Victory In War Research Articles

ՀԻՇՈՂՈՒԹՅԱՆ ՔԱՂԱՔԱԿԱՆՈՒԹՅՈՒՆԸ ԱԴՐԲԵՋԱՆԻ ԷԹՆՈՔԱՂԱՔԱԿԱՆ ԿԱՄԱՐՏԱՀԱՅՏՈՒԹՅԱՆ ԳՈՐԾԻՔ ԵՎ ԴՐԱ ՔԱՐՈԶՉԱԿԱՆ ԴՐՍԵՎՈՐՈՒՄՆԵՐԸ ՎԱՎԵՐԱԳՐԱԿԱՆ ԿԻՆՈՅՈՒՄ

In terms of anti-Armenianism, the Azerbaijani propaganda machine can be said to be constantly improving. After the war in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020, it is distinguished by the use of even more crude tools of strategic communication, including an emphasis on the politics of memory from the means of psychological influence. In introducing this concept, it is particularly noteworthy that it is necessary to consider in its context information that is used to become memory, and memory that is used as an informational weapon. The target of the latter is the conscious field of social groups, and in this case it is used according to the interests of the military-political elite. A vivid proof of this is the observed factual materials, the comprehensive study of which will prove that Azerbaijan is trying to strengthen the victory in Nagorno- Karabakh in 2020 with the pretensions of victory in the mental war, using various means of influence, including the politics of memory. At the same time, the prevalence and possibilities of modern information technologies are used, unprecedentedly increasing the influence of media on the individual and society, which aims to make the mass consciousness a target for mythification. As a research method, the examination of the ways and tools used in documentary films, which are the result of the political order of Azerbaijan in the post-war period, and the study of reactions on social platforms around them were chosen. As a result, it became possible to single out materials that prove that in order to achieve its political goals, the military-political electorate of that country uses all possibilities, even involving influential representatives of the international media sphere. Our study aims to highlight the need to ensure Armenia's informational supremacy on the information platform, and the risks that may arise from the point of view of further political developments surrounding the Karabakh conflict.

On the Front Line: The White Army and the Population

The article considers the interaction of the White Army and the population in the South and East of Russia. It evaluates the specifics of combat operations and recruitment in the conditions of civil war and emphasizes the importance of interaction with the civilian population. The author analyzes the areas of large-scale confrontation of the population and the causes of this phenomenon, and explains the reasons behind the blurring of the boundaries between combatants and non-combatants in internecine struggle. The author draws attention to the restoration of law enforcement and other forms of infrastructure in the areas occupied by the White Army, to the phenomenon of self-defense on a territorial or ethnic basis. The conclusion made concerns the decisive interaction between the army and the population on the front line in the conditions of a large-scale civil war. The article provides numerous examples of support of the white units by the population; analyses successful and unsuccessful examples of the demand for such support by the command of White formations. For this purpose, various sources are used, primarily memoirs, both published and stored in the archives of the Russian Federation. The author concludes about the utmost importance of contact with the population on the front line for the victory in the civil war and highlights a high potential for the support of white formations and the areas where this was manifested most prominently. The article proposes to distinguish between the willingness to surrender or to be legalized with the approach of the Whites and the willingness to actively support the troops with military participation. This phenomenon was also evident on the red side of the confrontation, which had its own specifics and is worthy of independent study.

