Victims Of Injustice Research Articles

The opposite roles of injustice and cruelty in the internalization of a devaluation: The humiliation paradox revisited.

Cruelty and its link to injustice in contexts of humiliation have not received to date due attention from experimental psychosocial research. Aiming at filling this gap, this paper presents three studies with increasing degrees of experimental control (Ntotal = 1098) that show a dual opponent-process response to being targeted by potentially humiliating actions: while targets appraising more injustice internalize less the devaluation underlying the humiliation experience (thus partially dissolving the so-called "paradox of humiliation", Fernández etal., 2015, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 41, 976), targets appraising more cruelty internalize more a devalued self-view and feel more humiliated. The fine balance between these two closely connected but distinct appraisals is key to understand the internal/subjective experience of targets: seeing themselves mainly as victims of injustice or cruelty will prevent or favour, respectively, their internalization of the devaluation and their feeling humiliated. This opposite pattern also impacts victims' reaction: Both appraisals relate to aggressive responses via anger but while appraising cruelty also paradoxically leads to powerless inertia, appraising injustice (including importantly the injustice of cruelty itself) leads to less powerlessness and more assertive agency. The theoretical and applied implications of approaching the victims of humiliation as victims of both an injustice and a cruelty are discussed.

“Can Corpses Undie?” Traces of Rothberg’s Trauma Model in Faridah Àbíké-Íyímídé’s Ace of Spades

Interdisciplinary studies in memory have become more relevant since the turn of the twentieth century with scholars giving their divergent views. That way, personal and collective memories have been explored vis-à-vis communal identities. How tragic/traumatic events affect personal and collective memories remains the concern of trauma theory which has critically investigated both the personal and intergenerational traumas of victims of injustice. One major contribution of Michael Rothberg to collective memory is his advancement of solidarity between group victims of diverse cultures, nationalities, races, and identities in order to create a more peaceful world to live in. This paper purports that Rothberg’s multidirectional memory and theory of implication are useful theoretical tools for analysing Faridah Àbíké-Íyímídé’s Young Adult novel, Ace of Spades (2021). The paper, therefore, indicates how diverse sites of trauma in the author’s world synergise with those of the protagonists. Also, the paper notably identifies some white characters in Ace of Spades as implicated subjects of racism and white supremacy. On the whole, the premise of this paper is that the new media can serve as a convenient site of thoughtful convergence for different victim groups to devise a means of dismantling long-existing regimes of oppression and injustice.

RENUNCIATION OF INHERITANCE BY KOSOVAR WOMEN: DESIRE OR INJUSTICE? A CASE LAW PERSPECTIVE

Background: The right to inherit is one of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and legal provisions. Every citizen is entitled to this privilege without exception. Even though this right is protected by the Constitution, barely 23% of women in Kosovo are officially registered as heirs. When women exercise their right to refuse inheritance, they mostly give up that privilege in favour of male heirs. Unquestionably, customary law impacts this choice. Influenced by religious and customary rights that stipulate that men are entitled to inherit, women prefer to give up their claim to inherit, which accounts for the low percentage of female heirs. Despite the fact that the right of inheritance is regulated by law under the principle of equality, the real situation shows something else. This article will analyse inheritance law and the influence of customary law, which has led many women to forfeit their rights. This issue discriminates against Kosovar women, denying them their rightful inheritance. These analyses will determine whether customary law or other factors have impacted Kosovar women's unequal inheritance rights compared to men. Ultimately, it raises the question: are these women victims of injustice, or have they freely decided to give up their inheritance? Methods: In this paper, several methods were employed to reach a conclusion, including analytical, comparative, historical and normative approaches. The analytical method was used to examine the phenomenon of women renouncing their inheritance rights and the judicial decisions where women have given up their right of inheritance. The normative method examined the legal provisions that directly regulated the right to renounce the inheritance. The historical method played a crucial role in illustrating the evolution of inheritance rights and its influence on women's contemporary perspectives. Finally, the comparative method facilitated a comparison of the legal regulation of inheritance rights in Kosovo with those in other countries in the region. Results and Conclusions: In legal terms, the right of inheritance treats all heirs equally, regardless of gender, but in practice, a very low percentage of women inherit, mostly giving this right to male heirs. Many factors have influenced this result, such as the influence of customary law and religious law, but also the low number of employed women. After analysing this matter, it was seen that the main solution is to raise awareness among women that all heirs are equal, regardless of gender, ensuring the law is applied fairly to all heirs. To address the reduction of women renouncing their inheritance, several legal changes are recommended. One such change is requiring the declaration of renunciation of inheritance to be made before a notary and registered in court to determine legal deadlines. Additionally, the reasons for renouncing inheritance should be explicitly stated within the set timeframe. A more radical measure that would ensure that women do not renounce their rightful inheritance according to the law, and in this way, they would be free from the influences of society, is to change the law by removing the right to renounce the inheritance. Thus, all legal heirs would be forced to accept the inheritance due to them by law.

