National Prohibition Research Articles

Dermatitis in Hairdressers as a Problem in Chemical Control

Much occupational disease in Europe is skin related and is mostly eczemas, usually on the hands (Dickel et al., 2001). In Britain, there are 31 000 cases of skin diseases that are reported by the sufferers to be work-related (HSE, 2005). Occupational dermatitis is a well-known problem among hairdressers, as either irritant contact dermatitis or allergic contact dermatitis, or often a combination of both. Hairdressers are exposed to extensive wet work that can cause irritant contact dermatitis, and they have daily skin contact with innumerable cosmetic products containing compounds that are known to cause contact allergy. In Britain, hairdressers and barbers are in the top three occupational groups in terms of prevalence of dermatitis (HSE, 2004), and have been selected as a priority area for intervention within HSE’s Skin Disease Project, which in turn forms part of the Disease Reduction Programme. In this issue, we report the levels of pertinent aromatic amines and resorcinol on hairdressers’ hands in Sweden (Lind et al., 2005). Amongst other chemicals, we found potentially sensitizing levels of p-phenylenediamine (PPD) on their hands during hair dyeing. As PPD was formerly banned in Sweden, and now permission is supposed to be obtained for its use, it provides an interesting example of the problems of chemical control. In Sweden there has long been a trend in occupational welfare work where many opinion leaders have considered that the chemical problems—if not already solved—are easily dealt with. You simply remove the hazardous chemical and the problems will disappear. Of course, this is not always true, and hair dyes are a good example: in Sweden, efforts to remove a potentially hazardous chemical from the market have failed. Today, the constituents of hair dyes most known to cause sensitization are the aromatic amines (PPD), and toluene-2,5-diamine (TDA) or its sulphate, toluene-2,5-diaminesulphate (TDS). These are used in permanent, ‘oxidative’, hair dyes, which are the most common type in the world market (Corbett, 1991). Permanent hair dyes have been in use since the late nineteenth century (Wall, 1957). Several clinical studies show that hairdressers run a high risk of developing occupational allergic contact dermatitis. PPD and TDA (or TDS) are often the most common agents responsible for allergic reactions, 17–58% of patch-tested hairdressers showing positive reactions to PPD and 14–25% to TDA or TDS in different studies (Armstrong et al., 1999; Iorizzo et al., 2002; Nettis et al., 2003; Uter et al., 2003). Apart from the local effect, systemic diseases can also follow exposure to the ingredients in permanent hair dyes. Studies of hair dye exposure indicate an increased risk of bladder carcinoma, both among hairdressers and women who use permanent hair dyes (GagoDominguez et al., 2001). Owing to the risk of sensitization, the use of PPD in hair dyes was prohibited in Sweden between 1943 and 1992, and TDA between 1943 and 1964. From 1964 to 1992 TDA was used in permanent hair dyes instead of PPD (Wahlberg et al., 2002). With Sweden’s entry to the European Union in 1992, the national prohibition on the use of PPD was lifted, to bring Swedish law into line with the EU. Under the EEC Cosmetic Directive, PPD is allowed in hair dye products with a concentration limit of 6%; the TDA limit is 10%. *Author to whom correspondence should be addressed. Tel: +46-8-619-6995; fax: +46-8-619-6896; e-mail: marie-louise.lind@niwl.se

A passion for publishing: Griffith Edwards and the creation of an institution

A passion for publishing: Griffith Edwards and the creation of an institution

Pathways to Prohibition: Radicals, Moderates, and Social Movement Outcomes. By Ann-Marie E. Szymanski. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003. xvi, 325 pp. Cloth, $89.95, ISBN 0-8223-3181-0. Paper, $24.95, ISBN 0-8223- 3169-1.)

The political scientist Ann-Marie E. Szyman-ski has written a rigorously analytical survey of national Prohibition's strategic and tactical origins. Utilizing social science hypotheses about social movements, she effectively synthesizes the wealth of empirical historical studies on Prohibition for the Progressive period. The Anti-Saloon League (asl) she interprets as a moderate organization that replaced the absolutism of earlier prohibitionists and succeeded because it harmonized with local groups, adopting their incremental goals. Through organizing local option campaigns that flushed out the intransigent opposition of liquor sellers, the asl turned its followers gradually toward state and national Prohibition. This interpretation is not entirely new, but it is welcome. So too is Szymanski's attention to federalism, which, she argues, does not necessarily weaken social movements and can be a source of strength. Also highlighted is the willingness of reformers to utilize “the devolution of the state legislatures' liquor licensing power to the localities, and the judiciary's growing acceptance of those licensing regimes” (pp. 5–6). Szymanski explains the more favorable political environment for Prohibition in the Progressive Era as due to lessened party loyalties and other external factors, but she insists that social movements succeed where they exploit structural and political changes through savvy strategies and moderate ideologies. The asl's consummate pragmatism was molded, she claims, from the experience of growing interdenominational cooperation among Protestant churches in the late nineteenth century.

