Use Of Forced Labor Research Articles

Производственная деятельность Южнокузбасского исправительно-трудового лагеря МВД СССР (1947–1948 годы)

The article considers the process of formation of industrial activity of the Southern Kuzbass Corrective Labor Camp of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs. The chronological framework of the study is set between 1947–1948. Particular attention is paid to the development of the road infrastructure of the camp and additional areas of production activities such as timber processing and agriculture. The main issues of material, housing and food security for convicts are also examined. The main activity of the camp was logging. The camp was located in the south of Kemerovo Oblast in the Gornaya Shoria district. The Southern Kuzbass Corrective Labor Camp was established based on resolution № 409 of the Council of Ministers dated 1 March 1947 and replaced the previously existing Southern Kuzbass Logging Trust. At first it was difficult to undertake a major restructuring of the principles of economic activity which were inherited by the camp from the Southern Kuzbass Logging Trust. Although the workforce of the Southern Kuzbass Corrective Labor Camp was based primarily on the use of forced labor, civilian workers still continued to work there. Difficult working conditions, harsh climate conditions, spatial dispersion of manufacturing sites, supply issues, lack of human resources along with inflated state plans led to significant difficulties in the labor camp. The camp was in desperate need of warm clothing for the prisoners, special tools, food, personnel and paramilitary protection for spare parts and fuel for vehicles, traction power, and so on. However, the amounts of procurement, transportation and removal of wood by the camp was significantly higher than previous results of the Southern Kuzbass Logging Trust. This allows us to conclude that the use of forced labor resulted in the increase of overall volume of logging in Kuzbass and reduce the need for timber in coal mines.

ARAYA V. NEVSUN RESOURCES: REMEDIES FOR VICTIMS OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS COMMITTED BY CANADIAN MINING COMPANIES ABROAD

In November 2017, the British Columbia Court of Appeal (BCCA) published its decision in the case Araya v. Nevsun Resources, dismissing the appeal filed by Nevsun, and allowing the lawsuit to move forward to the merits stage of the procedure. This decision was ground-breaking since the plaintiffs were suing Nevsun Resources, a Canadian mining company, for its alleged complicity in the use of forced labor, slavery, torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, and crimes against humanity at the Bisha Mine in Eritrea, a mine belonging to Nevsun. In its decision, the BCCA rejected the three main arguments put forward by Nevsun to get the case dismissed: (1) the forum non conveniens doctrine; (2) the Act of State doctrine and (3) the lack of private law cause of action against corporations for the violations of customary international law principles. In this context, this article offers an analysis of the most significant cases brought before Canadian Courts in regard to Canadian mining companies’ corporate social responsibility. It also relies on two influential cases from the U.S. Supreme Court: Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum and Jesner v. Arab Bank. Finally, it looks at the common challenges faced by foreign victims when they seek to bring lawsuits against transnational corporations and it briefly suggests that common law courts should adopt a new duty of care to address businesses’ corporate liability for violations of human rights.

Legal Issues of Combating Trafficking in Human Beings in the Legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan

In the context of the globalization and aggravation of crime situation, the problem of human traffic is of the particular importance. Therefore, this article is aimed at the examining the organizational-legal issues of combating trafficking in human beings and forced labor. Based on the study of international instruments and national legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan related to worker exploitation, the author revealed inconsistencies with international standards of human rights, in particular the lack of punishment under criminal law for forced labor. Particular attention is paid to the problem of trafficking in children, as well as changing staff control mechanisms of labor inspection and law enforcement. It proposed adjustments to the criminal legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan by the adoption of criminal law, which prohibits the use of forced labor. In addition, there is identified and substantiated the need in a special law of the Republic of Kazakhstan on combating trafficking in human beings.

Bringing Perpetrator and Victim Identities into Empirical Ethnic Conflict Research

Recent research situated at the sub-national level has vastly increased our understanding of the motives and conditions that drive the outbreak of ethnic conflict. Data-collection efforts that have focused on identifying group-level characteristics, such as their geographic location, the types of discrimination they endure, and the relationship they have with the state, have been crucial to this process. I argue that we now need to advance data-collection efforts at the individual level, with regards to perpetrator and victim characteristics, in order to understand the intricate and changing dynamics of contention that occur once collective violence has already begun. This includes expanding our theoretical and empirical knowledge on the dynamics of non-lethal forms of violence, such as displacement, gender-based violence, and the use of forced labour.

