Vice-presidential Candidates Research Articles

The Problem of Citizenship Requirements for Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates in Indonesia

This article examines the problematic citizenship requirements of presidential and vice presidential candidates in Indonesia. The research method used is qualitative, with normative juridical research and constitutional comparisons with fifty countries in the world that adhere to presidential government systems. The results of the study show that each country regulates the citizenship requirements of Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates in its constitution. The regulation of the citizenship requirements for the candidates for President and Vice President in Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is ideal because it is not discriminatory and also does not have multiple interpretations. Based on a comparison with fifty countries, the regulation of citizenship requirements in Indonesia falls into the first category, namely citizen/nasionality by birth/born. The challenge for Indonesia in the future is how to implement these constitutional provisions without being politicized, especially when the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Elections will be held.

Penetapan Ambang Batas Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Berdasarkan UU No. 23 Tahun 2003 dan UU No. 7 Tahun 2017

The purpose of this study is how the threshold for the nomination of president and vice president is based UU No. 23 Year 2003 and UU No. 7 Year 2017 and how ideally the threshold for presidential and vice presidential candidates is determined based on UU No. 23 Year 2003 and UU No. 7 Year 2017. This type of research is normative legal research by analyzing cases that conflict with the law using qualitative methods to draw deductive conclusions. The provisions for setting thresholds in presidential elections constitutionally violate the constitutional rights of citizens based on the provisions of Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution which states "pairs of presidential and vice-presidential candidates are proposed by political parties or a coalition of political parties participating in general elections prior to the holding of general elections. This provision provides space for political parties to nominate presidential and vice presidential candidates. However, in Article 222 UU No.7 Year 2017 concerning General Elections, it provides a limit of 20% of the number of seats in the DPR or 25% of valid votes nationally in the previous DPR member elections. In a presidential system, the imposition of a threshold is irrelevant because theoretically the separation of powers does not recognize the president's accountability to the parliament, thus the threshold is not appropriate if the votes used are from the DPR election. Setting the threshold for presidential and vice-presidential candidates is simply reduced to 5% of seats in the DPR and 10% of valid votes from the previous general election or the article on setting the threshold for presidential and vice-presidential candidates is simply abolished through revisions to the general election law.

VOTING BEHAVIOR IN 2022 NATIONAL ELECTION: A CAUSAL-COMPARATIVE AND CORRELATIONAL STUDY

The core of this study is the voting behavior of college students in the 2022 elections. It made use of the causal-comparative and correlational research designs to compare the voting behaviors of the respondents in terms of age and sex, and to determine the strength and direction of the relationship between the variable characteristics of the political candidates and the variable political process with respect to their influence on voting behavior. It included as respondents 41 purposively chosen Social Studies students of Notre Dame of Midsayap College. They were 18 to 23 years old, mostly females, and were all registered voters. Data were gathered through an online survey. Findings revealed that having a degree was considered by the respondents as a very important personal characteristic for the presidential and vice-presidential candidates, while being a member of a well-known family was considered by them as unimportant. Being honest and trustworthy was also considered by the respondents as a very important leadership characteristic for the said candidates. Meanwhile, being clear in their priorities is a political process that is very much likely to influence the respondents in choosing their president and vice-president while the giving of money or goods to voters is unlikely to influence them. Similarly, candidates being talked about in their locality is a political process that is likely to influence the respondents in choosing those candidates. The endorsement of candidates by a local leader is a political process that is likely to influence them in choosing those candidates, while endorsement by a church is very unlikely to influence them. Results bared that there is no significant difference on the voting behavior of the respondents with respect to their age and sex. Finally, there is a moderately strong positive relationship between the characteristics of the political candidates and the political process as to their influence on the voting behavior of the respondents, and such a relationship is highly significant.<p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/soc/0005/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

Vicarious Consubstantiality: How Mike Pence Helped Save Donald Trump from Electoral Defeat

This essay is a close analysis of then Vice-Presidential nominee Mike Pence’s October 2016 speech in Charlotte, NC, where he aimed to rescue Donald Trump’s presidential campaign from the damaging impact of the Access Hollywood Tape. In his speech, I argue that Pence enacted what I call a vicarious consubstantiality, a form of consubstantiality taken from Kenneth Burke’s theories on identification and division that refer to a “one-ness” between people. As there were breaches in consubstantial bonds linking Trump to voters abandoning him in the wake of the Access Hollywood Tape, Pence served as a third party to re-establish these bonds. I suggest, in vicarious consubstantiality, that this third party must bridge differences by using key terms from a shared substance to define differences away from one party and toward another party – a shared enemy. This action demonstrates that the Burkean notion of consubstantiality is not only understood by how one party identifies with a second party, but how a third party can vicariously reestablish identification between two parties who sever ties.