How victim sensitivity affects our attitudes and behaviour towards immigrants.

Three studies explore the relation between victim sensitivity-the sensitivity to being a victim of injustice - and anti-immigration attitudes and behaviour. Based on theoretical considerations and prior research, we hypothesized that victim sensitivity positively predicts anti-immigration attitudes and behaviour over and above political orientation and ideology. Results from a longitudinal study (Study 1; N = 1038), a computerized online experiment (Study 2; N = 299), and a laboratory experiment (Study 3; N = 178) provide support for this hypothesis. Studies 2 and 3 indicate that a heightened fear of exploitation mediates the effect of victim sensitivity on anti-immigration attitudes and behaviour even though attempts to scrutinize this mechanism by 'switching off' the psychological process were unsuccessful. We discuss methodological and theoretical implications and possible avenues for future research.

Development of a new perceived injustice scale for Bangla speaking population.

Perceived injustice is a relatively novel psychosocial construct starting to get some attention among researchers studying health and mental health outcomes. In the context of the widespread perception of being a victim of injustice in Bangladesh, a gap in instruments measuring perceived injustice was evident. The novelty of the construct and lack of similar instruments necessitated the development of a new Perceived Injustice Scale for Bangla speaking population. A three-stage approach was used to develop the instrument. A thorough review of literature coupled with interviews with the general population as well as professionals contributed to the conceptualization of the construct. A rigorous process of expert evaluation and item analysis resulted in the identification of the most suitable items. The scale demonstrated a single-factor structure with adequate evidence of its reliability and validity. Reliability of the scale was assessed using internal consistency method (Cronbach alpha = .931; p< .01) and test-retest method (r = .837; p< .01). While validity was assessed using criterion-related validity (correlation with the Steel Injustice Inventory at r = .428; p< .01) and construct validity (correlation with the Perceived Stress Scale at r = .332; p< .01; and with the WHO Wellbeing Index at r = -.361; p< .01). The strong evidence of reliability and validity suggests the suitability of the scale for measuring perceived injustice in Bangladesh. Researchers and clinicians can use this 10-item scale with confidence in assessing perceived injustice among the general population.

Demonization of Children in Laurence Yep’s “The Phantom Heart”

This article explores some cultural aspects that lead to the demonization of children in the post Chinese Revolution era (1945-1949) in Laurence Yep’s story “The Phantom Heart”. Based on the insights of Joseph L. Zarnado, Anfeng Sheng, John Clarke and some other critics, it uses children’s perspective to examine the adult behaviors. It examines how dominant adult psychology makes children victim of injustice, poverty and insecurity. The Chinese Revolution, led by The Chinese Communist Party in 1946, ended with the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949.The change in political system still did not bring a positive change in the attitude towards children. This study ponders on the overall adult attitude of the time towards the children. It tries to excavate cultural and psychological aspects latent in the protagonist characters of the story. Analyzing the mutual relationship of the major characters with the children, it makes an endeavor to portray the impact of dominant adult ideology on children in the socio- political and cultural level. It tries to answer whether the adult ideology to socialize children strengthens their overall development or makes them weaker. It also answers why children are made victim of adult ideology. Its findings suggests that adult ideology has crippled the psychological development of children rather than helping them to develop their fundamental potentials and the children have always been the victim of poisonous images invented against them by the dominant culture to perpetuate dominance. This research offers a new interpretation in studying adult behavior within the context of existing scholarship.