Struggle and Mutual Aid: The Age of Worker Solidarity by Nicolas Delalande

Reviewed by: Struggle and Mutual Aid: The Age of Worker Solidarity by Nicolas Delalande John Zerzan NICOLAS DELALANDE Struggle and Mutual Aid: The Age of Worker Solidarity Trans. Anthony Roberts. New York. Other Press. 2023. 432 pages. PUBLISHED IN FRANCE in 1999, Nicolas Delalande's Struggle and Mutual Aid is a mainly Eurocentric study of the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), founded in 1864, and its legacy. The First International, as it is commonly known, established many of the features of trade union organization; it is largely in terms of organization that this history is cast. The mutual aid to which the title refers is inseparable from the organization of the IWA and its subsequent iterations. The support the IWA provided, or withheld, was really a function of its structure and, unavoidably, the context in which it operated. Thus, ideology takes a decided back seat for Delalande, though that aspect is ever present during the times under examination. What is far more obscured are basic social institutions that take shape as formal labor bodies appear and evolve, as with the course of any modern institution or formation. I think it is necessary to take a look at basic dimensions in order to grasp the meaning and background of Delalande's terms, the most commonly used one being "solidarity." Émile Durkheim may be said to set the stage with his distinction between premodern "mechanical" solidarity versus modern "organic" solidarity. He upheld division of labor or specialization as fostering the cooperative nature of organic solidarity. This is fundamentally at odds with the reality of modern anomie and subjugation. Delalande does not acknowledge his debt to Durkheim, but Struggle locates its very foundations on such a valorization or elevation of division of labor. Industrial society itself has no other more primary basis, the "solidarity" of the narrowed machine worker, reduced to a role, a cog in a machine. Karl Marx, a key figure in the First International, proclaimed early on that liberation would only be achieved through the abolition of division of labor, that most basic social institution. Where the individual "could hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon," Marx saw that specialization introduces distinctions of authority and pits "man against his fellow man." Later on, embracing the industrialism that Delalande completely takes for granted, Marx, Mr. First International, fully embraced the division of labor. Only when the proletariat is united in the factories will it become the liberatory force required for revolutionary victory in the class war. Going forward, Marx clearly predicated liberation on the existence of factories, of industrial wage slavery. In England, the focus of much of Struggle, textile mills were among the first factories in the late eighteenth century. By various means, and against the backdrop of advancing enclosures (forced conversion of communal land into private property), people—mostly women and children—were forced into the factories. There, they toiled long hours. Subject to industrial discipline (e.g., trained to obey the clock), they were driven to a further stage of domestication. Robbed of time and energy, they were hardly the Mighty Proletarians of Marx's dream. Much more refractory, and given to rioting, were independent craftsmen, such as the handloom weavers who resisted proletarianization, even, in [End Page 64] some cases, to the point of starvation. They rejected "solidarity" in favor of their autonomy. In the United States, the Millerites (later known as Seventh-Day Adventists) announced that the world would end in 1844. In a sense they were right; a world did end by that time. Industrialization and the factory had come a bit earlier in Europe, and by the time of the First International in the 1860s, the earlier world of home-based family workshops had definitively come to an end. The IWA itself came to an end in 1872, after failing to give much mutual aid or intellectual support to the survivors of the defeated Paris Commune the year before. It was moved to New York, and its effort expired. The European branch was occupied with questions of regional communication and cooperation. Based in London, its backbone was English trade unions, almost invariably less militant and radical than those on the continent. In its...

The Stuff of Soldiers: A History of the Red Army in World War II through Objects by Brandon M. Schechter (review)