Introduction

Is Japan re-emerging as a ‘normal’, or even a great, military power in regional and global security affairs? This Adelphi Paper assesses the overall trajectory of Japan's security policy over the last decade, and the impact of a changing Japanese military posture on the stability of East Asia. The paper examines Japan's evolving security debate, set against the background of a shifting international environment and domestic policymaking system; the status of Japan's national military capabilities and constitutional prohibitions; post-Cold War developments in the US-Japan alliance; and Japan's role in multilateral regional security dialogue, UN PKO, and US-led ‘coalitions of the willing’. It concludes that Japan is undoubtedly moving along the trajectory of becoming a more assertive military power, and that this trend has been accelerated post-9/11. Japan is unlikely, though, to channel its military power through greatly different frameworks than at present. Japan will opt for the enhanced, and probably inextricable, integration of its military capabilities into the US-Japan alliance, rather than pursuing options for greater autonomy or multilateralism. Japan's strengthened role as the defensive shield for the offensive sword of US power projection will only serve to bolster US military hegemony in East Asia and globally

Japan's shifting security trajectory and policy system

Is Japan re-emerging as a ‘normal’, or even a great, military power in regional and global security affairs? This Adelphi Paper assesses the overall trajectory of Japan's security policy over the last decade, and the impact of a changing Japanese military posture on the stability of East Asia. The paper examines Japan's evolving security debate, set against the background of a shifting international environment and domestic policymaking system; the status of Japan's national military capabilities and constitutional prohibitions; post-Cold War developments in the US-Japan alliance; and Japan's role in multilateral regional security dialogue, UN PKO, and US-led ‘coalitions of the willing’. It concludes that Japan is undoubtedly moving along the trajectory of becoming a more assertive military power, and that this trend has been accelerated post-9/11. Japan is unlikely, though, to channel its military power through greatly different frameworks than at present. Japan will opt for the enhanced, and probably inextricable, integration of its military capabilities into the US-Japan alliance, rather than pursuing options for greater autonomy or multilateralism. Japan's strengthened role as the defensive shield for the offensive sword of US power projection will only serve to bolster US military hegemony in East Asia and globally

Japan's post-war security trajectory and policy system

Is Japan re-emerging as a ‘normal’, or even a great, military power in regional and global security affairs? This Adelphi Paper assesses the overall trajectory of Japan's security policy over the last decade, and the impact of a changing Japanese military posture on the stability of East Asia. The paper examines Japan's evolving security debate, set against the background of a shifting international environment and domestic policymaking system; the status of Japan's national military capabilities and constitutional prohibitions; post-Cold War developments in the US-Japan alliance; and Japan's role in multilateral regional security dialogue, UN PKO, and US-led ‘coalitions of the willing’. It concludes that Japan is undoubtedly moving along the trajectory of becoming a more assertive military power, and that this trend has been accelerated post-9/11. Japan is unlikely, though, to channel its military power through greatly different frameworks than at present. Japan will opt for the enhanced, and probably inextricable, integration of its military capabilities into the US-Japan alliance, rather than pursuing options for greater autonomy or multilateralism. Japan's strengthened role as the defensive shield for the offensive sword of US power projection will only serve to bolster US military hegemony in East Asia and globally

Japan's national security policy and capabilities

Is Japan re-emerging as a ‘normal’, or even a great, military power in regional and global security affairs? This Adelphi Paper assesses the overall trajectory of Japan's security policy over the last decade, and the impact of a changing Japanese military posture on the stability of East Asia. The paper examines Japan's evolving security debate, set against the background of a shifting international environment and domestic policymaking system; the status of Japan's national military capabilities and constitutional prohibitions; post-Cold War developments in the US-Japan alliance; and Japan's role in multilateral regional security dialogue, UN PKO, and US-led ‘coalitions of the willing’. It concludes that Japan is undoubtedly moving along the trajectory of becoming a more assertive military power, and that this trend has been accelerated post-9/11. Japan is unlikely, though, to channel its military power through greatly different frameworks than at present. Japan will opt for the enhanced, and probably inextricable, integration of its military capabilities into the US-Japan alliance, rather than pursuing options for greater autonomy or multilateralism. Japan's strengthened role as the defensive shield for the offensive sword of US power projection will only serve to bolster US military hegemony in East Asia and globally

