Vertical Solidarity Research Articles

Delving into preschool teachers’ revenge – a mediated-moderated model that explores the deeper nuances of hot and cold revenge among preschool teachers

AbstractWhile revenge has captured the attention of researchers, certain nuances have been disregarded. Some studies have recognized the existence of two distinct forms of revenge — “hot” or “cold” — but the specific conditions underlying these variants have been overlooked. The present two studies delve into the boundary conditions that differentiate hot and cold revenge. By analyzing data collected from 172 and 107 preschool teachers in studies one and two, respectively, this research confirms the presence of both emotional (hot) and calculated (cold) revenge responses. Furthermore, it uncovers the mechanisms driving these two revenge types and identifies a trade-off between vertical solidarity motivated by pragmatic ambitions and revenge, representing divergent resource acquisition strategies. The findings' relevance for decreasing vindictive behaviours and future research avenues are discussed.

The Ideology of Social Traditionalism (Social Tradition)

The Ideology of Social Traditionalism (Social Tradition) scientifi c manifesto off ers a modern concept of traditionalism. Today, this line is based on the principles of “double” social solidarity: both between contemporaries (horizontal solidarity) and intergenerational (vertical solidarity). The idea of the fi rst type of solidarity has historically evolved against the background of the leftist thought. The second type of solidarity dates back to classical traditionalism. It insists on placing the priority on the historical heritage, traditional values and on the rejection of historical gaps in public life. According to the author, the relevance of social traditionalism (social tradition) is growing as the crisis of neoliberal globalism deepens and currently observed deglobalization processes accelerate. The opposition of the ideas of social justice and traditional values is one of the false alternatives imposed on the society. It emerged and is still maintained within the framework of the ideology of neoliberalism, which is now in a state of decay. The article highlights the common value basis of colonialism, Nazism and neoliberal globalism. A way out of the historical impasse is possible if two conditions are met: the neoliberal ideology must be rejected and the cultural and spiritual connection with the native tradition — authentic Christianity — must be restored. After the ideological paradigm and the socioeconomic model are changed, the synthesis of socialist and traditionalist ideas can take priority in the society. The right-wing traditionalism needs to be opposed to the left-wing social traditionalism, in which the ethics of justice comes fi rst. Instead of the classic triad “conservatism—liberalism—socialism”, the society will have to develop within another political triangle: “nationalism—socialism—traditionalism”. Social traditionalism assumes the equality of nations, peoples and cultures, aff irms their incomparability, incommensurability and uniqueness. It also advocates the society governed by the social justice and supports the overcoming of painful historical gaps in the life of each people. The author proceeds on the basis that “tradition is a set of ways to preserve the historical continuity based on endowing inheritance procedures with ethical meaning”. Tradition is a method of social and cultural construction rather than a subject of restoration. The basis of the Russian (Russian-Byzantine) tradition and identity can be defi ned using the well-known formula by Max Weber as follows: “Orthodox Ethics and the Spirit of Solidarity”.

Arrested Solidarity: Obstacles to Intermovement Support for LGBT Rights in Malawi

