Van Young Research Articles

Las otras rebeliones: cultura popular e independencias

This article comments on historiographical developments pertaing to popular participation during the Independence of Mexico and on the political culture of the period. Its point of departure is the argument advanced by Eric Van Young in his book The Other Rebellion (2001) and the debate sparked by its publication. The article also discusses wether or not a “cultural turn” may be said to characterize historical studies of Latin America and compares the political process in Mexico with that of the Andes. It is suggested that we need to take into account, too, the symbolic and cultural world of both Indians and commoners who participated in the political and military actions of “other rebellions”, the outcome of a time of change and general crisis in colonial society.

The Mixtecs of Colonial Oaxaca: Nudzahui History, Sixteenth through Eighteenth Centuries. By Kevin Terraciano (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. xiv plus 514 pp.)

Journal Article The Mixtecs of Colonial Oaxaca: Ñudzahui History, Sixteenth through Eighteenth Centuries. By Kevin Terraciano (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. xiv plus 514 pp.) Get access Eric Van Young Eric Van Young University of California, San Diego Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Social History, Volume 38, Issue 4, Summer 2005, Pages 1159–1161, https://doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2005.0090 Published: 01 July 2005

Imagining Identity in New Spain: Race, Lineage, and the Colonial Body in Portraiture and Casta Paintings

Like many previous works, this book reminds us that the Spanish imperial hierarchy distinguished rank in a multilayered fashion, primarily on the basis of calidad and policía rather than the more ethnically and racially oriented limpieza de sangre. Indeed, given the nature of the hierarchy, Carrera questions whether colonial notions of raza as lineage can be compared to nineteenth-century notions of race derived from social Darwinism. She uses court documents, literary sources, and edicts and decrees, as would any historian; however, as a trained art historian, she integrates a thorough review of the eighteenth-century casta paintings by Miguel Cabrera, Andrés de Islas, and others. She demonstrates that the clothing worn and mannerisms displayed define the quality and character of the Europeans, Amerindians, and Africans portrayed. This emphasis in late colonial iconography (which does not completely eliminate racial notions more akin to limpieza) helps to explain the transformations, by means of clothing and discourse, found in José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi’s El periquillo sarniento (most of which was published serially between 1816 and 1820). Through the iconography and written discourse of the time, Carrera shows just how much late colonial Mexican society loved metamorphosis, as well as the attempts of royal officials to maintain a static order based on the separation of ranks. The casta paintings demonstrate just how difficult this ideal of separation was to maintain.The strengths of this book are manifold, and they are especially manifested in Carrera’s analysis of an anonymous late eighteenth-century casta painting entitled De Alvina y Español produce Negro torna atrás, Juan Antonio Prado’s Plaza Mayor de la ciudad de México (1767), and Retrato de Matías de Gálvez, attributed to Andrés López. In the first, a Spanish man gazes through a handheld telescope at the geometrical orderliness of Mexico City’s Alameda Park—replete with orderly members of the elite on promenade. This painting can only be contrasted to Prado’s, where the Plaza Mayor—complete with vendors and thieves—threatens the separation of hierarchical ranks with all sorts of legal and illicit mixing. Spaniards surveying this society from afar, like the man with the telescope in the anonymous painting, are thereby warned that their edicts and decrees do not always effect their desires for social control. That fear, according to Carrera, appears in the portrait of Viceroy de Gálvez, where two well-dressed young men are deliberately contrasted with “two shoeless, unkempt, and dark-skinned boys . . . who may represent artisans” (p. 138). Carrera’s analysis is compelling, and while she is influenced by Foucauldian notions of surveillance and Homi Bhabha’s views on “hybridity,” she uses postmodernism judiciously and avoids the dangers inherent in its proclivity to use ambiguous jargon.While Carrera’s use of court cases regarding raza is well done by any historical standards, her use of the historiographical literature is not as broad as some might desire. The discussion of ideology, discourse, and perception might have been informed by the insights of David Brading’s The First America (1991) and Eric Van Young’s The Other Rebellion (2001)—especially Van Young’s analysis of Timothy Anna’s work on the ethnic breakdown of Mexican insurgents, compared to that of New Spain as a whole. Likewise, her skillful epilogue regarding the iconography of citizenship in nineteenth-century Mexican art might have been balanced by some reference to the sixteenth century’s struggle with the hierarchical question. “Hybridity” existed where the républica de españoles and républica de indios were concerned. Her extensive use of Alejandro Cañeque’s recent dissertation on the body politic in seventeenth-century New Spain (1999) is a more than valid contextualization of her work, but she ignores use of the body politic image in the sixteenth century. The imagery of the policía’s body politic used clothing display in the sixteenth as well as the eighteenth century. Likewise, the question of racial mixing was obviously not new to the seventeenth century, and Carrera references Elizabeth Kuznesof’s excellent studies of it. There was a continuity, as well as change, in colonial discourse, as there is throughout human history. No period is so unique that it does not speak to us, despite current rhetorical strategies targeting difference.Still, Imagining Identity in New Spain accomplishes its goals and adds to the art historical literature on casta paintings. By incorporating some key works by historians, she adds to the discussion begun by María Concepción García Sáiz’s 1989 catalog and continued by the works of Ilona Katzew and others. Carrera’s book stands as a real contribution within the conversation on casta paintings.