Japan, regional cooperation, multilateral security and the ‘war on terror’

Is Japan re-emerging as a ‘normal’, or even a great, military power in regional and global security affairs? This Adelphi Paper assesses the overall trajectory of Japan's security policy over the last decade, and the impact of a changing Japanese military posture on the stability of East Asia. The paper examines Japan's evolving security debate, set against the background of a shifting international environment and domestic policymaking system; the status of Japan's national military capabilities and constitutional prohibitions; post-Cold War developments in the US-Japan alliance; and Japan's role in multilateral regional security dialogue, UN PKO, and US-led ‘coalitions of the willing’. It concludes that Japan is undoubtedly moving along the trajectory of becoming a more assertive military power, and that this trend has been accelerated post-9/11. Japan is unlikely, though, to channel its military power through greatly different frameworks than at present. Japan will opt for the enhanced, and probably inextricable, integration of its military capabilities into the US-Japan alliance, rather than pursuing options for greater autonomy or multilateralism. Japan's strengthened role as the defensive shield for the offensive sword of US power projection will only serve to bolster US military hegemony in East Asia and globally

Conclusion

Is Japan re-emerging as a ‘normal’, or even a great, military power in regional and global security affairs? This Adelphi Paper assesses the overall trajectory of Japan's security policy over the last decade, and the impact of a changing Japanese military posture on the stability of East Asia. The paper examines Japan's evolving security debate, set against the background of a shifting international environment and domestic policymaking system; the status of Japan's national military capabilities and constitutional prohibitions; post-Cold War developments in the US-Japan alliance; and Japan's role in multilateral regional security dialogue, UN PKO, and US-led ‘coalitions of the willing’. It concludes that Japan is undoubtedly moving along the trajectory of becoming a more assertive military power, and that this trend has been accelerated post-9/11. Japan is unlikely, though, to channel its military power through greatly different frameworks than at present. Japan will opt for the enhanced, and probably inextricable, integration of its military capabilities into the US-Japan alliance, rather than pursuing options for greater autonomy or multilateralism. Japan's strengthened role as the defensive shield for the offensive sword of US power projection will only serve to bolster US military hegemony in East Asia and globally

Forging a strengthened US–Japan alliance

Is Japan re-emerging as a ‘normal’, or even a great, military power in regional and global security affairs? This Adelphi Paper assesses the overall trajectory of Japan's security policy over the last decade, and the impact of a changing Japanese military posture on the stability of East Asia. The paper examines Japan's evolving security debate, set against the background of a shifting international environment and domestic policymaking system; the status of Japan's national military capabilities and constitutional prohibitions; post-Cold War developments in the US-Japan alliance; and Japan's role in multilateral regional security dialogue, UN PKO, and US-led ‘coalitions of the willing’. It concludes that Japan is undoubtedly moving along the trajectory of becoming a more assertive military power, and that this trend has been accelerated post-9/11. Japan is unlikely, though, to channel its military power through greatly different frameworks than at present. Japan will opt for the enhanced, and probably inextricable, integration of its military capabilities into the US-Japan alliance, rather than pursuing options for greater autonomy or multilateralism. Japan's strengthened role as the defensive shield for the offensive sword of US power projection will only serve to bolster US military hegemony in East Asia and globally

Tapping into War: Leveraging World War I in the Drive for a Dry Nation

This study examines the communication efforts of the Anti-Saloon League of America in the years leading up to National Prohibition. The ASLA has been studied in the context of the Progressive Era, but it has not been examined in the context of its role in public relations history even though its efforts, along with those of the suffrage movement, have been said to have contributed to the postwar boom in publicity/public relations firms. Thus, it will be shown that the ASLA employed a multitiered approach in its own fight for a dry nation via national legislation and congressional hearings, its publishing partner, the Scientific Temperance Federation, and its own American Issue. And that it did so by weaving elements of emotion and cognition through messages arising from war-related issues such as anti-German sentiment, patriotism, and rationing. Such an approach might not be so unusual today, nor were elements of its efforts new to advocacy groups at the time, but the League demonstrated that, for better or worse, a Midwest, church-based social reform movement grounded in the Progressive Era could successfully harness persuasive strategies and tactics to fulfill its agenda for a dry nation.