Political Branding Analysis of Prabowo-Sandiaga in Terms of Appearance and Personality Aspects (Study on the 2019 Election)

This research was conducted to analyze the political branding of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates Prabowo and Sandiaga from the appearance and personality aspects of the study in the 2019 election. In the presidential election contest, there were many ways and strategies used by each pair of presidential and vice-presidential candidates. compete. This study aims to describe Prabowo and Sandiaga's political branding in two aspects: appearance and personality. This type of research is qualitative and descriptive in nature. Informants in this study came from members of the Gerindra Party DPD management and community elements. From the results of the study, it was found that the personality and performance of Prabowo and Sandiaga were very different, the figure of Prabowo in terms of personality was a figure who was assertive, tough, and nationalist, while from the performance aspect the figure of Prabowo was seen as a figure of struggle, a figure who firmly fought for the interests of the people. As for Sandiaga's figure, from the personality aspect, he is a millennial intelligent and well-mannered figure, while from the performance aspect, Sandiaga is a figure who is always close to millennials and close to women, especially among mothers.

The Presidential Electoral System: A Philosophical Analysis

The Republic of Indonesia’s Law no. 7 of 2017 requires presidential and vice-presidential candidates to be proposed by political parties that meet the requirements, namely obtaining at least 20% of the total Legislative House seats or nationally obtaining 25% of valid votes in the previous Legislative House election. This is not recognized in Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution, the constitutional basis for nominating a president. This paper aims to provide a philosophical analysis on the presidential and vice-presidential electoral threshold. Results show that from a philosophical perspective, this threshold provisions eliminate the constitutional rights of the people and minor political parties to nominate presidential and vice-presidential candidates. There can only be a maximum of three political parties and the oligarch and large political parties will make sure that the candidates will only come from their parties. This threshold undermines the logic of the presidential system. In conclusion, philosophically the threshold limits the freedom of alternative candidates to nominate themselves in the presidential election. It will only give an opportunity for candidates from major political parties. Thus, the government and various parties must reconsider this law to protect the rights of the people as mandated by the constitution.

Narrative Policy Framework: Presidential Threshold Policy Toward the 2024 Election

General elections are interpreted as a concrete manifestation of the implementation of democracy in Indonesia. However, the use of the Presidential Threshold is a matter of debate ahead of the 2024 General Election. The issue related to the Presidential Threshold has become a hot issue reported by the Indonesian media. The media have an essential role in shaping public narratives related to policymaking. The part of public records can create collective awareness by providing information about actors' choices in making a policy decision. This study aims to analyze how policymaking actors in Indonesia make decisions regarding using the Presidential Threshold in the 2024 General Election seen from the public narrative formed in the media. A Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) study will be conducted to describe and explain the structure of political narratives in policymaking. This study uses a qualitative research method with a QDAS (Qualitative Data Analysis Software) approach. The data sources in this study came from reputable online media in Indonesia. Research findings show that the government's attitude toward the House of People's Representatives (DPR) as policymakers does not waver towards implementing the 20% Presidential Threshold in the upcoming 2024 elections. However, the narrative built on the media regarding implementing the Presidential Threshold is more dominated by the contrast. This is inseparable from the political interest ahead of the 2024 general election. Namely, to carry and win presidential and vice-presidential candidates who are supported by each political actor involved.

Studying topic engagement and synergy among candidates for 2020 US Elections.

This article provides a comprehensive summary of how candidates running in the 2020 US Presidential Elections used Twitter to communicate with the public. More specifically, it aims to uncover elements linked to public engagement and internal cooperation (in terms of content and stance similarity among the candidates from the same political front, and with respect to the official Twitter accounts of their political parties). Our main subjects are the Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates who contested for the 2020 US Elections from the two major political fronts—Republicans and Democrats. Their tweets were evaluated for social reach, content similarity and stance similarity on 22 topics. According to the findings, Joe Biden had the highest engagement and impact (user impact: 177.08k, normalized to 0.99), followed by Donald Trump (user impact: 164.19k, normalized to 0.92). The Democrats depicted a clearer understanding of their audience, portraying an essential link between public participation, internal cooperation and the electoral campaign. The results also demonstrate that specific topics (like US Elections, and Inauguration Ceremony) were more engaging than others (Trump Healthcare Plan, and The Supreme Court Appointments). This study adds to the existing work on using social media platforms for electoral campaigns and can be effectively utilized by contesting candidates.