Kriegswirtschaft und Arbeitseinsatz bei der Auto Union AG Chemnitz im Zweiten Weltkrieg by Martin Kukowski and Rudolph Boch (review)

Reviewed by: Kriegswirtschaft und Arbeitseinsatz bei der Auto Union AG Chemnitz im Zweiten Weltkrieg by Martin Kukowski and Rudolph Boch Tim Schanetzky Kriegswirtschaft und Arbeitseinsatz bei der Auto Union AG Chemnitz im Zweiten Weltkrieg. By Martin Kukowski and Rudolph Boch. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2014. Pp. 518. Paper €75.00. ISBN 978-3515106184. German carmakers found themselves in the spotlight during the mid-1980s when, for the very first time, a broad debate erupted on the use of forced labor during World War II. Many companies in Germany had glossed over their history during the twelve years of the Third Reich; and German corporations had refused to provide any financial compensation—all of which had the makings of an enormous scandal. German carmakers slowly realized that they had to conduct a house cleaning of their histories or risk exposing their companies to further attacks that could severely tarnish their reputations. Daimler-Benz and Volkswagen were the first companies to commission historians; BMW and Opel/General Motors have also followed suit. But at least until recently, Audi AG remained aloof. In a strictly formal sense, the Volkswagen subsidiary had severed all legal ties to its predecessor companies. Hence the carmaker refused to make any payments into the compensation fund for former forced laborers called the Foundation “Remembrance, Responsibility and Future.” [End Page 186] Setting aside all legal quibbling for a moment, it goes without saying that Audi is the successor to the former Auto Union AG. This connection was made patently clear in the summer of 2010, when the business magazine Wirtschaftswoche published an article entitled “Public Crimes,” which highlighted their exploitation of forced laborers and concentration-camp prisoners. Only then did Audi decide to subject the issue to a thorough academic investigation. The result is a sweeping study written by Rudolf Boch and Martin Kukowski, whose work was financed by Audi, but who were otherwise granted all necessary liberties to conduct their research. The book begins by providing historical context on the 1920s, since Auto Union was a typical product of the Great Depression. It was created in the summer of 1932 at the height of the economic crisis in order to save four smaller carmakers, along with their many suppliers, from bankruptcy. The Sächsische Staatsbank (State Bank of Saxony) stood behind this rescue, while the treasury of Saxony became the majority shareholder. During the prewar years of the Third Reich, the company maintained a remarkable degree of autonomy despite the usual opportunistic changes made to accommodate the Nazi regime. Until 1939, the firm focused on the civilian market and, in addition to cars, primarily manufactured motorcycles. The dominating figure at the time was CEO Richard Bruhn, who incidentally continued to manage the company long after 1945. The study retraced the professional careers of company executives and characterizes them as pragmatists. Like Bruhn, most of them joined the Nazi Party, and some were even appointed Wehr-wirtschaftsführer, meaning that they were executives crucial to the war effort. This section of the book appears to be motivated by the somewhat antiquated notion that it is possible to precisely determine which members of management sympathized with the Nazis. Ironically, the actual empirical core of the work demonstrates why this approach has been largely dropped over the last decade. The decisive measure should be neither party membership nor a clear commitment to the ideology of the Third Reich but rather the nature of a company’s actual activities. During 1940, Auto Union underwent a radical transformation and placed itself fully in the service of the armaments sector. From a business perspective, and in view of the state control of raw materials and labor, one could say that the company had no alternative. Auto Union manufactured not only aircraft components, tractors, and tank engines but also torpedoes. It endeavored to use the circumstances of the war economy to build up its own truck division, which, at the time, appeared to be a highly promising venture with regard to the postwar period. Despite relatively advanced development plans, however, the project remained mired in bureaucracy and red tape. The study examines the different manufacturing programs along with sample armaments projects. During the war, forced laborers...