"Brewers and Distillers Paradise": American Views of Canadian Alcohol Policies, 1919 to 1935

In 1924, at Rest Cottage, Evanstown, Illinois, Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) President Anna A. Gordon marked an historic occasion. She gathered together WCTU workers and rang the "Jubilee Bell," announcing that "Ontario has gone dry." Accom- panied on the pianoforte, the women sang the doxology. Four years into American national prohibition, Gordon was celebrating the fact that dry sisters and brothers north of the border had beaten back an attempt to overturn provincial prohi- bition. Speaking at the Ontario WCTU convention weeks earlier, Gordon had reminded her audience that in the forthcoming pleb- iscite they would be voting "not only for Ontario, but for Can- ada, the Empire and the World as well" (CWRTNov. 1924).

Defining the “Undefended”: Canadians, Americans, and the Multiple Meanings of Border during Prohibition

Canada is a border nation. With over 75 percent of its population living within a hundred miles of boundary, border is a reality of virtually every Canadian's daily life. (1) Not only does it define citizenship, it contributes to how Canadians think, what they believe, and how they work. It should come as no surprise then that border is tied very closely to Canada's national identity, defining of which Seymour Martin Lipset calls the quintessential Canadian issue. (2) Even Canadian nationalists, quick to out that being Canadian means much more than simply being (and it does), concur that border plays an important role in shaping their identity. One of English-Canadian writers with greatest national and international reputation in 1920s was humorist Stephen Leacock who, not coincidentally, found much of his material in border and Canada's relationship with United States. He once observed, an odd chance forty-ninth parallel, an astronomical line, turned out to mean something. (3) But what? This question is not unimportant, even beyond ways in which it informs Canadian national identity, for it also helps to explain relationship between Canadians and Americans more generally. To that relationship border is central. Never was this more true than during America's noble experiment. Between 1920 and 1933, no issue in Canadian-American relations proved more contentious or more intractable than liquor problem. When Eighteenth Amendment took effect in January 1920, no longer could Americans make, sell, transport, or import any intoxicating beverage that contained more than 0.5 percent alcohol. They could, however, legally drink it, and thus it was left to Amendment's enforcement mechanism, Volstead Act, to insure that they didn't have access to it. Predictably, from Pacific to Atlantic, American dollars promptly headed north, and (usually) pure, unadulterated Canadian whisky, south. Canadian distillers, brewers, export houses, rumrunners, and bootleggers were more than happy to assuage parched throats of their American brethren. However, what was a boon to Canadian economy was bane to American diplomats and enforcement officials who sought help from their Canadian counterparts in stemming this illegal torrent of booze. Part of focus of this essay is to explore this problem and reasons for its intractability. Few decades were as important in shaping character of Canadian-American relationship than 1920s, for at least two reasons closely related toprohibition. First, beginning in 1920s, Canadian external affairs underwent a significant transformation. During William Lyon Mackenzie King administration, newly created Department of External Affairs made a concerted effort to define a Canadian foreign policy independent of British Foreign and Colonial offices. To do so meant Dominion had to face United States alone, without compromising its sovereignty. As a consequence diplomatic relationship between Canada and United States entered a new, formative stage. The second reason is increasing degree to which Canadians and Americans began to interact with each other in this period. The undefended border had always been a porous one. Yet during 1920s there was an extraordinary increase in pace and scope of what Marcus Lee Hansen referred to as mingling of Canadian and American peoples. (4) Its chief cause was automobile and ease with which travelers were able to cross border. By end of decade, four million American cars and twenty million Americans crossed border each year. The effect, according to one historian, was a turning point in cultural history of Canada, as Americans--in pursuit of liquor, scenery, and other things Canadian--brought with them other (sometimes less desirable) aspects of American culture. …

"Brewers and Distillers Paradise": American Views of Canadian Alcohol Policies, 1919 to 1935

In 1924, at Rest Cottage, Evanstown, Illinois, Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) President Anna A. Gordon marked an historic occasion. She gathered together WCTU workers and rang the "Jubilee Bell," announcing that "Ontario has gone dry." Accom- panied on the pianoforte, the women sang the doxology. Four years into American national prohibition, Gordon was celebrating the fact that dry sisters and brothers north of the border had beaten back an attempt to overturn provincial prohi- bition. Speaking at the Ontario WCTU convention weeks earlier, Gordon had reminded her audience that in the forthcoming pleb- iscite they would be voting "not only for Ontario, but for Can- ada, the Empire and the World as well" (CWRTNov. 1924).