RESEARCH REVIEW ON THE ANALYSIS OF NEWS FRAMING OF INDONESIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2005-2021

This study aims to determine the development of news framing research in the Indonesian presidential election in 2005-2021. A total of 38 scientific works consisting of undergraduate thesis, master's thesis, and journals were analyzed using the principle of a systematic literature review. The analysis shows that there are more scientific research papers in the form of undergraduate thesis compared to journals and master's thesis. Research trends increased dramatically in 2017-2021, with more portal media studies than other media. Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki framing analysis models are commonly used. Many media take sides in reporting on presidential and vice-presidential candidates compared to neutral and balanced ones. The framing influencing factors of the Indonesian presidential election news are media ideology, the background of journalists and news editors, media routines, media organizations, extra media, selection of syntactic, script, thematic, and rhetorical structures of news, selection of sources, the role of media owners, background selection of sources.

The Multimodal Portrayal of The 2019 Indonesian Presidential Candidates' Rivalry on English Tempo's Cover Stories

This research has investigated how English Tempo magazine's cover stories portrayed the Indonesian presidential candidate's rivalry between Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Prabowo Subianto (Prabowo) to audiences. Four English Tempo's cover stories were then selected as the data and analyzed by the Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) approach. Furthermore, this research uses a qualitative method with descriptive perspective for data analysis. Moreover, the results have shown that (i) the presidential and vice-presidential candidates' photographs and caricatures, (ii) the illustrations of presidential candidates' actions related to specific political events at the time, and (iii) the main titles could multimodally portray the presidential candidates' rivalry to the audiences. The photographs and caricatures in the cover stories' pictorial components visually manifested the candidates' rivalry. Moreover, the cover stories' main titles explained the photographs and caricatures. Furthermore, those semiotic components combined in each cover story could modulate some multimodal communicative acts to portray the rivalry between presidential candidates. Meanwhile, the benefit of this research result is to provide the readers with the formulation of how English Tempo Magazine presents the topic of rivalry between Indonesian presidential candidates by visualizing issues concerning presidential candidates in the cover stories.

Pemberlakuan Penggunaan Presidential Threshold Terhadap Pencalonan Presiden dan Wapres Indonesia Pada Pilpres 2019

This study presents the following objectives: first, the application of the Presidential Threshold to the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidacy in Indonesia in the 2019 Presidential Election; and second, must the Presidential Threshold still be applied in the future Presidential and Vice Presidential candidacy. This is a normative research, which the approach employed is the statutory approach. The results of the study conclude that the implications of Presidential Threshold provision relates to the number of pairs of Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates in the 2019 general election which shall not exceed 2 pairs of candidates. If the Presidential Threshold remains applicable, injustice will arise for new parties that previously did not participate in the 2014 election. Whether the Presidential Threshold is in fact still relevant or not should be addressed by bearing in mind that it tends to harm the new parties. Hence it should be lowered so that the presidential threshold would allow for alternative candidate pairs that can be carried by parties with minority votes.

Buya and religious issues in the 2019 presidential election in West Sumatra

This article attempts to explain the influence of buya and religious issues on Jokowi’s vote decline in the 2019 Presidential Election (Pilpres) in West Sumatra. In the 2014 Presidential Election, Jokowi, who was paired with Jusuf Kalla, received 23.1 percent of the vote. However, in the 2019 Presidential Election, the vote share for Jokowi, who was paired with Ma’ruf Amin, fell to 14.1 percent. Ahead of the 2019 Presidential Election, there was a conflict between the buya in West Sumatra and Jokowi’s supporters regarding religious issues. This study used qualitative methods by relying on documentation studies related to the influence of the buya and religious issues ahead of the 2019 Presidential Election in West Sumatra. The study’s findings indicate that the buya and the majority of the people in West Sumatra practice modern Islam, while the vice-presidential candidate KH. Ma’ruf Amin practices traditional Islam. Religious issues in the form of the Islam Nusantara concept and the Sharia Regional Regulation (Perda) sharpen the difference between the buya and voters in West Sumatra with the Jokowi-Ma’ruf pair. It affected the defeat of Jokowi-Ma’ruf in West Sumatra in the 2019 Presidential Election.