Fluctuations in the Availability of Information During Reading: Capturing Cognitive Processes Using the Landscape Model

In this investigation, we examine the availability of text elements over the course of reading a text. We describe the Landscape model (van den Broek, Young, Tzeng, & Linderholm, 1999) that captures, in one theoretical framework, multiple cognitive processes during reading and the resulting fluctuating activations of text elements. To demonstrate the applicability of the Landscape model, we simulate the availability of text elements in two reading situations. First, the Landscape model is shown to incorporate readers� specific purpose for reading, affecting the availability of text elements as a function of different standards of coherence. Second, the Landscape model is shown to incorporate readers� background knowledge during reading, allowing readers to detect inconsistencies in a text. Theoretical accounts such as the Landscape model extend our understanding of—and to investigate—the process of reading by providing information about the availability of text elements in a unified theoretical framework, thereby extending and complementing behavioral data.

Lizardi and the Birth of the Novel in Spanish America

Nancy Vogeley is concerned to link the era of independence with the “decolonizing discourse” that helped bring about a shift in mentality during the emergence of the Spanish American republics (p. 9). Vogeley seeks to locate opposition to the hegemonic categories, values, and assumptions of colonialism that “encroache[d] on all thought in the colony” (p. 9) through “ritual displays of authority and obedience and . . . the use of prescribed language for communication with distant officialdom” (p. 41). She makes her case with material from Mexico’s early-nineteenth-century print culture—mainly newspapers—and concentrates on the writings of José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi, the most accomplished of colonialism’s critics. Although print runs of newspapers and Lizardi’s serial novels they contained were small, copies were surely passed around and sometimes read aloud to groups, which multiplied their impact. Vogeley contends that they created “a discourse space for colonials in which readers actively learned to correct and counter official language” (p. 36).Lizardi’s first novel, El periquillo sarniento, must be seen as a self-consciously American novel because it juxtaposed different styles of language in order to affirm the vigor and effectiveness of Mexican speech. It acted as a “primer” for Mexicans “to think about their colonized language” (pp. 78–79). Lizardi’s positive representations of the behaviors and values of colonials “help[ed] Mexicans to consider decolonization” (p. 86). The novelist went out of his way to include the crude language of common speech because this was “the linguistic equivalent of ridding colonial life of foreign enslavement” (p. 183).Lizardi’s novels provided a picture of the possibilities outside of the colonial framework and explored issues that readers could read as a critique of a colonial world debased by fraudulent paternalism, a repressive and ignorant church, and an exploitative state. He asked readers to think about authority: where does it lie and where does society find its moorings for setting out rules of civility and morality? Not, he said, in a corrupt church allied to a corrupt colonial regime. In this he resonates with issues raised in the writings of Enlightenment writers and creole patriots, the latter analyzed so perceptively by D. A. Brading in The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492–1867 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991).Vogeley’s concentration on works published in such miniscule editions, however, seems a thin base from which to generalize a mentality shift of the scope she claims. How, we might wonder, was this decolonizing discourse able to reach the huge numbers of people speaking Maya, Nahuatl, and other native languages? How did local societies (described with attention to issues of language and mentality by scholars such as James Lockhart, Matthew Restall, and Nancy Farriss) appropriate decolonizing discourse? True, such people lived within a colonial framework and found ways to resist through acts of personal and communal self-affirmation. But can their speech acts of resistance be traced to Lizardi and the newspapers Vogeley analyzes? How are we to weigh the argot of the dispossessed “criminal” classes or the mutterings of decent but downtrodden poor people who remained attached to much that was associated with colonialism (paternalism, naive religiosity, royalist loyalty, and social deference to hierarchies based on birth, race, and ethnicity)? One thinks here of Eric Van Young’s prizewinning The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810–1821 (Stanford Univ. Press, 2001). “It is difficult to detect among popular groups any particularly new political lexicon,” Van Young notes, only a shift in the context involving heightened “polarization between proregime and antiregime elements, and its quickened emergence into the public sphere” (p. 349).Vogeley may have overreached in claiming so much influence for Lizardi and his cohorts. Yet she challenges us with a forceful, engaging, and well-informed exposition of Lizardi’s ideas. The book reminds us of how rich and bitingly political these ideas were and will stimulate us to reach for his novels to explore for ourselves that picaresque yet didactic Mexican world he created in opposition to colonialism.