Mauro in America: an Italian artist visits the new world

In 1816, Italian artist Mauro Gandolfi arrived in New York, eager to establish himself in America and to witness the workings of the young nation's democratic society. Perpetually amazed and astonished by his experiences, Gandolfi kept extensive notes on the customs, people and quirks of behaviour he observed in New York and Philadelphia. His vivid account of his stay in the United States is published here, accompanied by an introduction and numerous illustrations that include examples of Gandolfi's own work and contemporary views of the sites he describes. As an artist, Gandolfi deplores the American prohibition against studying or depicting the nude figure. As a former revolutionary in his own country, he is enraptured to discover the many manifestations of liberty, fraternity and equality in this democratic land. Throughout his writings, the visiting European provides an account of society, culture and the art scene of the early-19th-century United States.

Alcohol policy and the flux of ideologies. Comment on Chapter 1: Setting the Policy agenda

History is important in the introductory chapter (Babor et al. 2003). It argues that events in the past led to the present public health approach to alcohol. The history of policy is represented thus. Alcohol policy as an instrument of public health emerged initially in the 19th century with the rise of modern medicine and through the influence of the temperance movement. Prohibition in the early 20th century was an unfortunate aberration; moderate drinking was soon back on the agenda. The recent scientific history of alcohol policy and public health began in the 1970s with a population-based approach. Public health policies on alcohol came of age in the 1990s, as the science expanded. Now the focus has changed from the whole population to high-risk groups within it as alcohol science has progressed. Here is a coming of age with some clear antecedents a century or so ago. With the maturation of alcohol science, we have now progressed and have a better policy view. From an historian's perspective, there are some debatable issues here. History is an interpretive discipline and there is a different way, presented by historians of alcohol and of public health, of looking at the same sequence of events. It does not dispute the ‘key facts’, but sees them in other ways. This view, too, can feed into our understanding of the present and its possibilities. Alcohol did indeed emerge as a matter of concern in the 19th century; the temperance movement, as a moral and a political movement, was an important component. But the relationship of temperance with the mainstream of public health was always fragmented and ambiguous. Temperance was responsible in part for the failure of alcohol to become part of public health in the 19th century (Harrison 1994). The public health movement, with its initial focus on environmental improvement and on sanitation and subsequent emphasis on bacteriology and germ theory, took little initial account of alcohol (Hamlin 1998; Worboys 2000). The mass movement of temperance, with its roots in the United Kingdom in post-Chartist disillusionment with radical politics, paralleled in some respects the narrowing of options which Hamlin has ascribed to public health under Edwin Chadwick. However, the two movements were different and remained largely separate. We must conclude that temperance has not been the promoter of integration between alcohol and public health at all times in history. Prohibition was subsequently, of course, a failure. Or was it? Historians have reminded us that it has some arguments in its favour. US prohibition did not quite live up to the name. John Burnham's research concluded that its impact had two stages. In the first years of prohibition, the strategy secured significant changes in working-class drinking habits and changes in patterns of drinking; there was considerable local support. Our image of prohibition, as the associate of lawlessness and crime, is derived from the ‘second period’ of prohibition when it lost its public legitimacy and different patterns of drinking emerged (Burnham 1968–69). If we are serious about using the ‘lesson of history’ then the full range of regulatory strategies should be evaluated. It was, after all, moderate drinking rather than prohibition which was the controversial issue scientifically at the end of the 19th century. The modern history of alcohol policy as a public health strategy begins in the 1970s with the publication of Alcohol Control Policies in Public Health Perspective (Bruun et al. 1975). There is also a broader significance. The publication of the ‘purple book’ saw both alcohol and public health allied to a population-based perspective. Alcohol moved away from the disease configuration of the immediate post-1945 period, in itself a rediscovery of 19th-century antecedents (Thom 1999). At the same time public health was changing its ideology—away from health services and epidemic disease towards chronic disease and an epidemiological population-based approach which focused on the role of individual behaviour. It promoted fiscal controls, the use of the mass media and of self-control, but the relationship with science was a complex, not a linear one. The new public health science was a rallying point for new coalitions forming for alcohol. The science was its justification, a relationship often to be observed in the public health field. Policy alliances have given life to science as much as the other way round (Berridge & Stanton 1999). What can we conclude? ‘Public health’ has not been an unchanging fixed idea, but a set of changing ideologies since the 19th century and before. Public health alliances have also changed, and science has been increasingly the arena for their negotiation and elaboration. We should place the latest stage in those relationships in this historical context. Using history means drawing on the full range of historical options—whether prohibition, disease or variants of population-based approaches—to inform public and policy debate.