Reviewed by: The Stuff of Soldiers: A History of the Red Army in World War II through Objects by Brandon M. Schechter Gwendal Piégais (bio) Brandon M. Schechter, The Stuff of Soldiers: A History of the Red Army in World War II through Objects (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019). 315 pp., ill. Index. ISBN: 978-1-5017-3979-8. Most historians agree that the Soviet victory in World War II owed much to precise technical and material choices: above all the choice of weapons and devices that would be robust, easily manageable, and replaceable. In the book under review, Brandon M. Schechter goes further. Using ethnographic and anthropological methodology, he aims to analyze the experience of war through objects, from which he reveals the duties and obligations of a soldier toward the state and vice versa, as well as the bonds built between soldiers. By doing so he deepens our knowledge of the mechanism of Soviet victory and the regime's consolidation. In this history, based on a vast array of sources ranging from military orders, manuals, and reports to diaries and oral testimonies, objects are considered as the medium for communicating information concerning a variety of pragmatic and symbolic problems (P. 3). The progression of the chapters [End Page 283] follows the men's metamorphosis into warriors. Thus, the first part of the book starts from the army's most elementary resource, the soldier's body, moves the focus to military uniforms, stripes, and medals, and then to what the soldier eats. In the second part, Schechter addresses two elementary dimensions of the soldier's life: shelters and dwellings at the front, and his weapons. Finally, in the third part, the author draws our attention to the ordinary and extraordinary objects in a soldier's life, from letters to relatives, to booty and trophies taken from enemy territory. From June to December 1941, the Red Army lost more than 3.1 million men (killed, captured, or missing), and 5.6 million men of draft age were left behind enemy lines. In 1943, an infantry regiment had a loss rate of 243 percent (P. 21). Chapter 1 looks at the resources that had to be remobilized to constantly re-create the Red Army: men and material. A group of individuals had to be equipped and transformed into coherent groups of fighters capable of handling weapons – to build what has been called in the U.S. Army a primary group of soldiers. But the Soviet leadership oscillated between distrust and a desire to control the mass of soldiers: even if the commanders tended to prioritize experience and competence over the class origins of men, they were still concerned with the men's geographical origins, especially if they came from the occupied territories where they had relatives (P. 35). The army also continued to assert full ownership of the soldiers' bodies, as clearly expressed in orders 270 (August 16, 1941) and 227 (July 28, 1942) forbidding them to surrender or retreat. After all, commanders retained a great deal of discretionary power in their struggle against desertion, for which they prosecuted 376,000 soldiers (P. 38). The Red Army was in constant tension between the need to maintain a unit's cohesion and the understanding of a soldier as a dispensable resource (P. 42). In chapter 2, Schechter moves on to the aesthetic and symbolic reform in the Red Army that affected the design of banners and uniforms and introduced shoulder straps (pogony) instead of collar tabs. Taking an ethnographic approach, Schechter reads these innovations as a text deserving as much attention as archival documents (P. 50), which communicated a certain identity that the Soviet state attempted to forge. The significance of this wholesale rebranding was underscored by its timing between October 1942 and January 1943, when the Red Army was retreating and suffering terrible casualties. The textile industry was out of stock and it had to allocate additional resources for switching to the production of newly designed uniforms for the entire army. According to Schechter, [End Page 284] in this case, symbolism took precedence over pragmatic concerns (P. 59). For Stalin, pogony symbolized order and discipline and invoked the history...

Основні напрями і специфіка використання політичної символіки в сучасній Україні

The proposed article examines the main directions and specifics of the use of symbols in modern Ukraine. The essence and features of the use of state symbols are considered. The process of formation of national identity by symbolic means is characterized. The systematic development of military symbols as a factor in resisting external aggression is clarified. The process of affirming the symbols of the indomitability of the Ukrainian nation in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war is meaningful. The specificity of the formation of toponymy, adequate to the needs of ensuring state sovereignty and national development, has been revealed. On the basis of the study of the current symbolic reality in Ukraine, it was found that its study allows in modern conditions to reveal the ability to interpret and emotionally perceive political phenomena and processes, to deeply learn the true essence of a certain political order. Delineation of symbolic ways of implementing political activity, transformation of existing reality, construction of reality, formation of a new worldview allows a deeper understanding of the possibilities and difficulties of the process of national identification and resistance to external influences. Ideology, in the absence of pluralism, does not leave a person space for his own ideas and arguments, divides people into "own" and "strangers". Mass symbolization, carried out through symbolic control, allows to distort the consciousness of the masses. This is confirmed by the Russian population’s support for the criminal war against Ukraine. In accordance with this, Ukrainian symbolism, which reflects the peculiarities of the past and present history of the Ukrainian people, is capable of serving as a powerful weapon that brings Ukraine closer to victory in the Russian-Ukrainian war.