Review: The Other Rebellion, by Eric Van Young

Review: <i>The Other Rebellion</i>, by Eric Van Young

Indians, Merchants, and Markets: A Reinterpretation of the Repartimiento and Spanish-Indian Economic Relations in Colonial Oaxaca, 1750-1821. By Jeremy Baskes (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. 306pp.)

Journal Article Indians, Merchants, and Markets: A Reinterpretation of the Repartimiento and Spanish-Indian Economic Relations in Colonial Oaxaca, 1750–1821. By Jeremy Baskes (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. 306pp.) Get access Eric Van Young Eric Van Young University of California, San Diego Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Social History, Volume 36, Issue 2, Winter 2002, Pages 489–491, https://doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2003.0040 Published: 01 December 2002

Reviews of Books:The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810-1821 Eric Van Young

Reviews of Books:The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810-1821 Eric Van Young

Eric Van Young, The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810–1821 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), pp. xvii+702, £55.00; $75.00, hb.

Eric Van Young, <i>The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810–1821</i> (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), pp. xvii+702, £55.00; $75.00, hb.

The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810-1821 (review)

Reviewed by: The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence Mark Wasserman Eric Van Young, The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810–1821 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001) Being a participant in the wars of independence in Mexico between 1810 and 1821 was a highly personal endeavor. Peer pressure, love, kinship, and curiosity, all may have been the reasons, which might have pushed a rebel into the fray. And what was personal was local as well. Longstanding rivalries or short-term bitterness between individuals, families, groups, or villages caused people to join one side or the other in the conflict. Mexicans did not much care about the events in Europe or even Mexico City for that matter. There was not much ideology involved either. Newfangled ideas about liberty and equality took a back seat to effecting “some sort of standoff in a prolonged process of cultural resistance by rural communities.” (496) Country people struggled against internal and external change, not to win independence from Spain. Local leaders, such as indigenous notables or parish clergy, did not pull followers into rebellion. Insurgent leaders, known as cabecillas, more often than not acted as a result of popular energies, not at the forefront of them. Insurgency was not for the young, nor, for the most part, for city slickers or men with families (or for the faint-hearted). Indigenous people comprised the majority (fifty-five percent) of rural insurgents. In the background — author Eric Van Young insists that they were important but not preeminent — of course, were greater forces, like the widespread “immiseration” of almost all working residents of all castes in the geographic region now known as Mexico in the eighteenth century, which brutal droughts exacerbated during the 1810s. In this schemata agrarian conflict between haciendas (large estates) and pueblos (mostly Indian villages) were a “subcase of tensions of a deeper and more general nature rooted in ethnocultural conflict between indigenous and nonindigenous people.” (To Professor Van Young this finding differentiates Mexico from other independence movements of the era and invalidates class-based theories of social upheaval so widely applied to the age of revolution.) Moreover, few areas went untouched by the violence throughout the era. Van Young emphasizes continuities. In his words (paraphrasing Von Clausewitz) “popular insurrection was in many ways the pursuit of riot by other means. The energies, goals, and habitual forms of collective expression that infused localist uprisings from at least the middle of the eighteenth century carried into the insurrection of 1810–21....” (501) A crucial difference between the earlier upheavals and those of the independence era was the lack of agrarian motivations. Land had been at the center of previous conflicts. There were surprisingly few “ad hoc sorts of agrarian attacks” during 1810 to 1821. (502) No “widespread and systematic agrarian program developed.” Van Young, in what he describes as a speculative reading of the documents, posits that even in earlier tumultos (riots) ostensibly caused by conflicts over land (or taxes) the real issues derived from underlying ethnocultural tensions. Indigenous and other peasant communities were fighting for their very survival. Most certainly, the rebellion of the 1810s was a rural phenomenon. Evidently, urban