Arrested Solidarity:Obstacles to Intermovement Support for LGBT Rights in Malawi Ashley Currier (bio) Gender and sexual diversity organizing is on the rise throughout Africa. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) activist organizations contest social, political, and religious opprobrium toward homosexuality and gender nonconformity in different African nations (Epprecht 2013), including but not limited to Cameroon (Awondo 2010), Kenya (Dearham 2013), Namibia (Currier 2012), Nigeria (Obadare 2013), South Africa (Currier 2012), and Uganda (Ssebaggala 2011). LGBT activist organizations in some African nations operate independently of other minority rights movements. As political homophobia intensifies in some countries, LGBT activist organizations may depend more on solidarity partnerships with sympathizers. Partnerships can provide LGBT activist organizations with financial assistance, moral support, and contacts for additional supporters. Although some feminist theorists extol solidarity partnerships as having the potential to actualize social justice goals (Mohanty 2003), in reality, solidarity partnerships between activist organizations can be messy and unpredictable (Hodžić 2014). LGBT rights defenders in countries like Malawi might need allies, but potential partners may be unable to extend this support for different reasons. Despite the apparent political symmetry between HIV/AIDS, human rights, LGBT, and feminist movements, activists’ concerns do not align so neatly, making Malawi an excellent case study for analyzing the fragile process that produces intermovement solidarity. In this essay, I outline obstacles that interrupt or block intermovement solidarity for LGBT rights in Malawi to demonstrate how activists work to craft solidarity and how they understand obstructions to solidarity [End Page 146] for LGBT rights. Understanding solidarity as a process is especially important as observers around the world propose ways to halt political homophobia. Cultural and political antipathy toward gender and sexual dissidence in different African countries renders isolated organizations that defend LGBT rights vulnerable to criticism and persecution (Currier 2012). In response, organizations that defend LGBT rights may forge solidarity partnerships with friendly, local social movements and transnational NGOs that pressure social, political, and religious actors to respect gender and sexual dissidents and LGBT rights. Although organizations may concurrently cultivate horizontal solidarity partnerships with local social movements and vertical solidarity partnerships with foreign donors and transnational NGOs, these partnerships yield different outcomes for LGBT rights organizations. Local social movements may not be able to offer the financial assistance foreign donors and transnational NGOs can, but they can lend nonmaterial support and mobilize their activist networks to advance LGBT rights. Activists’ personal prejudices can also generate obstacles for organizations’ support for LGBT rights. Foreign donors and transnational NGOs may expect their investments in organizations that defend LGBT rights to achieve certain outcomes, such as measurable progress on LGBT rights. The collaborative solidarity on which Malawian LGBT rights defenders depend is not guaranteed. In this essay, I explore the contours of LGBT rights solidarity in Malawi, a country in which political homophobia coalesced in 2010 when the government prosecuted Tiwonge Chimbalanga, a transgender woman, and Steven Monjeza, a cisgender man, for violating antisodomy statutes (Somanje 2009). Since 2010, homophobia has saturated national politics. In this environment, some HIV/AIDS, human rights, and feminist activists limited the support they expressed publicly for LGBT rights. To understand obstacles to intermovement solidarity for LGBT rights, I first discuss the codification of heteronormativity in the transition from British colonial rule to postcolonial sovereignty and the emergence of political homophobia in Malawi. The recent deployment of political homophobia generated high costs for HIV/AIDS, human rights, and feminist activists who were pondering whether, when, and how to show their support for LGBT rights. Then, I draw on thirty-six interviews I conducted in June and July 2012 in Blantyre and Lilongwe, Malawi, with Malawian [End Page 147] HIV/AIDS, human rights, LGBT rights, and feminist activists. Solidarity for LGBT rights in Malawi was not automatic. Some activists calculated whether they could be seen promulgating LGBT rights and defending same-sex sexualities in contemporary Malawi. Using these interviews, I describe barriers to activist solidarity for LGBT rights in Malawi to complicate assumptions about how solidarity between movements unfolds. Examining LGBT rights solidarity in Malawi offers feminist and queer scholars important lessons in movement building around LGBT rights and the local obstacles complicating burgeoning solidarity concerning these rights. Prior research...

Cracks in a policy paradigm – poverty reduction and social security: the case of Belgium

Poverty reduction rests on the mechanisms of horizontal and vertical solidarity and on prevention and repair of social risks. In this contribution, we argue that in contemporary welfare states the poverty-reducing capacity of existing social security systems has inherent limitations. Focusing on Belgium, we present and discuss empirical indications of a persistent (over a period of at least 30 years) decline in poverty reduction through social transfers, particularly among households who are highly dependent on such transfers. Firstly, we show that prevention and repair have failed to contribute to a reduction in the proportion of work-poor households who are highly dependent upon social security and face a high (rising even) poverty risk. Secondly, we find that given the fragmentation of social risks – in terms of both ex post poverty outcomes and ex ante social stratification – horizontal redistributive mechanisms through risk pooling have become less obvious, especially in respect of unemployment. Thirdly, it appears that the mechanisms of vertical solidarity also face inherent limitations. In a final section we summarise some important research questions for the future and potentially worthwhile policy avenues to resolve the question of how social policy-making might succeed in the future where it has failed in the past.

Leadership and solidarity behaviour

PurposeThis study focuses on the relationship between cohesion, consensus in the perception of leadership style of the supervisor within teams and solidarity behaviour of employees towards their supervisor (vertical solidarity behaviour) and towards other team members (horizontal solidarity behaviour).Design/methodology/approachAccording to the self‐categorisation theory, which elaborates on the social identity theory, hypotheses for the relationship between consensus in perception within teams, cohesiveness within the teams and vertical and horizontal solidarity behaviour of employees were formulated. The hypotheses were tested in a study with 193 employees within 35 teams in a Dutch Ministry.FindingsAs expected, consensus in leaders' perception and cohesiveness within the team were positively related for transformational leadership style. Results from multi‐level analyses showed, as expected, a positive relationship between cohesiveness and horizontal solidarity behaviour. For vertical solidarity behaviour an interaction effect was found: the relationship between cohesiveness and vertical solidarity behaviour is positive if employees perceive their supervisor as high transformational, but is slightly negative if employees perceive their supervisor as low transformational.Research limitations/implicationsThe finding that consensus in transformational leader's perception within teams is related to the cohesiveness of a team support the self‐categorization theory. On the other hand cohesiveness is only related to vertical solidarity behaviour when the supervisor is perceived as high transformational.Originality/valueThe different results mean that it make sense to distinguish between horizontal and vertical solidarity behaviour. In addition, they show the impact of consensus in the perception of leadership style on cohesion.

“Pulled Apart, Pushed Together”

This is a study of horizontal and vertical solidarity within a national labour movement, based on a nationwide survey of members of affiliated unions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions. On the one hand, the survey reveals relatively high levels of vertical and horizontal solidarity, despite the persistence of some cleavages on gender and racial lines. On the other hand, the maintenance and deepening of existing horizontal and vertical linkages in a rapidly changing socio-economic context, represents one of many challenges facing organized labour in an industrializing economy. COSATU’s strength is contingent not only on an effective organizational capacity, and a supportive network linking key actors and interest groupings, but also on the ability to meet the concerns of existing constituencies and those assigned to highly marginalized categories of labour.

Does Modern Organization and Governance Threat Solidarity?

This article focuses on solidarity behaviours of employees to team members (horizontal solidarity behaviour) and to their manager (vertical solidarity behaviour). The question is asked to what extend and how are both types of solidarity related to three aspects of modern organization and governance: dual earner families, flexible labour contracts, and formal and informal governance structures. Survey data of 17 Dutch organizations (N = 1347) show in relation to dual-earner families that having children has a positive relationship with horizontal solidarity behaviour, and working overtime has a positive relationship with vertical solidarity behaviour. Related to the flexible labour contracts, no relationship was found with type of labour contract and expected years within the organization. Finally, some traits of informal and formal governance structures, namely information on rules and the presence of explicit fair play rules are fond to be positively related to solidarity.

Mapping Diversity in Social History

The paper is an overview of diversity in history, starting as far back as the societies in classical Ancient Europe and traditional non-European societies, where differentiation was basically between the enslaved and free population and the out-of-caste in India. With the end of slavery the European feudal society adopted a functionalist tripartition based on priests, warriors and peasants. The analysis continues in pre-industrial Europe (1500-1800), where in many cities class struggle was represented by the conflicts between crafts and between cities, with some participation of the elites. In 17th century England only one class existed, and class struggle was the struggle inside one class. Other considerations on the stratification of pre-industrial society are related to classes inferred from empirical subjectivity, social hierarchy and horizontal and vertical solidarity. In industrial society, the paper discusses the Marxian, Weberian and Marshall models and the syncretism between status and class. The second part of the paper is devoted to diversity outside formal society with the definitions of the processes that generate the marginalization of people and social groups, while the third part of the paper concerns the urban milieu and social integration/differentiation. Considerations are made on urban topography (e.g. ghettos, miracle courts, etc.) and on the relationship between topographic position within the urban tissue and positioning in the social pyramid. Finally, the last part of the paper is an excursus on the historiographic assumptions and policies toward diversity and marginality.