A Meditation on Loss

A Meditation on Loss

Hauntologies of Fiction: Reading Roth at the End of History

Hauntologies of FictionReading Roth at the End of History Andy Connolly (bio) It has been over thirty years since francis fukuyama proclaimed that the Cold War victory of western democratic capitalism over communism culminated in an end to class-based ideological conflict as the motor of "History." Drawing upon an interpretation of Hegel's belief "that the evolution of human societies […] would end when mankind had achieved a form of society that satisfied its deepest and most fundamental longings" (xii), Fukuyama looked to the imminent spread of liberal democracy and free-market capitalism into heretofore closed-off reaches of the globe as a sign that the long Enlightenment project toward human progress had begun to adopt its peak, finalized form. As a major governing assumption of our neoliberal age, the Fukuyamist belief that we have reached the "end of history" looks to free market capitalism's limitless capacity to enhance individual potential and promote human freedom, while at the same time short-circuiting any serious discussions about the limiting structural conditions of class and poverty, not to mention the influences that other powerful factors such as gender and race have in the uneven shaping of capitalist social relations. Over the past number of decades, what has given particular impetus to this myth of a post-historical, classless society has been the capitulation of effective forms of social, political, and cultural dissent to the neoliberal assertion that "there is no alternative" (assigned the acronym TINA by political commentators) to market-based definitions of democracy and the social good. As such, the radical liberalization of the post-Cold War period has been shaped by a monocular stridency, which forecloses not only on the major social struggles of the past but also on the lessons that such history may present for understanding the present and potentially altering the future. In terms of our historical horizons, then, the end of history has locked us into a kind of endless, monotonous present, from which there appears no relief or interruption. It has taken some time to understand the lasting impact of my early life experience as one of Fukuyama's children. Then again, coming of age at the end of history proves deceptive in such ways, diminishing one's sense of historicity since there's apparently no more epic battles of "History" to live by or suffer from. The significance of history [End Page 50] in such an age is subject to all kinds of denial and delay. Like the repressed, history at the end of history often comes in the shape of uncanny and monstrous returns. No longer the meaty source of experience and identity that it once was, or at least appeared to be, it can take a spectral quality, like a haunting trauma whose presence is yet to be made properly known, but which lurks in wait for us, eager to disrupt our naïve sense of having broken from the past. Over the years, Philip Roth's fiction has helped shape my understanding of the peculiar "hauntological" functioning of history at the end of history. This sense of how the seemingly dead past haunts both the present and the future is not only revelatory in terms of events that have shaped my own "dwarf drama" (Anatomy 106), but also in relation to my understanding of what Roth has to tell us about history and memory. Roth's historical imagination, with its various presentiments of the "unforeseen" (Plot 113), proves highly informative when it comes to thinking about the complex issues of memory and futurity that shape our present times. Such considerations of how history functions as a spectral presence in Roth's work continues to shape my scholarship. I My early adulthood in the mid-90s was colored by a number of local phenomena that reflected the larger post-Cold War experience of a liberalized and rapidly integrating world, disencumbered of the previous two centuries of modernity, made replete with class antagonism, revolution, nationalism, colonialism, and international conflicts. During this period, many young Irish people like myself, particularly within the southern Republic of Ireland, began to experience, in ways that seemed quite sudden, a welcome breach from the drab...

The Russia-Ukraine war in Western mediа: A psycholinguistic modelling of the ‘hybrid’ phase

The article presents a conceptualisation of English-language media discourse in the retrospective of the 'hybrid' phase of the Russia-Ukraine war from 2014 to 2021. The study aims to analyse the psycholinguistic features of the cognitive modelling of the war in Ukraine in English-language media and investigate the psychosemantic components of the Western media audience's attitude towards the war. Psycholinguistic media monitoring, discourse analysis, semantic-cognitive analysis, content analysis, and the Semantic Differential (SD) were used to study the media discourse of the Russia-Ukraine war. The results indicate that the discourse is emotionally positive but controversial, which may hinder the Western audience's understanding of the realities of the war. The newspaper media discourse includes psychosemantic components such as neutral concepts like 'conflict' and 'crisis'. These concepts are often expressed through conceptual metaphors such as 'war' which can be viewed as a path, a game, a business, or a theatre. Additionally, euphemisms and abbreviations (such as ATO) are commonly used, along with an abundance of vocabulary that has positive connotations. There has been a shift in emphasis from the strong concept of 'war' to neutral academic nominalisations, such as 'event'. The results of the study confirmed the paradoxical perception of the war by the Western media audience. As military activity intensifies, positive assessments of the victorious war tend to decrease, leading to a drop in media ratings. These findings have potential applications in studying Western attitudes towards war and in the cognitive modelling of media content. This is particularly relevant given the future dangers of Russian aggression in 2022.