Advokasi Sosial Dalam Pemenuhan Hak Atas Identitas Anak Di Yayasan Bina Anak Pertiwi

Social advocacy is carried out to provide change by defending victims of injustice. One of the social problems is the number of street children which increases every year. Children spend their time on the streets, without complete identification as their civil right, so it is difficult to be identified. Therefore, the Pertiwi Child Development Foundation provides social advocacy services to assisted children to achieve child welfare. This research aims to determine and analyze the implementation of social advocacy carried out by the Bina Anak Pertiwi Foundation in fulfilling the right to identity and analyze obstacles in social advocacy. Data collection techniques include observation, interviews and documentation with a qualitative approach. The results of this research show that the implementation of social advocacy in fulfilling children's rights to identity at the Bina Anak Pertiwi Foundation includes identifying problems, formulating solutions, building awareness and political will, implementing policies, and evaluating. The inhibiting factors for social advocacy are lack of funding and lack of human resources. The supporting factors are external and internal parties who are able to work together in the relief process.

An English-Language adaptation and validation of the Justice Sensitivity Short Scales–8 (JSS-8)

The construct of justice sensitivity has four perspectives that capture individual differences in the strength of reactions to injustice when becoming a victim of injustice (victim sensitivity), when witnessing injustice as an outsider (observer sensitivity), when passively benefitting from an injustice done to others (beneficiary sensitivity), or when committing an injustice (perpetrator sensitivity). Individual differences in these four justice sensitivity perspectives are highly relevant in moral research. With just eight items in total, the Justice Sensitivity Short Scales–8 (JSS-8) are a very efficient way to measure the four perspectives. JSS-8 was initially constructed in German (Ungerechtigkeitssensibilität-Skalen–8, USS-8) and later translated into English. In the present study, we empirically validated this English-language adaptation in a heterogeneous quota sample from the UK. The results show that the psychometric properties (i.e., reliability, validity, standardization) of JSS-8 are good, and that they are comparable with those of the German-language source version. Because of the invariance of loadings, intercepts, and residual variances, researchers can compare manifest scale statistics (i.e., means, variances) of JSS-8 across the UK and Germany. JSS-8 is thus particularly suitable for measuring justice sensitivity in various research areas with constraints on assessment time and questionnaire space.

The role of Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines in the Rwandan genocide : An analysis from the theoretical perspectives of intergroup threat and aggression

This research focuses on the role of Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) in the Rwandan genocide. It analyzes the radio broadcasts through the prism of theories of intergroup threat and aggression. In this perspective, this medium is conceived as a manipulative and propagandist agent which participated in the perpetration of mass killings constituting the Rwandan genocide, through the dissemination of the ideology of hatred before and during the genocide and the logistical assistance provided to those involved in the killings. Indeed, RTLM broadcasts were structured in such a way as to present the Hutu as victims (intergroup threat), with the aim of justifying the use of violent actions against Tutsi (intergroup aggression). The corpus to be analyzed consists of extracts from RTLM broadcasts selected from transcripts stored at the Montreal Institute of Genocide and Human Rights Studies (MIGS) and at the International Monitor Institute (IMI). These extracts were analyzed with the method of discourse analysis. They reveal that RTLM’s discourse was based on the victimization and glorification of Hutus, as well as the devaluation and demonization of Tutsis. Concretely, the radio broadcasts were structured in such a way as to incite Hutu (past and present victims of injustice) to exterminate Tutsi (the enemies, the "cockroaches" (inyenzi)) and to eradicate them from Rwandan society. They were built around two main themes, including the threat, which includes elements like propaganda and hatred, homogenization, categorization and victimization ; and aggressiveness which includes the revolutionary vision of Rwanda, the deshumanization of Tutsi, their designation as enemies, the search for a just and homogeneous society.