No Total Totality: Forced Labor, Stalinism, and De-Stalinization

Alan Barenberg, Gulag Town, Company Town: Forced Labor and Its Legacy in Vorkuta. 331 pp. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014. ISBN-13 9780300179446. $65.00. Anatolii I. Shirokov, Dal'stroi v sotsial'no-ekonomicheskom razvitii SeveroVostokaSSSR (1930-1950-egg.) (Dal 'stroi in the Socioeconomic Development of the Northeastern USSR [1930-1950s]). 654 pp. Moscow: Rosspen, 2014. ISBN-13 978-5824318944. Aleksei V. Zakharchenko, NKVD iformirovanieaviapromyshlennogo kompleksa v Povolzh 'e, 1940-1943 (The NKVD and the Formation of the Aviation Industrial Complex in the Volga Region, 1940-43). 480 pp. Samara: Institut rossiiskoi istorii Rossiiskoi akademii nauk, Povolzhskii filial, 2013. ISBN 978-5934246588. Recent historical writing about the Soviet Union includes notable, muchneeded, and diligent works dedicated to the consolidation, development, and expansion of the prison camp system, as well as the role that it played in the Soviet Union's transition from a dictatorship to an ordinary authoritarian regime. Researchers have made use of new sources to produce valuable work examining the deep internal conditions leading to the expansion of the I Gulag. (1) The books under review are vivid examples of this historiographical trend. Descriptions of the camps and their economic structures, as well as summaries of statistical evidence about the number of prisoners and industrial output--characteristic of earlier Gulag research--are not completely absent from these new works, but they have taken on a secondary role. To a much greater degree, the authors focus on the practices of administering the camp economy and realizing departmental interests; the evolution of inmate society; and implicit or explicit signs of crisis in the Stalinist system of forced labor. Alan Barenberg dedicates his brilliantly written book to the largest division of the Gulag: the camp complex of Vorkuta, in the northern European part of the USSR. The region, ill-suited for habitation but rich in resources (primarily coal), was the ideal place for a Stalinist camp. Vorkuta became the symbol of the camp system for these and many other reasons. After the camp was eliminated, it became an informative example of how the Gulag's economic and social structures evolved and were maintained. Equally emblematic is Anatolii I. Shirokov's subject of study: the notorious Dal'stroi Trust, which mined gold from the rich deposits on the Kolyma river basin in the northeastern USSR. Over a quarter-century (1932-56), the basin yielded 1,200 tons of gold and huge amounts of other nonferrous metals. Around 850,000 prisoners passed through the camps at Kolyma from 1932 to 1953, of whom 120,000 died (482, 638). Aleksei Zakharchenko focuses his study on a lesser-known and smaller, though no less significant, site of Stalinist forced labor. The famous airplane factories near Kuibyshev, which were constructed by prisoners in extreme conditions in compressed time frames, played a significant role in the war with Nazi Germany, supplying the front with a large portion of its Soviet planes. Despite thematic differences, each of these three works analyzes the same phenomenon: the formation, development, and expansion of major production complexes under the direction of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs, later Ministry of Internal Affairs (NKVD-MVD USSR). (2) I am grateful to Liudmila Novikova, Victoria Frede, Paul Werth, and Rhiannon Dowling for their valuable comments and skillful translation. This article was prepared within the framework of a subsidy granted to the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE) by the government of the Russian Federation for the implementation of the Global Competitiveness Program. The authors examine two models of Gulag expansion: the first through camp colonization of distant and hard-to-reach parts of the country; and the second through the use of forced labor in populated regions of substantial economic value. …

For God and Revolution: Priest, Peasant, and Agrarian Socialism in the Mexican Huasteca by Mark Saad Saka (review)