The Spread of Hygiene Concepts and the Making of Public Health Discourse in Modern East Asia.

If public health can be defined as "all activities to ensure universal medical use of the people and protect and promote health," it can be said that public health emerged in the process of developing the concept of hygiene in East Asia. While traditional hygiene emphasized individual curing and longevity, modern hygiene was the state in charge of individual body and discipline. East Asian countries had to practice modern tasks in the field of hygiene and medical care in line with the construction of modern countries, and it was considered legitimate for modern countries to intervene in individual bodies. As the demand for modern national construction became stronger, interest in public health rather than personal hygiene increased. In East Asia, a new interpretation of the concept of hygiene began in Japan. Sensai Nagayo(1838-1902) newly defined the concept of 'sanitation' to justify the physical intervention of the modern state in Meiji period. The concept of 'public health' began to be used in earnest in 1890, when Ogai Mori(1862-1922) translated Western-style health protection measures for the public as public health. Since then, public health has evolved into a universal social discourse in Japan. Japan's public health expanded to colonial Joseon, Taiwan, and China. Japan's victory in the Sino-Japanese War led East Asian countries to believe that hygiene was the root of the Japanese nation's power. In the early 20th century, the government of the Republic of China began to imitate the case of Japan while promoting modern education reform and institutional reform. Japanese-style 'public health' was transplanted into various hygiene laws and sanitary equipment. In Korea, modern hygiene was introduced and spread from the end of the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century, and the concept of 'public health' in Japan was mainly spreading. Public health in Japan was vaguely defined as an activity to protect and promote the health of the people, but in practice, it was focused on improving quarantine and environmental infrastructure. In response, the concept of American-style public health, which values prevention and treatment at the same time, has already begun to emerge under the Japanese colonial rule. In East Asia in the 1920s and 1930s, Japanese-style public health and American-style public health discourse competed, and measures to solve medical inequality were discussed in earnest. Interestingly, in common in East Asian countries, Actual Medical Expenses Campaigns to improve medical access at low cost and social medicine to universally provide prevention and treatment to the people have drawn attention. This was also a phenomenon caused by intensifying medical inequality as rapid urbanization and industrialization progressed in East Asian countries in the first half of the 20th century. Although it was impossible to resolve social contradictions or move toward fundamental reform of the national medical system due to the nature of the private movement, the actual medical movement further imprinted the need for public health care in the country and society. Social medicine studied the effects and relationships of the social environment on diseases and health, and studied ways to promote public health by using preventive medicine and therapeutic medicine. If social medicine was supported by state power, it was possible to go forward with practice such as State Medicine like China, otherwise it would only be a civilian movement such as the People's Health Movement, as in colonial Korea. Liberation and the Korean War were a dramatic turning point in American-style health that led to Japanese-style hygiene. Immediately after Liberation, there was a discussion between the left and right camps over medical nationalization to enhance the publicity of medical care. The medical community was sympathetic to the nationalization of medical care, but due to the lack of medical personnel and financial resources, specific alternatives could not be proposed. As American-style health studies gradually expanded their influence after the Korean War, American-style public health, which emphasized prevention and treatment activities, became established, and efforts were made to establish a health center system.

Социально–политическая обстановка в Веденском округе Чеченской автономной области в 1925 г.