Is It Wrong to Benefit from Injustice?

Abstract According to the beneficiary-pays principle, the involuntary beneficiaries of injustice ought to disgorge their unjustly obtained benefits in order to compensate the victims of injustice. The paper explores the effectiveness of the above principle in establishing a robust and unique normative connection between the rectificatory duties of the beneficiaries and the rectificatory rights of the victims of injustice. I discuss three accounts of the beneficiary-pays principle according to which the rectificatory duty of the beneficiaries towards the victims is grounded in (a) their duty to oppose injustice and mitigate its effects, (b) their duty to give up benefits that are causally linked to an act of wrongdoing, or (c) their duty to not sustain wrongful harm against the victims. By criticizing these accounts, I intend to highlight the complexities of articulating a distinct rectificatory duty that applies uniquely to the beneficiaries of injustice qua beneficiaries. I conclude that, while it may seem complicated to defend the beneficiary-pays principle as an independent moral principle, it is more plausible to think of it as being derivative of more general principles such as the principle of fair play.

Linking the Momentary Processing of Injustice to Intraindividual Change in Dispositional Victim Sensitivity

We investigated how the dispositional sensitivity to becoming the victim of injustice (victim sensitivity) is linked to the momentary processing of injustice and how such processes predict dispositional change. In two samples ( N = 149, N = 513), we combined four dispositional assessments across students’ first year at university, with intensive assessments given on a weekly (Study 1) or daily (Study 2) basis at the beginning of the first semester. We assessed how frequently injustice from a victim perspective was perceived and ruminated about (Studies 1 and 2), and how intensely anger was experienced in reaction (Study 2). These indicators of momentary processes were tested as correlates of baseline victim sensitivity and as predictors of dispositional change. The intensity of anger reactions predicted dispositional change in victim sensitivity after 4 months, but not earlier or later, and did not generalize to predict change in neuroticism. These findings are in line with recent theorizing about personality development, emphasizing the relevance of patterns of momentary processes for understanding dispositional change.

Substance and Style in the Prolife Discourse

This essay is directed to the prolife community and argues that the abortion discourse on Catholic campuses will be improved significantly if the prolife community more intentionally integrates specific substantive and stylistic changes regarding the ethics and politics of abortion. Substantively, the impasse in the discourse may be initially bridged by what many prolife and prochoice persons should generally agree on—that abortion is driven by vicious social structures and a broken moral culture. Abortion is primarily a socially-generated moral problem that requires a socially-generated moral solution. The prolife and prochoice communities can agree and potentially collaborate on solutions to this social crisis. In light of the social factors that drive abortion, the prolife community should take seriously the experiences of women who have abortions and express more compassion for them. This community all too often quickly dismisses the suffering of women and, instead, trains its attention nearly exclusively on the unborn child. Both the mother and unborn child are victims of injustice and are deserving of compassion and mercy. Stylistically, the mode of the prolife discourse should reflect its message. A message of charity for all persons should be communicated charitably. Dialoguing with love is opposed to the ‘culture warrior’ ethos that currently plagues our nation.

STRATEGI SAVE THE CHILDREN DALAM MEMINIMALISIR BUDAYA KEKERASAN PENDIDIKAN ANAK USIA DINI DI KABUPATEN TIMOR TENGAH UTARA

International non governmental organizations are important part of international relations dynamics. Limitations and authority from a country no longer discuss the concept of classical International Relations, is agreed about openness to globalization in the modern world. One of the concerns of INGO is the lives of children, especially children in areas that experience victims of injustice, experiencing disasters as well as other reasons which are very detrimental to the lives of children. Why should children be considered? Because children are the next generation of aspirations for the nation's struggle as well as human resources in the future. Departing from this idea, the main interests to grow and develop in a child's life must be given priority, because the age of children is a time when children should get good access in all things. However, not all children have the same opportunity to realize their hopes and aspirations. Many of them are at high risk to grow and develop healthily, get a good education, because of various obstacles that are experienced, both natural and also because of human problems themselves. Timor Tengah Utara Regency is one of the places where INGO Save The Children provides assistance for early childhood

‘Go Tell the Spartans, Passerby’: Whom to Remember Ahead of Whom?

ABSTRACTThe dead are among us. We are reminded of their names through the books we read, the hoovers we buy, the sandwiches we consume, the tarmac we travel on, the wellingtons we wear, or, frequently, the buildings we visit. Even if we settled on the criteria for being worthy of commemoration, what should we do about the fact that there seem to be so many people who would likely meet them? Commemoration is a form of attention giving, and attention is a scarce resource. It is scarce even if it could be permissibly commanded at will. It is even more scarce when commanding attention may violate someone's freedom to decide for themselves where to bestow it. I will argue that when it comes to public commemorative attention, there are duties that fall on us all to remember the now dead victims of injustice. I will also offer reasons for why such duties would normally mean that we need to prioritize the remembrance of the victims of injustice ahead of remembrance that might be owed to those who had expectations of being remembered or even took steps by donations to secure such remembrance.

WORKPLACE INJUSTICE AND THE PLACE OF THE VICTIM; THE ANTECEDENTS OF TALK ABOUT WORKPLACE INJUSTICE IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BAMENDA, CAMEROON

Purpose: This study examines the role of a victim of workplace injustice in their own recovery process. It asks: can victims recover from the negative effects of a fairness violation, and more specifically, can talk, that is, conversation with others, aid such a recovery process? This study argues that such victims of workplace injustice will be motivated to reduce this distressing condition, to repair their relational selves, via talk. It is argued that this state of threatened relational need will lead to both emotional and cognition talk via anger. Methodology/Design/Approaches: A repeated cross-sectional survey was carried out at two time points separated by six weeks. The data and analyses for this study came from the first survey, with a replication of the results conducted with the second time point of data to examine the validity of the findings. The sample for this study used 166 employees of the University of Bamenda. The average age of participants was 43 years (SD = 15.66), and their tenure with the company was on average 7.94 years (SD = 7.33). Sixty percent (60%) of the participants were Female. Findings: The study uncovered antecedents and consequences of talk; anger and thwarted justice needs were found to trigger talk, with an interaction between emotion and cognition talk driving victim-centred outcomes of rumination, self-affirmation and active solutions. Research Limitations: It should be noted, that the present study is perhaps best assessed by cross-sectional design rather than separating predictor and criterion variables over separate time periods. The issue lies with the nature of talk – conversations unfold soon after an event. Too much temporal separation leaves a researcher open to missing the fundamental intricacies of conversation that occurs and perhaps artificially inflating the links between injustice, needs and talk. Originality: This empirical research is the first of its kind to be carried out within the context of the victims of injustice at the University of Bamenda. The study area is unique as no related research has been carried out within the University of Bamenda. As such, if the findings of this study are implemented within the study area, the present study will be one step towards a greater appreciation of workplace injustice as experienced through the eyes of a victim, providing impetus to the integration of both organisational justice and talk as fields of enquiry.&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt; Article visualizations:&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;&lt;img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0567/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

Anger and Apology, Recognition and Reconciliation: Managing Emotions in the Wake of Injustice

Abstract This article treats rituals of apology and reconciliation as responses to social discontent, specifically to expressions of anger and resentment. A standard account of social discontent, found both in the literature on transitional justice and in the social theory of Axel Honneth, has it that these emotional expressions are evidence of an underlying psychic need for recognition. In this framework, the appropriate response to expressions of anger and discontent is a recognitive one that includes victims of injustice in the political community by showing them that they are valued members. In the aftermath of injustices, such recognitive responses are thought to include acknowledgments of victim suffering, reconciliatory gestures, and rituals of contrition. I will argue, against this narrative, that treating victim anger as evidence of an underlying need for recognition threatens to depoliticize emotional responses to injustice by treating them as symptoms of psychic injuries instead of intelligible political claims. Discussing mainly the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation process set up to deal with the history of the Indian Residential School system, I show how rituals of reconciliation and apology, in the context of settler-colonial states and neoliberal politics, serve as a biopolitical management of “bad” emotions. This will serve as a critique both of the politics of reconciliation and of social–theoretic approaches that treat expressions of discontent exclusively through a lens of recognition. Instead, I argue, in politics as well as theory, we need to engage with emotional expressions as intelligible political claims that exceed the psychic need for recognition.