For God and Revolution: Priest, Peasant, and Agrarian Socialism in the Mexican Huasteca. By Mark Saad Saka. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 2013. Pp. xxi, 186. $50.00. ISBN 978-0-8263-5338-2.)Over the past thirty years, major regional studies, mainly of Mexico's southeastern states, have explored the way in which nineteenth-century civil and foreign wars drew rural communities into politics as indigenous peasants took to arms in support of regional and national causes in exchange for promises of constitutional guarantees. For God and Revolution is a welcome contribution to this literature. Well suited for undergraduates, this short book provides a fascinating case study of the popular roots of Mexican liberalism, Catholicism, and republicanism.Mark Saad Saka's region is the Huasteca, encompassing the vast Panuco river basin that includes segments of five states and serves as a natural boundary between east-central and north-eastern Mexico. The first five chapters chart 400 years of resistance of the region's Maya-speaking Teenecks to Aztec, Spanish, and republican rule. The final two chapters explore the principal focus of the book: a peasant rebellion between 1877 and 1883 led by indigenous leader Juan Santiago under the banner of death to all those who wear pants!Hard to reach from Mexico's highland centers of power, even from its own provincial capital of San Luis Potosi, the Huasteca provided sanctuary and a strategic reserve for forces opposed to colonial rule and later to foreign invasions. Saad Saka traces a pattern of peasant guerrilla forces embracing national causes, manifesting first in the insurgency in 1811; continuing through the federalist movement of the 1830s, the Mexican-American War of 1846-48, and the European Intervention of 1862-67; and culminating in Diaz's rebellions against Juarez's centralizing liberalism during the 1870s. Santiago's rebellion is explained as a response to secular changes facing much of rural Mexico during the final decades of the century: the privatization of church land and town lands, the use of forced labor for constructing of roads and railways, the growth of large estates, mounting insecurity of land tenure and worsening terms of sharecropping, the introduction of sugar with its accompanying abuse of labor, and so forth. Particularly interesting is the involvement of radical priest Mauricio Zavala who, after first promoting education and social reform in the state capital, moved in 1873 to Ciudad del Maiz and promoted primary schooling throughout the region, paying close attention to the needs of indigenous-language speakers, women, and field workers. …

New Zealand's turbulent waters: the use of forced labour in the fishing industry

AbstractIn this article, we make an empirical and conceptual contribution to the emerging debate on unfree labour in the context of labour chains and global value chains. We recast an historical view of poor labour practices aboard some foreign charter vessels fishing in New Zealand's waters as something more nefarious. Applying the International Labour Organization (ILO) and European Commission (EC) operational indicators of human trafficking for forced labour to 293 interviews, we evaluate the extent to which we can consider migrant fishing crew aboard South Korean vessels as victims of forced labour. We find that they are indeed victims of forced labour and that there is a need to extend the ILO/EC operational indicators to take into account exit strategies. Specifically, there is insufficient recognition of deception, exploitation and coercion at the point of exit, which can prevent a trafficked victim from exiting the employment relationship. Thus, it is crucial to take account of all stages, from recruitment to exit, to understand fully unfree labour in labour and global value chains.

THE CONGO OF EUROPE: THE BALKANS AND EMPIRE IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITISH POLITICAL CULTURE

AbstractThis article explores early twentieth-century British political and humanitarian engagement with the Balkans. It focuses on the Balkan Committee, a liberal pressure group that served as the main hub for British interest in the region in the decade before the First World War. Whilst drawing attention to the specific challenges presented by the Balkans to the British liberal mind, it is argued that the Balkan Committee was part of a wider movement of humanitarianism and political activism that encompassed both continental and colonial questions. The issues around which the committee campaigned are related to humanitarian protests against the use of forced labour in Africa, in particular the Congo Reform Association, as well as to the Persia Committee, formed in protest against the 1907 Anglo-Russian agreement. This approach highlights how ‘Europe’ and empire were interconnected agendas within an overarching liberal-internationalist worldview and reformist conscience, despite the different cultural lenses through which humanitarian questions in different parts of the globe were viewed. It is suggested that research into British interaction with the Balkans offers a fruitful means by which to integrate historical analysis of the continental and imperial aspects of Britain's external relations in the ‘age of empire’.

Human trafficking: identifying forced labor in multi-national corporations & the implications of liability

This paper explores multinational corporations and use of human trafficking. More specifically, the type of human trafficking depicted in this paper deals with the use of forced labor. Multinational corporate involvement within the use of forced labor is explored and the depth regarding criminal and civil modes of corporate liability is explained. The main purpose of the paper is to exemplify how multinational corporations contribute to the increase of human trafficking practices and how difficult it is to assess liability or punishment for these violations. Unfortunately, the human trafficking industry is consistently increasing, due to its prevalence in the corporate world. There are laws and acts that have been created that prohibit the use of human trafficking, yet due to jurisdictional implications, regarding foreign-based corporations and extenuating costly litigation, the laws do not become effective for assigning liability. The ambiguities and lack of transparency in corporate structures along with the narrow reach of U.S. laws, creates an inability for victims to seek appropriate justice. The fight against human trafficking diminishes when multinational corporations use forced labor practices within business models.