On the eve of the centenary of the Chechen Autonomous Region creation on the 12th November, which existed for 12 years, issues related to its formation, development, socio-political processes that occurred found its relevance. The strengthening of Soviet power in the whole country, and, in particular, in the North Caucasus, Chechnya, and other national entities, was associated with cer-tain difficulties, despite the victory in the civil war. Life in Chechen villages proceeded as before, there were no profound changes, especially in mountainous areas, except that the elders were re-placed by the conveners of village executive committees, who in Chechen in both cases were called yurt-da/the owner of the village. Sheikhs and mullahs enjoyed absolute authority and not all of them supported the new government. The population had weapons in their hands, which some of them used to resolve contradictions both in relations with their fellow tribesmen and with the authorities. The analysis of the questionnaires compiled by the OGPU on the eve of the disarma-ment of 1925, when compared with other data, gives a lot of valuable information about the socio-political situation in the regions of the republic.

К вопросу о происхождении политики невмешательства в Испании в 1936 году (по материалам архива Форин оффис)

The article presents an analysis of the origin of the policy of non-intervention in the civil war in Spain in 1936. The archival materials of the Foreign Office’s fund (National Archives, London) make it pos-sible to widen greatly our knowledge about genesis and character of that policy, to argue the version about Great Britain as an initiator of non-intervention. Many factors influenced this process: interests of British monopolies, strategic and political considerations, such as anti-Communism of the elite of British society, their sympathy towards the rebels of Franco, wish of official London to make it possible for the left parties in France, neighbouring to Spain, not to acquire stronger positions. Non-intervention turned against the Spanish Republic, made it easier for Germany and Italy under cover of it to carry massive intervention on side of the rebels which ensured Franco’s victory in the civil war. On the basis of unknown documents of the Foreign Office the author gives an analysis of complicated diplomatic struggle of the Powers in the beginning of the civil war in Spain.

The Ends of Modernization: Nicaragua and the United States in the Cold War Era by David Johnson Lee

<i>The Ends of Modernization: Nicaragua and the United States in the Cold War Era</i> by David Johnson Lee

The State of Military Medicine during the Russian Civil War

Along with the analysis of military strategy and tactics and of the ideological component of the struggle, the history of the Russian Civil War can also be studied with regard to the supporting factors in the opposing camps. The present article is based on the study of sanitary-medical services of the Red Army and the armies of the White Movement. Under war conditions, the boundary between military and civil medicine was blurred, as we are talking about a domestic war that coincided with several major epidemics. The personnel as well as the organizational forms and practices of medical care went back to the experiences of World War I. At the outbreak of the war the armed formations competed with each other to attract specialists to their ranks. Members of the medical community thus had to decide which side to serve - a choice that some made consciously and others situationally. At the beginning of the war, the Whites had an advantage regarding medical personnel; by the end of the war, the Bolsheviks had managed to rectify this situation. The Whites adopted the experience of World War I, assigning public organizations a special role in supplying the army. The Reds, in contrast, sought to match the revolutionary spirit of the era by encouraging initiative. This they combined with a fairly tight control of their services, creating a centralized system from the outset. The analysis of how the warrying parties organized their military medical-sanitary services can thus add new insights to our understanding of why the Bolsheviks achieved victory in the Civil War.

Russia's Possible View on the Future Shape of the War

Leading security experts warn the Western community about the correct understanding of Russia's vision of future conflicts. Based on the study of the available literature, we analyzed individual approaches and pointed out the importance of understanding Russia's individual steps to fulfill their interests. The aim of the research was to compare the approach of the Western Community and Russia to new ways of conducting future conflicts with an emphasis on the hybrid way of conducting war. In our research, we primarily focused on the Western vision of hybrid warfare and the Russian vision of the future war, which is diametrically different. The basic findings are that Russia is shaping military and non-military instruments of state power to combat hybrid threats. The Russian military defines "hybrid warfare" as an effort at the strategic level to shape, manage and geostrategically orient a target state, in which all means adopted, including the use of conventional military forces in regional conflicts, are the subject of an information campaign. Russia considers the Venezuelan presidential crisis, the Libyan conflict, the Syrian civil war, and the crisis in Belarus and Ukraine as examples of hybrid war. In conclusion, we assess that the Russian army is actively focusing on preparing for future conflicts and increasing the capabilities it considers necessary for victory in the hybrid war. In addition, we have compiled a list of measures to reassess the strategy and approach of the Western Community and Slovakia to Russia.