lower classes had no outstanding grievances against the royal administration, because it continued to deliver basic services. Although they were not long removed from their rural origins, urban subalterns had neither the agrarian motivation nor the cultural resistance to the threats to village life, which underlay political action in the countryside. City dwellers “lacked ready forms of association to conscientize and mobilize potentially rebellious popular groups.” (506) Professor Van Young rebuts the old notion that priests led the rebellion against Spain. What he found is that lower secular clergy were not well regarded by the people in their parishes, for they oppressed them with their greed and meddled intrusively in local politics and cultural practices. They were outsiders who always wanted to move on to richer, more prestigious positions. They were concerned primarily with maintaining comfortable lifestyles, perhaps, even with becoming wealthy. Often the priests spoke little if any of the common native languages. Van Young documents several instances of protests by parishioners...

La organización regional del mercado interno Novohispano: La economía colonial de Guadalajara, 1770-1804

The historiography of Guadalajara and its surroundings is as rich and extensive as the region it describes. In this volume, Ibarra uses the example of Guadalajara and its region to challenge scholars to go beyond traditional descriptive regional histories and develop models and theories that could be applied more universally throughout Mexico. While acknowledging the wealth of documentary sources and historians’ use of many concepts and explanatory models from other disciplines, Ibarra believes that defining the economic relationships (or lack of them) among colonial regions is needed in order to better understand important obstacles to postindependence national integration. He, therefore, proposes to analyze the dynamics of trade and economic production within Guadalajara’s region, between the region and other areas of New Spain, and between the region and overseas territories.Ibarra has written elsewhere about the workings of Guadalajara’s late colonial economy, focusing on broad patterns of economic change and details such as the annual commercial fair at San Juan de Los Lagos and the alcabala. Here, he analyzes data on production and trade, in both volume and value, using Intendant José Fernando Abascal’s Relaciones of 1802 and 1803.Ibarra’s goal is to compare the movement of goods and wealth into and out of the region, in order to determine the relative importance of different economic sectors as sources of regional economic growth, and the place of the region’s economy in the colonial-metropolis network. To do this, he considers separately the four main productive sectors of late colonial Guadalajara: agriculture, livestock, industrial goods, and mining. He examines the role of each sector in providing inputs for mining and manufacturing, and in meeting the demand for food and for other commodities. He carries out this comparison both for the internal region’s economy, and for suppliers and markets in the external sector, meaning the colony of New Spain and overseas territories. The result is a series of calculations leading to a number of conclusions about specific goods and markets, and about Guadalajara’s patterns of economic change.One of Ibarra’s general conclusions is that Guadalajara’s regional economy experienced growth at the end of the eighteenth century, as it shifted from supplying inputs for mining and manufacturing to producing consumer goods such as foods, textiles, and leather goods. However, in its external trade, imports of goods from New Spain and overseas, especially luxury goods, were beginning to outweigh the income brought by sales outside the region. This imbalance, paid for with the wealth generated by local economic growth, eventually strangled capital accumulation and the growth of local textile manufacturing. The region’s relations with external spheres played a strong role in its economic development as it entered the nineteenth century, and it is therefore important to reach beyond the region’s boundaries in assessing its economic situation. The discussion is supported by more than 100 tables of data and a number of maps, some of which are nearly impossible to interpret.As Ruggiero Romano points out in the preface, readers may doubt the wisdom of applying modern statistical and accounting methods to this particular set of historical data. Indeed, on some important points Ibarra disagrees with Eric Van Young, Ramón María Serrera Contreras, and other highly respected historians. However, he gives the regional historical specialist food for thought and a creative methodology that should provoke future discussion of scale of analysis, quantitative techniques, and the use of historical data.

