilable. Indeed, the interplay of history and geopolitics contributes to the inevitable tension between the two countries. This interplay has the potential to be either constructive or destructive, depending on how the two countries choose to manage the relationship. To illustrate, the breakdown of Sino-Vietnamese relations from 1979 to 1991 can be explained by Vietnam's failure to maintain a balance in its relations with China and the former Soviet Union. When China cut off all economic aid to Vietnam in 1978 and Vietnam-U.S. negotiations to normalize relations broke down, Vietnam turned to the Soviet Union. As the late Nguyen Co Thach noted, the decision to join the Soviet-sponsored Council for Mutual Economic Assistance would not have been necessary had Chinese aid not been cut.1 But Beijing construed the move to mean Vietnam and the

Vietnam-China Relations since the End of the Cold War

Vietnam-China Relations since the End of the Cold War

Distortion of Facts about Militant Friendship between Vietnam and China is Impermissible

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam under the control of Le Duan and company has recently issued a white book entitled The Truth About Vietnam-China Relations Over the Last 30 Years in order to distort the facts about Vietnam-China relations.

The Truth about Vietnam-China Relations over the Last 30 Years (Excerpts)

The Chinese leaders' acts of open hostility against Vietnam, culminating in their war of aggression started on February 17, 1979, have astonished world public opinion by the sudden shift of China's policy toward Vietnam. Yet, this policy shift was to be expected. It was, in fact, a logical development of the expansionist and hegemonistic strategy pursued by the Chinese leaders over the past three decades. …

The truth about Vietnam-China relations over the last 30 years [condensed

The truth about Vietnam-China relations over the last 30 years [condensed