Presentation of Social Actor on the Claim of 2019 Presidential Election Winner in Indonesia

In the 2019 Indonesian Legislative General Election and Presidential Election, two parties in competition, Joko Widodo-Ma’ruf Amin and Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno, have claimed their victory. The victory of Joko Widodo-Ma’ruf Amin was based on the results that had been issued by several independent polling agencies, while the victory of Prabowo SubiantoSandiaga Uno was claimed by the department of internal survey agency within their campaign team as the National Board of Victory (BPN, Badan Pemenangan Nasional). This situation caught the public attention quite massively at that time. One of the national newspapers, Kompas, even made a special report on the claim of victories between the two pairs of presidential and vice-presidential candidate. In relation to the statement, the study aims at analysing and describing the strategy of presenting the social actors through the process of exclusion and inclusion within the claims of victory. In conducting the study, the researchers rely on the use of constructivism paradigm with primary data sources in the form of five news items and secondary data sources in the form of books, online news items, and relevant journal articles and reports. In gathering these data, the researchers have implemented the documentation study and also the literature study. In the meantime, for analysing the data, the researchers have implemented the Leeuwen’s discourse analysis model that consists of exclusion and inclusion. Thus, the results of the study show that: 1) there are passivation, nominalization, and substitution of clauses within the news items; and (2) the inclusion process is carried out through the strategy of determination, abstraction, assimilation, association, and differentiation.

The Best of Two Worlds: Selection Strategies for Vice-Presidential Candidates,

Voting for a presidential ticket is a common characteristic that is particular to the majority of presidential systems. When a voter chooses a candidate for president, they are actually also voting for the other person on the ticket, in other words, the potential successor if the mandate is interrupted. Therefore, the selection of the candidate who will run for election alongside the presidential candidate represents an opportunity to nominate someone who can increase the ticket’s electorate or increase a possible president’s capacity for governance. In the literature there is an absence of systematic studies of these strategies used in the selection of vice-presidential candidates. In order to fill part of this gap, this study proposes a Vice-Presidential Candidate Profile Index (VPCPI), which allows an analysis of the strategies adopted in the selection of running mates. For the case of Brazil after redemocratization, the results were hybrid, in other words, strategies were adopted to select candidates who can help attract votes for the ticket, but who also have political experience to act in future governments.

Differences in the Arrangement of Leave Outside the State Responsibility for Presidential Candidates and Incumbent Regional Head Candidates Based on the Equality Before the Law

The existence of differences in leave arrangements outside of the state's responsibility for incumbent candidates in the Presidential and Vice Presidential Election (pilpres) and the General Election of Regional Heads and Deputy Regional Heads (pemilukada) have an impact on the sense of justice in granting political rights attached to citizens. The research describes the arrangements' differences from the equality before the law's perspective. The type of research used is normative legal research with descriptive legal research methods. The problem approach used is statutory, comparative, and conceptual approaches. The data used in this research is secondary data, with a literature study method. Furthermore, the technique used in this research is to collect, identify and analyze the data presented in a qualitative descriptive form. The results of the research and discussion show that there are differences in leave arrangements outside of the state's responsibility for presidential and vice-presidential candidates and incumbent regional heads and deputy regional heads in the presidential and regional elections. Theoretically, every legislation formulation and application must be based on the principle of equality before as a form of social justice.

The Legitimacy of Presidential Threshold Towards Indonesian Citizens’ Democracy and Constitutional Rights

A presidential threshold or a threshold for presidential candidacy dramatically hinders a person's democratic rights. This is because a person can rightfully nominate and elect themselves through a political party, which must be limited due to this system. The Presidential Threshold could eliminate the fundamental rights of the people in the constitution, where every citizen has the right to be elected and to vote. This statement is stated in Article 28(D) paragraph 3 of the 1945 Constitution, later revealed to be Law No.39 of 1999. With the existence of this presidential threshold, it is feared that it could injure the law's mandate. The research aims to determine whether the presidential threshold injured democracy and the mandate of the 1945 constitution. This research uses a normative approach. The research will focus on the principles, comparisons and history of law. The presidential threshold will close the space for political parties to carry the best presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the community. This automatically kills democracy, political parties' constitutional rights, and the people's right to choose the best and quality, leaders.