Urban design for Mussolini, Stalin, Salazar, Hitler and Franco (1922–1945)

The urban design practices of Europe's major dictatorships, from the end of the First World War to the end of the Second World War, are not only interesting from a historical perspective. They continue to have long-term effects and to be the subject of a disputed culture of reception. My hypothesis is that we must broaden our research concept in order to develop a satisfactory approach to the field of ‘dictatorships and urban design’. We must overcome the singular national perspective: urban design has always emerged within the context of an international exchange of concepts and ideas, even in times of dictatorship. We must clear our perception of urban design: it is more than just form. The ‘dictatorial’ in urban design demonstrates itself less through products and more through production conditions and processes, such as the establishment of special agencies, provision and supply of special financial means, manner of project implementation and the use of forced labour. For this reason, I propose a distinction between the products and production conditions of urban design under European dictatorships.

Lawfare and Impunity in Burma since the 2000 Ban on Forced Labour

The article examines the efforts of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) over the past decade to convince government officials to take meaningful steps towards the eradication of forced labour in Burma. Despite the government's intransigence on this issue, ILO-led interventions have produced some tangible results: a ban on the practice in 2000 and the creation of a complaint mechanism in 2007 that enables its Liaison Officer to determine whether the claims of alleged victims warrant further investigation by the relevant authorities. Critics of the ILO argue that these achievements, although welcome, fail to address the magnitude of the problem. This article details how events at the macro- and micro-levels have affected each other and thus the possibility for further progress on these issues. Special attention is devoted to the coercive use of legal instruments (i.e. lawfare) by both parties and the impact real and threatened actions have had upon their respective goals. The dynamics provide insights into the limits of the complaint mechanism and the efforts to end impunity in Burma with regard to the continued use of forced labour.

Linking International Trade and Labour Standards: The Effectiveness of Sanctions under the European Union’s GSP

Linking international trade and labour standards is one of the ways to make countries comply with their international obligations to respect core labour standards. Under the European Union’s Generalized System of Preferences (EU’s GSP), trade preferences of Myanmar in 1997 and Belarus in 2006 were withdrawn for the use of forced labour and for violations of the freedom of association. This paper highlights the EU’s GSP scheme and idea of linking EU trade policy to core labour standards. Based on two case studies, we investigate the trade effects of the EU sanctions on the target country and analyse the effectiveness of the EU’s GSP sanctions. We find that using the EU’s GSP regime to sanction countries which violate the core labour standards has very limited effectiveness. However, sanctions can be an effective way to demonstrate the political commitment to a particular set of values and norms such as core labour standards. Sanctions may also deter other countries from committing violations. If Europe must have a stronger social dimension, so should its trade policy. – Former EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson

‘Work and Don't Lose Hope’: Republican Forced Labour Camps during the Spanish Civil War

AbstractThis article examines the use of forced labour in Republican Spain during the civil war. Although much has recently been written on Francoist camps, very little research has been undertaken on their Republican counterparts. As a consequence the significance of Republican camps has not been recognised. Although some historians argue that the Republicans used forced labour only in a desperate attempt to avoid military defeat, this article demonstrates that labour camps were an integral aspect of Republican ‘popular justice’. Work, it was argued, would redeem ‘fascists’ by allowing them to contribute to the economic reconstruction and transformation of Spain.

Climate Change and the Contemporary Evolution of Foodways

Climate Change and the Contemporary Evolution of Foodways

Motivations, contraintes et marges de manœuvre des entreprises allemandes dans l'emploi de travailleurs forcés pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale

Abstract This article analyses the motives of German firms to employ foreign labourers during World War II and the constraints affecting their decision-making. From the perspective of the firm the employment of foreigners served two functions. First, and in line with the official intentions, their employment was a complement to capital input when it came to producing armaments goods in a situation where no German workers were available on the labour market. Second, and sometimes against the ends of the regime, their employment was a substitute for investment projects that the regime wished but the firm not. Most firms made unscrupulous use of forced labour. For those who had reservations the rooms of manoeuvre became narrower in the course of the war. Faced by the threat of forced plant closures they could not dare to resist the employment of forced labourers which would have resulted in capacity lying idle. Hence whether firms acted ethically is not so much a question of whether they ordered foreign labourers but how they treated them.