Lord Have Mercy on the Victims of Injustice and Those Who Are Angry about It: Concluding Observations on the State of the Discussion

Lord Have Mercy on the Victims of Injustice and Those Who Are Angry about It: Concluding Observations on the State of the Discussion

Human Rights Violation in the Manifestation of Indonesia's Inefficacious Covid-19 Policies Towards the Lower Socio-Economic Class

Indonesia’s surging number of Covid-19 positive cases may be happening due to its own manifestation through implementing ineffective laws which then led to the resurgence of the policy crisis. Indonesia is deemed to have failed in handling the overwhelming pandemic. The imbalance of emergency fund allocation between the recovery of the economy and health sector also conveys Indonesia’s top priority. Policies made by the state also prove its failure in accommodating vulnerable people especially those who live in poverty. The application of the top-down policy affects those with financial insecurity then also burdened by extraordinary crimes such as corruption of social assistance mid pandemic. To implement an adequate policy which can respect, protect, fulfill, it is important to address poverty affected by covid policies through the lens of human rights, whether it is violated or fulfilled. The use of recent studies, official data, laws, policies, and human rights approaches will help indicate how people living in poverty are still marginalized of their rights to adequate standards of living pre and midst pandemic. Moving forward, those who live in poverty must live free from discrimination and stereotypes such as lazy, unlucky, undeserving, etc. which contributes to the exclusion and exploitation of this vulnerable group. This research will seek poverty as a human rights issue, it will show how this vulnerable group has been the victim of injustice and demand accountability. Through proper analysis, these findings will also set out appropriate and applicable solutions for the well-being of this group mid and post pandemic.

The constitutional rights of indigenous beliefs adherents in minority fiqh perspective

Indigenous Beliefs Adherents (Penghayat Kepercayaan) who were victims of injustice filed a judicial review and finally brought out to Constitutional Court Decision Number 97/PUU-XIV/2016. This decision became the legal basis for Indigenous Beliefs Adherents to obtain their constitutional rights: recognition, respect, and protection by embedding the beliefs they believe in on the electronic ID card (e-KTP). This study aims to analyze based on the epistemology of minority fiqh on the constitutional rights of Indigenous Beliefs Adherents. In contrast to many studies that place minority fiqh in defense of Muslim minorities in the West, this study develops minority fiqh for non-Muslim minorities in Muslim-majority countries. This article uses normative legal research, with qualitative descriptive analysis with a case approach that analyzes Constitutional Court Decision Number 97/PUU-XIV/2016. The study results show that the Constitutional Court Decision viewed from the perspective of minority fiqh is very relevant. Because the purpose of Islamic law is none other than to protect minorities, including freedom of religion. Minority fiqh is also in line with the concept of constitutional rights. The Constitutional Court Decision restores Indigenous Beliefs' constitutional rights to the same level as other religious groups.

Adaptive preferences in political philosophy

AbstractThe concept of adaptive preferences is supposed to explain how and why victims of injustice might come to endorse their own oppression, and to provide political philosophers with a tool for objecting to that oppression even when its victims do not. Critics, however, argue that using the concept of adaptive preferences further harms the victims of injustice, by denying them the respect owed to moral agents and/or the opportunity to direct the course of their own lives. After canvassing this debate, I consider one proposal for retaining the concept as a helpful political tool while avoiding the harms that detractors point to. This proposal allows us to make different well‐being judgments about adaptive preferences before and after they have been formed. I conclude by considering the parallel literature on adaptive preferences and disability, noting the possible short‐comings of the proposal in that case, and suggesting a variety of ways for moving forward.