Hatenography: An Analysis of Hate Speech on Facebook in 2019 Indonesian Presidential Campaign

This article discusses hate speech on Facebook from two groups of supporters for the presidential candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election in Indonesia. The study used a virtual ethnography approach to analyze cultural groups or communities through their conversations on the Facebook platform. Data collection was conducted by observing and collecting words, phrases, and sentences in the Official Facebook account of two presidential candidates in the 2019 Presidential Election and statements of both presidential and vice-presidential candidates in 2019. In addition, researchers also observed three voluntary group accounts for each candidate. Therefore, the total number of accounts observed was eight. Data was analysed with Nvivo 12+ to obtain statistics on the strength of the chosen speech word and the dominant phrase or word that appears. The result shows that specific phrases or terms to intimidate each supporter of both parties in massive numbers appeared in the form of hate speech during the campaign. The purpose of the hate speech is to insult/humiliate, intimidate or accuse others of doing something inappropriate or evil (accusation which involves sarcasm and foul language directed to the opponent. Candidates also provoked each other by accusing the other party of being stupid, disgusting, pathetic, ugly, and retarded. The implication was that hate speech has disunited the public on the social media space. Accusing and attaching bad characters to other groups through hate speech has strengthened inter-group stereotypes and formed an unhealthy democratic climate. Keywords: Provocation, hate speech, verbal message, virtual ethnography, communication.

Politeness As a Strategy of Attack in Presidential Debate in Indonesia 2019

This research was conducted to know what are the politeness as strategy of attack in the presidential debate in Indonesia 2019 and what is the dominant of politeness strategy used by the candidates. The method of this research is descriptive qualitative. The research subject is the dialogue of Presidential and Vice-presidential candidates. The research object is the politeness strategy. The instrument is the researcher herself and the indicator table, the data collection is from YouTube, and the data analysis uses Brown and Levinson’s theory. The validity is triangulation method. The result of this research is the presidential candidate number 1 used all kinds of politeness strategies. Therefore, the dominant used theory bald of record. Then the vice-presidential candidate just used positive politeness. Besides, the candidate number 2 used bald of record and off records strategy. Therefore, the dominant used theory bald of record. Then the candidate of the vice president just used bald of records. Bald of record is applied to criticizing, expressing hatred, getting angry, commanding, warning, resisting, and paying attention.

Authority-Based Strategy of (De)legitimization in American Electoral Discourse: A Case Study

The paper presents an analysis of (de)legitimization in American pre-election discourse based on the tactics of appealing to “authorities”, any entity, person or value which continue to retain confidence, have credibility or are otherwise entitled to authority in the society and family. Sixty 2020 election campaign speeches of U.S. presidential candidate Joe Biden and U.S. vice-presidential candidate Kamala Harris were the material of this case study. Our research approach is based on theoretical and methodological findings of linguopersonology and political linguistics. The main methods used are those of intent, semantic and stylistic analysis. The purpose was to identify, describe and categorize the authorities cited by the two politicians during their campaign and to correlate them to voters’ aspirations in the cities and states involved. The analysis of relevant contexts revealed that the choice of authorities is primarily guided by the expectations of target groups of voters to whom the campaign speech is addressed. For this reason, the pre-election discourse of the politicians under study includes the authorities which are important for different target groups of voters addressed all over the country. The study of the American pre-election discourse yields a general classification of authorities to which both politicians are appealing; it includes famous politicians, public figures, renowned experts, scientists, outstanding representatives of the culture and art. The politicians may also appeal to the authority of the speaker himself, their parents (mom, dad); edifying example of ordinary people (not celebrities); authority of high positions; authority of institutions and bodies; authority of universal values; authority of different kinds of texts (reports, laws, Scriptures), and sometimes authority of some mass media sources. The multiplicity of the authorities represented in our classification is explained in the paper as a logical consequence of addresser-addressee interaction. It also reeals the important role of the politician’s personality to appeal at a rally to “authorities” that might in his opinion be attractive for his specific audience. The paper presents the results of the analysis of the linguistic features of the appeal-to-authority tactics.

U.S. Truth, Racial Healing, and Transformation Funders' Briefing Program, January 19, 2021.

U.S. Truth, Racial Healing, and Transformation Funders' Briefing Program, January 19, 2021.