Reconfiguring the debate on engagement

For the past fifteen years, the question of whether it was possible to “engage” Burma's successive military regimes to achieve constructive change has dominated policy discussions in regional and international forums. This article examines how this question has structured the terms of the debate and prevented a compromise position that might have averted the present humanitarian crisis. Information drawn from research conducted with a wide range of Burmese pro-democracy activists based in Thailand also indicates that this humanitarian crisis has thrown many time-honored positions on engagement into flux. The growing diversity of viewpoints has produced several strategies to address the immense problems confronting the country. Regardless of which strategy is favored, three issues are of importance to activists: the changing nature of political legitimacy in the Burmese context; the right of exiles to participate in the country's affairs; and the problems associated with the military's continuing use of forced labor. This article examines these issues against the backdrop of shifting regional and international interests, with special attention focused on the viewpoints of expatriate Burmese who support a significant increase in different forms of cross-border aid, while maintaining sanctions on the regime. The article warns that this approach may actually be worse than the problems it seeks to solve. Evidence is presented to illustrate how the possibility of resuming international aid to Burma has increased political factionalism and ethnic divisions among different expatriate groups rather than resolving these long-standing problems.

Push and Shove: Spatial History and the Construction of a Portering Economy in Northern Pakistan

The contemporary occupation of portering in mountain regions has largely been structured through transcultural contact, contact between two groups historically symbolized by the oppressive dialectic of power relations: master/ servant, “sahib”/“coolie,” trekker/porter, “him who rides”/“him who carries.” The relative position of these groups within the power relations that characterize adventure tourism has altered through time. The oppression exercised by the superordinate group has likely lessened, while the status enjoyed by the subordinate group has likely increased.Here I refer to portering, the carrying of person or baggage for others, specifically as it relates to the adventure travel industry (trekking, mountaineering, and so forth). There are, of course, circumstances in which the lot of the porter has not increased significantly over the past two centuries. A case that springs immediately to mind is the use of forced labour in the construction of a physical infrastructure in the interior of Burma. Nonetheless, these two groups still operate within radically asymmetrical relations of power. Invariably, “the porter” occupies the lower position; “the employer,” the upper. In this essay, I investigate the historical constitution and evolution of these relations in a region of the Karakoram mountain range of what is now northern Pakistan.Many of the insights upon which this essay are based stem from time spent in villages of the upper Braldu valley of Baltistan. These villages, particularly that of Askole, are strategically situated in relation to the adventure tourism industry. Askole, for example, is the last permanently inhabited village on the trail to K2 (8,611 meters). Despite a recent expansion in tourism, many Baltis have long been familiar with the hardships of carrying the baggage of others along mountain trails.

Re Rudolph and Minister of Employment and Immigration

195Sources of international law — Treaties — Charter of the International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg — Whether declaratory of customary international law — Effect on development of international law — Confirmation of the Charter by the United Nations General AssemblyWar and armed conflict — War crimes — Crimes against humanity — Applicant's participation in war crimes and crimes against humanity as ground for refusing admission to Canada — Immigration Act 1985, Section 19(1)(j) — “Double criminality requirement” — Request for and supervision of forced labour by applicant in production of V-2 rocket during World War II — Whether contrary to international law at that time — Hague Convention No. IV respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, 1907 — Charter of the International Military Tribunal, 1945 — Whether use of forced labour constitutes aiding and abetting offence of kidnapping contrary to Canadian Criminal Code of 1927 — The law of Canada

Economic development through contrived dependence

Two economic models, one static and one dynamic, are built where contrived dependence, the cheap acquisition of a factor service by systematically rendering its employment opportunities less accessible or rewarding, is the fundamental mechanism for the procurement and allocation of resources and for fueling economic growth. The models shed light on some of the economic mechanisms underlying the use of forced labor and the appropriation of indigenous lands in former colonial countries, and in the initial stages of the economic development of many LDCs.