The New Cold War as a Geopolitical and civilizational Reality

In contrast to the previous optimistic forecasts of the ruling elite in the late USSR and in the new Russia about how our country's relations with the West will develop positively after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist system in Eastern Europe, Russia's successful entry into the Western community; after the triumphalist sentiments in the West itself regarding the "collapse of communism", the after the victory in the cold war and the role of Russia, which has lost its role as a superpower, subordinate to the interests of the Western community, the real reality of international relations turned out to be completely different. At the turn of the century, as a result of NATO's aggression against Yugoslavia, the approach of troops and weapons of this bloc to our borders, open support in the West for separatist movements and wars on the territory of the Russian Federation, the process of disillusionment with previous illusions began. It sharply intensified after Vladimir Putin's Munich speech in 2007, Russia's recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and especially the conflict in Ukraine and the reunification of Crimea, which actually led to the beginning of a new cold war. Gradually, the ruling elites of Russia and the West began to realize that the decisive reason for the former "cold war" of 1946-1989 was not so much the notorious "communism" in the USSR and in Eastern European countries, but above all the fundamental civilizational and geopolitical differences between the West and Russia, dating back centuries, stable Russophobic sentiments of public opinion in the West. As the experience of history and modernity shows, Russia's successful domestic and international position is possible only if it preserves and strengthens the status of a great Eurasian power based on a sovereign domestic and foreign policy, a successful socio-economic course approved by the people and a wise state ideology.

End of Cold War Illusions

In this reprint of the February 1994 "Notes from the Editors," former MR editors Harry Magdoff and Paul M. Sweezy ask: "The United States could not have won a more decisive victory in the Cold War. Why, then, does it continue to act as though the Cold War is still on?"

후한(後漢)의 군사사상에 관한 연구

This study attempted to more objectively investigate the military thought of the Later Han(後漢) through analysis of the view of war and way of conducting war, using the latter era as the main scope. The rule of Letters(文治), which focuses on studying abroad in Gwangmu(光武帝), helped to implement a gentle foreign policy, and domestic policies such as reducing taxes by avoiding war contributed to stabilizing the people. However, the fundamentally his war-hating Confucian ideas weakened the frontier’s military power along with the change in the military system, such as eliminating the standing army of local forces, resulting in his successors failing to adequately cope with external invasions. Later Han, whose local military power weakened, failed to respond appropriately to the rebellion of the Qiang people (羌族), and the prolonged war led to the deterioration of the rod, armaments, and finances, leading to generous self-decline. The Qianfulun(『潛夫論』) severely criticizes the rulers of the generosity, and shows the characteristics of military thought that the importance of force is dominated by Confucian ideas. In particular, it is legal to find the essence of war victory or defeat in the importance of general and military capabilities, or to find desirable general in military expertise rather than virtue(德). In the Later Han period, Confucian political ideology dominated society, but in the reality that the invasion of the immigrants continued, some Confucian scholars were arguing for military ideas that value force. If the Earlier Han(前漢) was an era of introducing Confucian governance on the legacy of Jin’s legal governance, it could be said that the Later Han was rather an era of supplementing the Confucian governance with the legal governance method.(National Defense University)

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE AGRARIAN POLICY OF THE WHITE MOVEMENT GOVERNMENTS OF EUROPEAN RUSSIA DURING THE CIVIL WAR (1918–1920)