The “Public Sentiment Building Society”

The Anti-Saloon League of America was a Midwestern, church-based, social reform group founded in 1895, whose drive for national prohibition played a major role in the ratification and subsequent enactment of the Eighteenth Amendment. The purpose of this article is to expand the current model of public relations history by examining the ideas and methods that the League established in its first fifteen years to generate public sentiment for a dry, saloonless nation. Many of these concepts not only echo what are considered today to be basic principles of public relations, but they were conceived and implemented at the turn of the century by two Ohio men who did not define themselves in terms of public relations and publicity practitioners but in their roles as ministers in fulfilling what they considered to be their religious duty of eliminating liquor in the U.S. The article concludes that while there is still much to learn about public relations from those already labeled as “pioneers, “such as Edward Bernays or John Hill there is even more to mine from those people or organizations who sought to influence public opinion and generate change in the pursuit of a cause or an idea.

The international drug treaties: ‘paper tigers’ or dangerous behemoths?

Communism, global drug prohibition and the international supremacy of the United States were among the dominant developments of the twentieth century. The ultimate fate of communism and global drug prohibition were both dependent on the dominance of the world by the United States. By the end of the 20th century, communism had already imploded, its demise accelerated by the United States. Likewise, no other country was more responsible for the creation and expansion of global drug prohibition than the United States. An implacable and almost religious commitment to prohibition was sustained by the United States over many decades, despite the fact that most other countries remained indifferent or even hostile. The United States was largely responsible for convening an international drug policy meeting in Shanghai in 1909, a forerunner of a series of later meetings which gave birth to the three international drug treaties and created the present network of international organisations charged with monitoring and implementing these treaties. During the last quarter of the 20th century, drug prohibition in many countries became a useful device for electing and re-electing the otherwise unelectable, sustaining for some time the lost cause that global drug prohibition had become. Communism and global drug prohibition both began as idealistic movements in the early years of the 20th Century. Communism perished because it ignored powerful market forces, especially the importance of profits in driving economic activity. The same shortcomings also apply to global drug prohibition. At the dawn of the 21st century, global drug prohibition still survives, propped up by the global supremacy of the United States. The failure and futility of prohibition is now apparent to ever-increasing numbers of commentators. This is because of the high costs, limited effectiveness and often-serious unintended negative consequences of banning substances whose demand is largely irrepressible and whose supply is largely uncontrollable. Many have concluded that some form of controlled availability could not possibly produce even worse health, social and economic outcomes than already occur from prohibition, partially successful at best. What is unclear at this stage is what arrangements should replace global drug prohibition. The likelihood is that the repeal of global drug prohibition will follow the same path as the repeal of alcohol prohibition in the United States in the 1930s: when the time comes, different states will go down different paths. As the end of drug prohibition and the end of the century drew near, the international community gathered at the United Nations in New York in 1998 to take stock and contemplate a new slogan (‘‘a drug free world, we can do it’’). The international community decided to commit itself within ten years to achieving SCOPE: the Scheme for Coca and Opium Poppy Eradication. This was denial on an impressively global scale and took place at the very time that the worst international public health threat since the Black Death was quickly gathering pace. By 2002, it was estimated that 25 million had died from AIDS; 42 million were living infected with HIV while an additional 45 million would become infected with HIV by 2010. This public health crisis is accompanied by almost unimaginable damage to the social and economic well being of the lives of hundreds of millions of people. In most regions of the world, sharing of needles and syringes associated with injecting drug use was either the major or the second most important risk factor for HIV infection. Measures to control HIV infection among or from injecting drug users remain among the most effective and cost-effective interventions in the entire HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment repertoire but are still imE-mail address: awodak@stvincents.com.au (A. Wodak). International Journal of Drug Policy 14 (2003) 221 /223

Books: Indelible Images: Women of Local Television, Sounds in the Dark: All Night Radio in American Life

* Beadle, Mary E. And Michael D. Murray (Eds.) (2001) Indelible Images: Women of Local Television. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press. pp. 248 * Keith, Michael C. (2001). Sounds in the Dark: All Night Radio in American Life. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press. pp. 242 The literature of American broadcasting has brought to light celebrities and subjects of all sorts. