Variant Readings Research Articles

Role of Ancient Arabic Dialects in Comprehension of Textual Monograph of Quran

It is a natural phenomenon that languages spoken worldwide, have varied manners and dialects within them. The Arabic language that ’Allah almighty has chosen as the standard-bearer of Islam to spread His message and communicator of the Qur’?n is similar to other languages, having different dialectical variations occurring from the changes among accents, intonations, and geographical conditions of the Arab. Such changes in the Qur’?nic recitation are called Qir’?t. These are different on the basis of lexical, phonetical, linguistic, morphological, and syntactical manners permitted with reciting the Qur’?n. Each Qir’?t has its own certain rules of recitation and variations in words and letters. It is believed that renowned different dialects belong to the different tribes, which include Qura?sh, Hudha?l, Tam?m, Haw?zin, Thaq?f, Kin?nah and Yemen. The wisdom behind this, was to make Qur’?nic recitation and memorization easier for the indigenous tribes who speak Arabic differently. These dialects were reduced to one, that of the Qura?sh, during the rule of third caliph ?azrat ‘Uthm?n ibn ‘Aff?n (d. 656 AD/35 AH) since variant styles of readings had the potential to cause divisions among Muslim Ummah in understanding of the message of Qur’?n. It must be kept in view that Qir’?t must not be confused with the actual Qur’?nic verses. Qir’?t does not change the verse of the Qur’?n, it is just how it is read Qur’?n. This paper is the study of how variant readings of Qur’?n be useful for comprehension of message of Qur’?n and what is the impact of these variant reading of Qur’?n on Islamic jurisprudential discourse.

Nachweis der Existenz einer vollständigen und schriftlichen Vorlage der griechischen Koranübersetzung. Eine philologische Untersuchung des Codex Vaticanus graecus 681

Evidence of the existence of a complete and written original of the Greek translation of the Qurʾān. A philological examination of the ms. Vat. gr. 681: The article explores the Greek translation of the Qurʾān available to Nicetas of Byzantium (9th/10th century). It presents a philological examination of his Ἀνατροπὴ τοῦ ÎšÎ¿ÏÎ±Î½Î¯Î¿Ï (‘Refutation of the Qurʾān’) preserved in the manuscript Vat. gr. 681. It specifies the character of the original Qurʾānic translation that Nicetas used. The paper argues that there was a complete and full translation into Greek of the Qurʾān which was available to Nicetas in its entirety. It furthermore examines whether the translation was transmitted in a written or oral form and concludes that Nicetas used a written version of the Greek Qurʾān. In addition, through a comparison of the Greek translation, as preserved in Nicetas’ work and therefore called Coranus Graecus, and the Arabic Qurʾānic text, evidence is given that the Arabic copy of the Qurʾān, which has been used by the translator(s), was itself a written text, too. Finally, the study offers a perspective on the question of whether the Greek translation of the Qurʾān was based on the nowadays widespread Qurʾānic reading of Ḥafá¹£ Ê¿an ʿĀṣim or whether hints for variant readings are documented in the Coranus Graecus.

The Old Norse–Icelandic Hagiography of St Ambrose of Milan: Manuscript Tradition, Sources, and Composition

The Old Norse–Icelandic Hagiography of St Ambrose of Milan: Manuscript Tradition, Sources, and Composition

번역 대본과 번역자 : 『새한글성경』 유다서 1:5b 번역1

This thesis deals with a theme of relationship between translator and his/her Vorlage for translation referring to the translation of Jude 1:5b of NKT. In NA28, the Vorlage of Jude 1:5b of NKT, Iesous, is mentioned as the subject in relation to the Exodus. However, in NA27, kyrios appeared as the subject, so translators could apply it literally, because it is common knowledge that “Jesus” or “Joshua” was not the guide of the Exodus. The difficulties of this Vorlage were reflected in NKT. In other words, the translator did not translate this part as “Jesus” or “Joshua” faithfully in NA28, but translated into “God made Joshua doing”. Based on the Vorlage, this translation is a complete mistranslation. Furthermore, the translation is virtually unfounded in that it does not have any variant readings. Furthermore, contrary to ECM’s suggestion, it did not follow the argument that kyrios is closer to the original reading than Iesous. This problem occurred when a text that the translator disagreed with was presented even though he/she tried to be faithful to the Vorlage. In this case, the translator has to choose one way of the two. In other words, even if the translator cannot agree with the Vorlage, he/she will faithfully translate it according to the translation principle and explain the difficulty of the Vorlage in some footnotes, or a more appropriate reading is suggested through evaluating of the Vorlage’ variant readings The translation of Jude 1:5b in NKT is a disappointing one in this regard. Nevertheless, this provides an excellent opportunity to think deeply about the relationship between the Vorlage and the translator in the future.