Regional Culture and Urban Agriculturalists of Mexico City

Keywords: rural economy, urban economy, urbanization, Mexico, agriculture, technology, labour IntroductionThe need for innovative and coherent research centered on the relationship between human activity and environment has increased as ecological problems intensify worldwide. Particularly, the processes that occur dynamically in modern societies are testing the vulnerability of social groups to respond to economic, environmental and cultural changes. Anthropologists have used the spatial dimension of cultural processes in studying developmental transitions in societies. The construction of theoretical schemes for regional studies has been useful to elucidate relationships among cultural systems, economic changes and ecological processes (Altamirano and Hirabayashi, 1991; Halperin, 1989; Hilhorst, 1990; Orlove, 1980).The theoretical and practical issues of regional studies may illuminate the economic and ecological variations which allow us to evaluate particular hypotheses concerning sociocultural change, space and time in local populations (Ellen, 1979; Van Young, 1992). An examination of cultural systems must include the overlapping of the infinite number of continually generating cultural systems and the constantly changing hierarchical relationships between them, which result from differential access to a wide variety of regional resources. Regional territory is the space of discourse that serves as a domain and an object of economic relationships, political practices and cultural systems, where the systems of interconnections are thought of as a hierarchy (Lomnitz-Adler, 1991). Thus, this interdependent system itself has been based on systems of unequal exchange of goods, labour, resources and capital.It is common to think of Mexico City only as a macro urban settlement with monumental problems pushing its population toward major environmental and economic crisis. However, if one approaches this ancient city from the south, patches of rural landscapes can be seen within its urban hinterland. This is notable in the vegetable and ornamental flower growing area of Xochimilco and the corn-cactus belt of Milpa Alta, which still convey a classic rural environment. The social reality of these regions is demonstrated in the interplay between the segments of rural society that are connected to both the family-based agrarian system and the urban wage economy.Agricultural production in both Xochimilco and Milpa Alta face essentially the same problem in maintaining agronomic and economic strategies near or within urban concentrations. Today, urban agriculturalists can earn wages in factories, work for governmental institutions, sell agricultural products at urban markets or cultivate ancient agricultural land as typical peasants. Urban agriculturalists' understanding of the regional landscape, the dynamics of Mexico City, the state, national and international economics and politics, religion, community, family, friends and self is mediated by cultural systems, which are reproduced by agricultural practices and urban routines, knowledge, language and identities of a particular regional setting.Urban agriculturalists of Mexico City are principally sojourners who traverse regional frontiers as easily as they traverse the conceptual boundaries fabricated by social scientists. The cultural orientation of these urban-rural scenarios and their social structure is ambiguous and contradictory from the perspective of most theoretical frameworks. To study the nature of the urban agriculture framework of Mexico City requires the depiction of distinctive types of social organization and cultural systems. This requires an elucidation of the regional realm more thoroughly than other studies of contemporary urban agriculture contexts (Mougeot, 2000; Smit et al., 1996), which have originated from either the perspective of urban studies or that of agricultural technology. Perhaps because conventional sociohistorical analysis depends on a clear demarcation of agrarian and industrial societies, few studies have been able to capture the dynamic interplay and complex characteristics of the urban agriculturalists' social life. …

