Autobiography and Identity As many critics have noted, mixed-blood Indian's search for an identity, community, and place constitutes major theme twentieth-century Native American literature. This search is also particular focus of virtually every autobiography written or narrated by mixed-blood Indian women since beginning of last century. Louise Erdrich explains, One of characteristics of being mixed blood is searching. You look back and say, 'Who am I from?' You must question. You must make certain choices. You are able to. And it's blessing and it's curse. All our searches involve trying to discover where we are from (Bruchac 83). The system of categorization that operates most of North America creates this particular dilemma for mixed-bloods. They are faced with choice of sacrificing or denying one part of their identity order to connect with other. As their narratives indicate, mixed-blood women rarely gain full acceptance white society, while Indian society is only pa rtially responsive to their mixed-blood identities. In United States, mixed-blood, depending on blood quantum and tribal status, is legally defined as Indian, but Canada, status of mixed-blood is far more complex. Canada employs patrilineal and androcentric system to determine legal status of Indians; thus child's status is determined by status of his or her father, and wife's status is determined by her husband's. By law, an Indian woman who marries white man becomes white, and all resulting children are deemed white. Conversely, white woman who marries an Indian becomes Indian, and all resulting children are deemed Indian. Legal status denies majority of mixed-bloods any recognition of their Indian heritage and, more often than not, white society denies them acceptance within white community. Legally they are Whites, but socially they are or Halfbreeds--to many an even mote pejorative demarcation because of its connection with miscegenation. In addition to defining Non-status or White-status Indi ans, Canadian Indian Act of 1867 designated official Indians--treaty Indians or registered Indians: These were Indians who had band number and were on band list Ottawa. Treaty Indians were registered Indians who resided areas whose treaties were entered into with government as opposed to those Indians who were registered Ottawa but lived areas where no treaty had been signed (Redbird 1-2). Julia D. Harrison defines Nonstatus Indians as men, their families, and descendants who did not take treaty or were forced out, or as Indian women who married white men (and children of these marriages), or as Metis (14). For most mixed-bloods, there is no place in between; they exist kind of no-man's-land. Historically, only Metis of Canada and United States have offered distinctive culture that validates complex racial identities of mixed-bloods. The term Metis originally referred to the children of fur trade, offspring of marriages between Indian women (primarily Cree) and European men who participated fur trade. As early as late seventeenth century, Metis began to develop as distinctive group; however, a fully unified sense of ethnic consciousness would not develop until late 18th and early 19th century (Burley, Horsfall, and Brandon, 15). Metis culture was distinctive synthesis of Indian and European cultures terms of language, religion, living arrangements, design, etc. (23-39). The Metis first concentrated vicinity of Great Lakes and then expanded by migrating into Red River area of what became Manitoba, Northwest Territories, and areas bordering Hudson's Bay. The peak of Metis cohesiveness, economic stability, and land ownership occurred period leading up to Red River (1869) and North West (1885) Rebellions. …