Coping with Poverty in Urban Brazil: The Contribution of Patron-Client Relationships

Abstract A survival type of patron-client relationships which contribute to the survival of impoverished Brazilian urbanites is the subject of this paper. The study site is a large, old squatter settlement in Salvador, Bahia. Previous scholarship on urban patron-client relationships in Latin America is limited and there is lack of agreement on the characteristics of the tie. My analysis suggests that a specific kind of patron-client tie exists in this settlement, the survival type, and that is takes three forms: the political, the economic, and the domestic. It is shaped by survival problems, the kind of access to would-be clients and patrons, occupation, community position, and gender. The forms vary in affect, dependence, and content of the exchange. The relationship is an important means of supplementing household income, especially towards the end of each month when survival problems are severe. The ties are found dispersed across household networks. One implication of this dispersion is that these relationships, rather than enhancing vertical solidarity, contribute to the maintenance of the social class structure in Salvador and potentially Brazil.

Patron-Client Relationships in the Urban Social Structure: A Brazilian Case Study

Two types of patron-client relationships are delineated as a means of addressing the problem of the nature of social participation of impoverished and working class urbanites in Brazil. Based on research in a squatter settlement in Salvador, the survival type and the alliance type are distinguished by the analysis of household incomes, household networks and the processes by which the relationships are formed. The types differ by household income level, gender of clients and patrons, the form of the household network, number of patrons, what is exchanged and the function of the tie. The extensive division of labor in urban areas, some of which is reflected in the characteristics of the types, means that the ties are dispersed in networks and across the urban area. The lack of ties between patron-client relationships has an effect on solidarity. The function of the alliance tie, in some cases, promotes vertical alliances without vertical solidarity. The survival type, rather than promoting vertical solidar...

Power and Solidarity: Clientage in Domestic Service [and Comments and Reply

This study investigates a role-specific vertical solidarity in South India, where urban Christian households employ rural Christians as domestics. The mistress-servant bond is characterized by the paradoxical features of subordination and devotion, unconditionality and instrumentality, sentiment and social distance. Their bond may appear to be dyadic, but in fact it implies a network of reciprocities among multiple social actors: the families of the employer and employee, the intermediaries between them, religious functionaries, and the audience of fellow regligionists. The domestic clientage is rooted in an economic precondition, but it is legitimated and structured within the prevalent caste idiom and functions within a specific institutional framework that determines the options for the participants and the modes of control they exercise.

Some Thoughts on Africa: A Continent in Development

I AM always glad to be in London, where, just after the last war, I took part in a series of Pan-African discussions whose importance for the future of Afro-European relations needs no stressing now. These discussions brought together African intellectuals of English and French culture. That was a foretaste of the Africa we want to build, of diverse but complementary elements. Despite the well-founded resentment we may have felt at that time, we have never wanted to place Africa outside the current of history, to cut her off from the other continents. It serves no purpose to deny facts that are incontrovertible. We have always been conscious of the fact that colonialism is a transitory stage, like feudalism, like capitalism. Colonialism has had its dark moments and its moments of light. If it destroyed some of the values of our civilization, Europe sometimes brought us substitutes, almost always fertile ones: complementary ones. The clash between two civilizations has always been an arduous experience for the weaker of the two. In fact, what matters is that from this encounter, inhuman though it may be at first, a new civilization should arise, grafting the skills of the colonizer on to the living stock of the colonized. Certainly Europe brought destruction to Africa, but she also brought values which we lacked: technical skill and method. Here in London it was in English and French that we discussed the future, as, for example, in the 'Old Africa Congress', convened under the initiative of Mr Nkrumah. It is not by chance that the idea of the Commonwealth came from London, or that the concept of the Communaute was born on the banks of the Seine. In both cases it was a question of an association founded on equality, friendship, and co-operation, born of life and memories in common, of mutual and familiar interests, an association founded on mutual respect and solidarity. The only difference between the Commonwealth and the Communaute lies in the traditions of the two ancient Motherlands. The Communaute is a Commonwealth 'a la fran,aise'. It is based on written laws, whereas the Commonwealth is based on tradition. I have spoken of the vertical solidarity which binds us to Europe and thanks to which our presence carries more weight, with each day, in the concourse of modern nations, in this harsh world of large groups of states. It is obvious that this solidarity should rely on and be balanced by another I89