The article attempts to carry out a comparative analysis of the agrarian policy pursued by the governments of the White Movement during the Civil War (1918–1920). The period of the second half of the XIX – early XX century was marked by the development of land relations in the Russian Empire. Despite serfdom abolition, peasant land scarcity continued to be the main problem of the peasant issue. The First World War, like the Russian-Japanese war, was supposed to be a small victorious war in order to postpone making the final decision on the agrarian issue. Absence of reforms combined with a protracted nature of the war contributed to the emergence of new liberal democratic forces in Russia. Beginning with February 1917, the Provisional Government tried to pursue a revolutionary policy to raise the authority of the government among soldiers, peasants and workers. However, political misconceptions and mistakes contributed to further power decentralization in Russia, which led first to the counter-revolution formation, and only then to isolation of the White Movement from this united front. With small resources, the leaders of the European part of the movement faced a problem that was not yet solved. Despite the Decree on Land adopted by the Soviet government, redistribution of land was not carried out, the agrarian issue continued to be acute, especially in the outskirts, which were under the rule of the whites. In contrast to the Decree on Land, the leaders of the White Movement had to pursue their own policy, which would be more attractive to the peasant masses. 95% of the population of Russia was peasants, so to gain their support would mean victory in the civil war. The regional and the national character of the White Movement determined future agrarian policy. It is also necessary to take into account that domestic policy was implemented in wartime conditions, which affected the effectiveness of reforms. Contradictions between the right-wingers and left-wingers delayed the development and implementation of reforms, which ultimately resulted in their failure. However, despite this, the white governments managed to lay a regulatory framework in their territorial entities, while taking into account the national and climatic specifics of the region.

Domain‐Dependent National Pride and Support for the Radical Right: Pride in the Nation's History

Populist radical right‐wing's rhetoric often includes a reference to the nation's past when everything was supposed to be better. This runs from considered heroic times of the country in terms of war victory and economic grandeur to an idealized past which fits the ideology of nativism, meaning that a homogeneous society is preferred over a multicultural one. In this contribution, we study to what extent voters for the radical right indeed differ from voters of other party families in their pride in the nation's history. We compare this to other forms of domain‐dependent national pride. Earlier studies suggested that not only nostalgia differentiates the radical right electorate from others, but that other positive attitudes in relation to the nation may do so as well. Making use of the International Social Survey Program data on national identity, we study domain‐dependent national pride across European nations to answer whether it is pride in the nation's history that characterizes radical right voters when accounting for other dimensions of national attitudes.

Totalitarianism and Ukrainian Literature: Traumatic Memory and Revelation of the Past

The article highlights the topic of totalitarianism in Ukrainian literature, in particular, shows the traumatic memory and exposure of the past, which is interpreted differently by writers of different generations. Particular attention is paid to the causes of totalitarianism in Europe after the World War I and its impact on modern post-totalitarian cultures. Such cultures include primarily Ukrainian. Numerous social protests, revolutions, the war in Donbass are not so much the consequences of geopolitical conflicts as permanent attempts to return to the Ukrainian identity, to express national traumas, to identify cultural and human losses, which did not happen immediately after the collapse of the USSR. The problem of totalitarianism is also key in determining the specifics of its modern literary interpretation, because most works of art, which to varying degrees appeal to the reconstruction of the past, for the first time clearly verbalize those relevant topics that are still inconvenient and provoke misunderstandings among Ukrainians themselves.&#x0D; Today Ukrainian literature demonstrates a double stance against the totalitarian past. First, we read in it a steady protest against the socialist-realist heritage, embodied in the long search for inherent forms of artistic self-expression; secondly, modern Ukrainian literature resorted to a total revision of the consequences of cultural stagnation provoked by the experience of many years of totalitarian terror.&#x0D; The article reveals the connections between this regime and the art of speech, in particular the birth of the pseudo-artistic literary trend of the time - social realism. The author analyzes the peculiarities of the use of literature as a tool of propaganda. In addition, one of the main problems of modern research is the modern ways of artistic rethinking and the process of elaboration of totalitarian experience. In particular, it is about the cultural trauma of oppressed peoples in the Soviet period, which is related to human rights and freedoms, concentration camps, desecration of the myth of victory in World War II, denial of God, etc., which affects the behavior of modern societies and often provokes unpredictable in European politics.