The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival: Studies in Nineteenth-Century Europe and Latin America (review)

The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival: Studies in Nineteenth-Century Europe and Latin America. Edited by Austen Ivereigh. [NineteenthCentury Latin American Series, No. 5.] (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London. Available through Institute of Latin American Studies, 31 Tavistock Square, London WC 1H 9HA. 2000. Pp. viii, 223. 12.00 or $19.95 paperback.) The Institute of Latin American Studies promotes closer investigation into what it feels is a neglected period in Latin American Studies, nineteenth century. The focus in this collection of essays from a symposium presented by Institute is on Church/State conflict and does indeed suggest that much work remains to be done on this important subject. Dynamic leadership and bold initiatives experienced by Catholic Church in its Revival made Catholics determined to play a prominent role in development of their respective countries. This was not viewed benignly by secular-minded liberals. The standard interpretation of ensuing conflict is derived from republican position: liberalism advanced all that was positive and desirable, religion was a hindrance. Such is far from whole truth. Margaret Lavinia Anderson lucidly describes important characteristics of Revival in Europe, beginning with vigorous assertion of papal authority. Other elements including schools, associations, and Catholic participation in politics are described as the divisions of pope. James E McMillan cogently argues that in France republicans precipitated quarrel with their anticlerical measures to circumscribe role of religion in national life, then were infuriated by Catholic opposition liberals termed clericalism, meaning illicit interference on part of clergy in sphere of politics and public life.' Religion and French political philosophy both constituted major influences in Latin America. However, Eric Van Young illustrates how indifferent or ignorant of true desires of masses their purported leaders were during struggle for independence in Mexico and later. Indians were motivated by traditional and spiritual attitudes which may be traced back to pre-Columbian origins, not French Revolution. (Still, it is curious that there is no discussion of influence of sixteenth-century missionaries and their millenarian ideals in evolution of Indian concept of a messiah-king. …

The Politics of Religion in an Age of Revival: Studies in Nineteenth-Century Europe and Latin America

This brief volume is a welcome challenge to the traditional interpretation of Catholic Church politics in nineteenth-century Europe and Latin America. The traditional view has liberals espousing rationality, modernity and progress in opposition to the church and its conservative allies, opposing the creation of a modern state. The authors of this work see a Catholic revival that frequently embraced Liberal goals of democracy and scientific progress rather than an obscurantist church.Margaret Lavinia Anderson finds the Catholic revival most prominent in Germany, Belgium, England, and Ireland. As evidence, she cites increased religious vocations, growth of religious congregations and celebrity converts, such as John Henry Newman. As a result, a revived ultramontane church was prepared to mobilize political parties. Yet she acknowledges that in the end, it became the “handmaiden of reaction” in France.James F. McMillan picks up the story of Catholics and republicans, who became sworn enemies during the French Reaction. Their fundamental disagreement centered on the role of religion in developing nationhood. The anticlerical republicans wanted the church to be just another belief system in a pluralistic society.Spain was no exception to the Catholic revival. According to Frances Lannon, the most controversial aspect of the revival was the rapid growth of religious congregations. Compromises temporarily sidelined church-state conflicts but with the resurgence of anticlericalism and the search for hispanidad after the disastrous defeat of 1898, the debate over modernity vs. anti-modernity led to clashes with the church.The final chapters treat the Catholic revival and liberalism in Latin America. Eric Van Young starts with the analysis of popular religion during the Mexican insurgency, 1810–21. He concludes that Indian Mexico was first and foremost committed to the preservation of the community rather than the broader concept of statehood as envisioned by the creole leaders.Next David Brading studies the ultramontane instringence of Bishop Clemente Jesús Munguía (1810–68) of Michoacán. Influenced by French reactionary thinking, the prelate found Mexican liberalism threatening. He rejected the state’s claim to the patronato and insisted on a sovereign church. For the Liberals, it was imperative that the clergy be removed from politics. The conflict made for strange bedfellows in that it promoted separation of church and state—a situation far more beneficial to the church than the older close union of church and state.The Catholic revival in Antioquia, Colombia, 1850–1900, as described by Patricia Landoño Vegas, suggests the church’s considerable influence in philanthropic associations. This influence increased the presence of the institution in the lives of the people and prepared them for the modernization needs of the next century.In studying Argentina, Austen Ivereigh looks at the Catholic and liberal clash over the educational law of 1820. Instead of seeking the customary pragmatic compromise, the Liberals argued for state autonomy with unlimited influence. The Catholic deputies saw the state as governing corporate entities, which became a reality under Juan Domingo Perón.The work concludes with an analysis of religion of politics in Chile, 1850–1925, by J. Samuel Valenzuela and Erika May Valenzuela. Here Catholics were on both sides of the fence in church-state conflicts. The authors find continuity between the conservative Catholics in their social justice commitments and the subsequent rise of the Christian Democratic Party.This study of Catholic revivals mobilizing society for democracy points to many similarities in both Europe and Latin America, with the exception of Mexico. Van Young’s treatise of popular religion during the insurgency does not fit the theme of the work. Munguía fits the mold by default, in that the prelate’s thinking unwittingly prepared the way for separation of church and state. Mexican anticlericalism left the church struggling for its institutional existence, hardly and ideal situation for a Catholic revival.The work has neither an index nor a bibliography. The authors to varying degrees rely on printed primary and secondary sources and archival materials. It is well documented with very perceptive analyses of secondary literature in the European area.Background knowledge of church-state relations in Europe and Latin America is essential in reading this treatise. Thus the work will appeal mostly to scholars and graduate students in the field.The publication is very timely, especially in light of the fact that contemporary studies of the church center on the post-Vatican II period and liberation theology. Unfortunately, this emphasis frequently leads to neglecting essential background information. This reviewer fully concurs with the editor that more studies of this nature are needed for a more balanced view of the church’s struggle for modernity.

Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity

For over five hundred years, since the great age of exploration, Western Christians have visited, traded with, conquered and colonized large parts of the non-Western world. In virtually every case this contact has been accompanied by an attempt to spread Christianity. This volume explores the manner in which Western missionary Christianity has been shaped and transformed through contact with the peoples of Peru, Mexico, Africa, India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, China, and Japan. Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity demonstrates how local populations, who initially encountered Christianity as a mixture of religion, culture, politics, ethics and technology, selected those elements they felt suited their needs. The conversion of the local population, the volume shows, was usually accompanied by a significant indigenization of Christianity. Through the detailed examination and comparison of events in a range of countries and cultures, this book points provides a deeper understanding of mission history and the dynamics of Christianity's expansion. The encounter with Western Christianity is vital to the history of contact between Western and non-Western civilizations. Western Christians have visited, traded with, conquered and colonized large parts of the non-Western world for over five hundred years, and their migration has almost always been accompanied by an attempt to create new Christians in new lands. Just as indigenous people have been converted however, so too has Christianity become variously indigenized. Local populations initially encounter a Christian package of religion, culture, politics, ethics and technology. This volume illustrates the ways in which peoples have selected elements of this package to suit their specific needs, and so explores the myriad transformations missionary Christianity has undergone through contact with the peoples of Peru, Mexico, Africa, India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, China and Japan. Contributing are Erik Cohen (University of Jerusalem), Yochanan Bar Yafe Szeminski ?, John F. Howes ?, D. Dennis Hudson ?, Daniel H. Bays (University of Kansas), and Eric Van Young (University of California, San Diego). The chapters are linked by their attempt to overcome conventional regional and disciplinary barriers in order to achieve a deeper understanding of mission history and the dynamics of the expansion of Christianity. A remarkable work, this volume will pave the way for entirely new approaches to a particularly complex and demanding subject.

Sex and Conquest: Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas. By Richard C. Trexler (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1995. xii plus 292pp.)