How many churches burned in the Kyiv fire of 1017?

The article examines sources’ reports of a large-scale fire in Kyiv in 1017. The two parallel texts are: the German Latin chronicle by Thietmar of Merseburg (composed in 1018) and the Primary Chronicle of Rus (composed in around 1116), which relied on early Kyivan annals. Thietmar wrote about the fire that damaged the “monasterium sancte Sophiae”. The Primary Chronicle reported of the fire of one church or several churches without specifying them. The main focus of the article is on the textual analysis of two versions of the short account of the event in the copies of the Primary Chronicle. One of the versions implies that it was the fire of one church only. According to another version there were many churches that suffered from the fire. Remarkably, the textual difference between the variants is only two letters – the plural form ending of the verb (“погорѣша цр҃кви” versus “погорѣ цр҃кви”). The dilemma of determining the original variant correlates with the ambiguity of Thietmar’s words, which could denote the fire of either one building or several. The chronicler used the word “monasterium” which could denote both “monastery” (as a complex of church buildings) and “cathedral”. The article provides a comprehensive textual and philological analysis of the variant readings of the Primary Chronicle. At the same time, the authors did not resort to hypothetical reconstructions of the text but proceeded from those readings that are attested by the preserved manuscripts. The analysis revealed the advantages and disadvantages of two textual scenarios, which provided for the originality of one or another version of the fire of 1017. Based on the available copies of the Primary Chronicle, it appeared impossible to unambiguously choose between the variants. This led to modeling two historical scenarios of the event. However, as it was demonstrated recently, the German chronicler meant the Tithe Church (possibly, with a surrounding buildings) by St. Sophia monastery or cathedral. The palace complex centered around the first stone church of Kyiv included other buildings used for ecclesiastical needs. This can explain the ambiguous terminology of the Kyivan and German chronicles. Therefore, as it turned out, regardless of the textual choice, both competing readings can be interpreted in the same sense. Thietmar and the Primary Chronicle unanimously reported about the fire of the Tithe Church.

Esther Inglis, Octonaries, upon the Vanitie and Inconstancie of the World, edited from Folger MS V.a.91

This article provides the first-ever printed text of the poem-sequence discussed in the preceding article, Octonaries, upon the Vanitie and Inconstancie of the Worlde (1600), by the Franco-Scottish poet and calligrapher Esther Inglis (1571-1624). The text given here has been transcribed from one of two manuscripts of the Octonaries in the Folger Library, MS V.a.91. Variant readings from two further manuscripts, Folger MS V.a.92, and New York Public Library Spencer Coll. MS. 14, along with some glosses, are given in the following section. NOTE: The text here now (June 13) incorporates a few final editors' corrections inadvertently omitted by the SSL editor when first uploading the article (June 11). P.G.S.

Esther Inglis, Octonaries: Textual Notes and Glosses

These notes record variant readings from two further manuscripts of Esther Inglis's Octonaries, Folger MS V.a.92, and New York Public Library Spencer Coll. MS. 14, collated against the text transcribed in the preceding item, Folger Library, MS V.a.91. The notes also indicate the places where the order of the octonaries varies between manuscripts and also include a few glosses on Scots words likely to be unfamiliar to non-Scottish students or scholars.

The Greek Fragments of the Apophthegmata Patrum in Vat. iber. 4

Abstract This contribution presents and analyses a new discovery of three passages from the Greek Apophthegmata Patrum (Pambo 7–8, Sisoes 14) as the middle layer of a double palimpsest (Vat. iber. 4). These passages seem to have been brought together for this manuscript (ff. 1 + 5, middle layer) in either Palestine or Egypt in a multilingual environment between the sixth and eighth centuries. The variant readings demonstrate a close affinity with the old Greek alphabetical collection. At the same time, the association of Pambo 8 and Sisoes 14 shows an attempt to group the apophthegms thematically. The script evinces some peculiar palaeographic features worthy of attention.

The Variant Readings in Islamic Law

The Variant Readings in Islamic Law

A phylogenetic analysis of two preludes from 
J. S. Bach’s Well-Tempered Clavier II

Abstract J. S. Bach’s Well-Tempered Clavier II is well known for the complexity of its source situation, and its vast array of variant readings. The current article uses techniques of phylogenetic analysis, developed in the biological sciences, to deepen our understanding of the complex relationships between the primary sources. The computer algorithm NeighborNet is used to analyse data comprising the textual variants for the Prelude in A, bwv888 and the Prelude in C, bwv870. The resultant grouping of sources reflects the differences in revision practice between the two preludes. While Bach saw little need to revise the Prelude in A, the Prelude in C underwent a process of continued revision that can be discerned in the results of the phylogenetic analysis. The analyses also highlight the uncertain relationship of the manuscript DD70 with the other sources of the Prelude in C and the implications for 18th-century performance practice.

Apocrypha Hiberniae II: Apocalyptica 2

Apocrypha Hiberniae II: Apocalyptica 2

A Note on Varro Atacinus (13 + 23 Blänsdorf)

One conjecture is proposed on the text of Varro’s Bellum Sequanicum (23 B = 106 H = 1 C), dulci … sapore for dulcis … saporis, and a handful of variant readings are reconsidered in a fragment of the Chorographia (13 B = 112 H = 17 C = 16 M).

From lexical collation to significant omissions and paraphrases: New evidence for refining relations within the Prick of Conscience Group-IV Manuscripts

Abstract: The Prick of Conscience is known to have survived in 97 manuscripts of the Main Version, 19
 of the Southern Recension, and about 50 short extracts. An initial collation of one lexical item in the 97
 extant copies of the Main Version and subsequent comparison of another 109 items in 54 of these copies
 allow for identifying parallel variant readings throughout the poem’s almost 10,000 lines. Those variants
 often transcend the word level affecting the line, the couplet, or more extensive passages. This paper
 contributes to refining textual relations within the Group-IV family of the work by showing distinct
 variance common to Dublin, Trinity College, 157 (D.4.11) (MV 21), London, Sion College, Arc. L. 40.
 2/E. 25 (MV 49), and Shrewsbury, School, III (Mus. III. 39) (MV 95). Apart from unfolding and expanding
 the extent of the relationship pointed out by Lewis & McIntosh (1982), this research also proves that the
 hitherto unsubclassified London, Lambeth Palace, 492 (MV 48) is another member of the subgroup. To
 illustrate how the proposed subset relates to a version closer to the presumed original and other Group-IV
 witnesses, readings from the following London, British Library manuscripts are also provided for reference:
 Cotton Galba E. IX (MV 27); Harley 4196 (MV 34); Egerton 657 (MV 29); Additional 22283 (MV 40).

The Emergence of the qirāʾāt: The Divine Permission Hypothesis

Abstract Various theories for the emergence of the qirāʾāt (variant readings in the Qurʾān) have been suggested. This paper proposes another: the divine permission hypothesis. It shows that the Muslim scholarly tradition appears either to have taken for granted or all-but explicitly stated that the sending down of the Qurʾān was, from the beginning, accompanied by a divine concession permitting a measure of flexibility in its recitation. The paper presents some of the scholarly discussion on the restrictions or controls on this concession, including its being time-bound. The variant readings circulating during the lifetime of the Companions did not all carry the same divine authority—they ranged from those directly taught by the Prophet, to those he specifically approved, to those initiated by the Companions under the general authority of the divine permission. The permission hypothesis offers considerable explanatory efficiency. It allows us to take more of what is recorded in the Islamic tradition at face value; to accommodate the traditions that the Qurʾān was sent down predominantly in the dialect of Quraysh; to link up the seven aḥruf and qirāʾa bi-l-maʿnā traditions; to simplify some of the issues around the so-called ‘Companion codices’; to account for the existence, before the text was standardized, of an unspecified number of variants; to anticipate some of the directions taken in ʿilm al-qirāʾāt; and to make sense of the unease with and critique of qirāʾāt of such towering figures in Qurʾān scholarship as al-Ṭabarī and al-Zamaksharī.

Vetus Latina: Die Reste Der Altlateinischen Bibel, 11/2: Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), Pars Altera, Fascicle 2: Sir 28,25–33,26. Edited by Anthony J. Forte

This is the second instalment of Professor Forte’s continuation of the late Walter Thiele’s edition of the Old Latin versions of Sirach. It appears seven years after the previous fascicle (reviewed in JTS, ns 66 [2015], pp. 735–6) and, in keeping with the practice of the series, continues without a break. For details of the manuscripts and editorial principles, one has to refer to Thiele’s initial fascicles from 1987–9. The Vulgate is the only text-type present throughout (V), and in many verses is the sole extant Latin version. However, apart from the two verses in these chapters where an early African text can be reconstructed from the writings of Cyprian (text-type K; Sir. 28:28, 29:15), the Vulgate represents the oldest Latin tradition. Because of the very close correspondence between text-types K and V, the extensive testimonia from the early fifth-century Liber de diuinis scripturis are assigned to a later text-type (D), and variant readings in Ambrose (text-type M; esp. Sir. 31:38) and Augustine (text-type A) are also deemed subsequent to the Vulgate. It is notable that there are numerous places where the Latin diverges from the Septuagint, sometimes with no apparent Greek Vorlage (e.g. Sir. 28:30 b, 29:23, 31:34, 31:37–8, 32:9, 33:9 b). There are a few additional verses, also without Greek parallels, which are not part of mainstream Vulgate tradition (e.g. Sir. 29:16–17). Differences between the verse numbering in the Septuagint (for which Forte follows Ziegler rather than Rahlfs, as can be seen in Sir. 31 [34 LXX]) and the Vulgate are clearly indicated in the relevant lines of text.

Vetus Latina: Die Reste Der Altlateinischen Bibel, 14/1: Danihel, Fascicule 1: Introduction, Dn 13,1–10; Fascicule 2: Dn 13,11–64; 1,1–3,17. Edited by Jean-Claude Haelewyck

Following his delivery in recent years of the Vetus Latina editions of Esther, Judith, and the Gospel according to Mark, Professor Haelewyck now takes on the book of Daniel. This is a writing of considerable text-critical interest, in which the Old Latin versions match the variety in the Greek tradition. Tertullian, the first substantial Latin source, normally corresponds to the early (and poorly attested) Septuagint text. The exception is the disputed Adversus Iudaeos, which is based on the version attributed to Theodotion—although this Greek form actually appears to date from more than a century before Theodotion’s translation. Cyprian’s text reflects the correction of the Septuagint towards the later version, a form which persists in later African writers. The European Old Latin texts are based on the Theodotionic version: this also supplies the basis for Jerome’s Vulgate revision of the Greek additions, although the majority of Vulgate Daniel is supposedly a new translation from Hebrew and Aramaic sources. In his Commentary on Daniel, written some 24 years after his revision of the biblical text, Jerome relies on the Vulgate for the biblical lemmata but explicitly mentions variant readings from the Septuagint.

Johannes de Muris's Musica speculativa cited by Jacobus de Ispania

ABSTRACTIt is known that the seventh book of Jacobus's Speculum musicae contains, alongside other quotations from Ars Nova treatises, the earliest extant transmission of the salient passage of Johannes de Muris's Musica speculativa, Conclusio XVIII, where Muris questions the nature of the fourth as a perfect consonance. However, the relevant passages of Musica speculativa cited and discussed by Jacobus have not yet been analysed in the context of the rich manuscript tradition of the Musica speculativa, which served the needs of musical education throughout Latin Europe for at least two hundred years. In order to position Jacobus's citations of Muris within the framework of the Musica speculativa tradition, I examine several significant variant readings contained in Speculum musicae, comparing them to two French, most probably Parisian, manuscripts transmitting versions A (A-SPL Cod. 264/4) and B (BnF lat. 7378A) of Musica speculativa. Both A and B versions are provided with colophons dated 1323 and 1325, respectively. Establishing which version of Musica speculativa was the source of Jacobus's citations provides a new basis for the dating of two other treatises by Muris to which Jacobus refers, namely Notitia artis musicae and Compendium musicae practicae, and, more generally, for the date of the seventh book of Speculum musicae.

A New Witness to the Fayyūmic Version of First Corinthians (P.MorganLib. 265). Part II: Notes on its Text-Critical Value, with an Edition of the Coptic Text

AbstractThis is the second part of a two-part article focused on a fragmentary parchment codex, whose three extant leaves, designated in Leo Depuydt's catalogue as P.MorganLib. 265, are housed at the Morgan Library & Museum in New York. These fragments bear witness to 1 Cor 2.12–3.18; 7.16–30; 15.3–30 in the ‘classical’ variety of Fayyūmic Coptic (dialect F5). The first part of this article was published in NTS 68 (2022) 89–104. In the second part, I discuss the witnesses to the Fayyūmic version (fa) of First Corinthians, the relationship between fa and the Bohairic version (bo), and the text-critical value of the variant readings attested in P.MorganLib. 265. This is followed by the editio princeps of the manuscript, notes on the Coptic text, an English translation and images.

Naqd al-Qirāʾāt ʿinda al-Mufassirin: Dirāsat Muqāranat linaqd al-Ṭabari wa al-Ṭūsi liriwāyati Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim

This article attempts to highlight the critical position towards Ḥafṣ’ riwāya held by the Sunni exegete Abu Ja’far Muhammad bin Jarir al-Tabari (d. 310/923) and the Shi’ite Abu Ja’far Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi (d. 460/1067), both of which had occupied special status in their respective communities. This article focuses on the verses which have variant readings. It compares the ways in which the two exegetes, in their books Jāmi’ al-Bayān fī Ta’wīl Āy al-Qur’ān and al-Tibyān fī Tafsīr al-Qur’ān, present and criticize the variant readings of which Ḥafṣ is infirād (isolated) in that no other imam (the transmitter for the riwāya) would read that part of the Quran the same way as Ḥafṣ did. Al-Ṭabari seems to be more clear and courageous in criticizing Ḥafṣ’ riwāya, compared to al-Ṭūsī. In several cases the former did not consider the riwāya reliable on the basis of the violation of the ijma’ (consensus) of ulama or it being unfamiliar to him (by expressing lā qāri’ qara’ kaẓālik, “no one reads it that way”). On the other hand, al-Ṭūsī contented with exploring linguistic and syntax reasons for upholding the riwaya. In no case would he question the authority of al-qirā’āt al-sab’a (the seven variant readings of the Quran). This might be due to their status as being pre-Ibn-Mujāhid (al-Ṭabarī) and post- (al-Ṭūsī). However, the two exegetes did not base their tafsir on merely one but rather on a number of qirā’at. Thus this paper suggests that Ḥafṣ’ riwāya, particularly among exegetes, was not considered the highest in rank and most prolific as it is now.

Ghamidi’s Critique of the Seven Aḥruf Report

Muslims have always upheld the multiplicity of the Qur’anic readings (qirāᵓāt), as sanctioned by the Prophet of Islam, who proclaimed that the Book was revealed in seven aḥruf. The Companions of the Prophet transmitted these readings faithfully to the next generations. These variant readings were subsequently standardized during the second and the third century of the Islamic era. The Muslims developed a consensus on reading the Qur’an according to one of the ten well-known canonical readings. This process continued until modern times when some Muslim modernists embraced scripturalism. Muslim modernists from Pakistan including Amīn Aḥsan Iṣlāḥī (d. 1997) and Javed Ahmad Ghamidi have rejected all the variant readings except the reading of Ḥafṣ ᶜan ᶜĀṣim, declaring the rest of the canonical readings as non-Qur’anic. Ghamidi has repudiated the seven-aḥruf narrative as militating against the Qur’an, commonsense, and history. This article studies Ghamidi’s criticism of the seven-aḥruf narrative through a historical-critical and philologicals method. This investigation shows that the Ḥadīth about the seven aḥruf enjoys overwhelmingly certain support, provides conclusive proof for the permissibility of the variant readings of the Qurᵓān, contrary to the claim of Ghamidi, who rejects it as militating against commonsense and the Qur’an.