Journal Article Sex and Conquest: Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas. By Richard C. Trexler (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1995. xii plus 292pp.) Get access Eric Van Young Eric Van Young University of California, San Diego Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Social History, Volume 31, Issue 2, Winter 1997, Pages 437–438, https://doi.org/10.1353/jsh/31.2.437 Published: 01 December 1997

Social Inequality in Oaxaca: A History of Resistance and Change. By Arthur D. Murphy and Alex Stepick (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple University Press, 1991. xix plus 282pp. $39.95/cloth, $16.95/paper)

Journal Article Social Inequality in Oaxaca: A History of Resistance and Change. By Arthur D. Murphy and Alex Stepick (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple University Press, 1991. xix plus 282pp. $39.95/cloth, $16.95/paper) Get access Eric Van Young Eric Van Young University of California, San Diego Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Social History, Volume 28, Issue 2, Winter 1994, Pages 404–406, https://doi.org/10.1353/jsh/28.2.404 Published: 01 December 1994

Future Directions in Latin American Gender History

I want to take this opportunity to thank Eric Van Young for inviting me to give this speech today. It is a great honor and a pleasure to have the opportunity to share with you some of my thoughts concerning the development of gender studies in Latin American history as well as the issues that need to be addressed in future years. When I first became interested in gender history in the 1970s, it seemed unlikely that journals such asLuso-Brazilian Studieswould ever dedicate an entire issue to women's studies. Yet this year there is such an issue. It helps us appreciate how accepted gender studies have become for Latin American historians.

Mexico's Regions: Comparative History and Development. Edited by Eric Van Young. [U.S.-Mexico Contemporary Perspectives Series, 4.] (San Diego: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, UCSD, 1992. Pp. x, 257. Maps. References. $16.95.)

Mexico's Regions: Comparative History and Development. Edited by Eric Van Young. [U.S.-Mexico Contemporary Perspectives Series, 4.] (San Diego: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, UCSD, 1992. Pp. x, 257. Maps. References. $16.95.) - Volume 51 Issue 1

Reassessing the Role of Credit in Late Colonial Peru: Censos, Escrituras, and Imposiciones

This work was made possible by support from the Centro de Formaci6n del Banco de Espania, a Fulbright-Hays grant, the American Philosophical Society, and the Professional Staff Congress-CUNY. For their invaluable comments I am grateful to Kenneth J. Andrien, David A. Brading, Arnold J. Bauer, Noble David Cook, Reinhard Liehr, Rory Miller, Richard J. Salvucci, Mark D. Szuchman, and the HAHR's anonymous external evaluators. Research for this essay utilized the following archives: Archivo General de Indias, Seville (AGI); Archivo General de la Naci6n, Lima (AGN); Archivo Hist6rico Arzobispal de Lima (AAL); Archivo Hist6rico Nacional, Madrid (AHN); Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid (BNM); and Biblioteca Nacional del Peru, Lima (BNP). i. Asunci6n Lavrin, Role of Nunneries in the Economy of New Spain in the Eighteenth Century, HAHR 46:4 (Nov. 1966), 371-93; Michael Costeloe, Wealth in Mexico: A Study of the Juzgado de Capellanias in the Archbishopric of Mexico, 1800-1856 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1967); Brian Hamnett, Appropriation of Mexican Wealth by the Spanish Bourbon Government: The 'Consolidaci6n de Vales Reales,' 1805-1809, Journal of Latin American Studies 1 (i968), 85-113, and Church Wealth in Peru: Estates and Loans in the Archdiocese of Lima in the Seventeenth Century, Jahrbuch fur Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft, und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas io (Cologne: Bohlau Verlag, 1973), 113-32; Arnold J. Bauer, and Spanish American Agrarian Structure, 1765-1865, The Americas 28 (1971), 78-98, and in the Economy of Spanish America: Censos and Dep6sitos in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, HAHR 63:4 (Nov. 1983), 707-33. 2. Linda Greenow, Dimensions of the Credit Market in Eighteenth-Century Nueva Galicia, in Social Fabric and Spatial Structure in Colonial Latin America, ed. David Robinson (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International, 1979), 227-79, and Credit and Socioeconomic Change in Colonial Mexico: Loans and Mortgages in Guadalajara, 1720-1820 (Boulder: Westview Press, 1983); Eric Van Young, Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth-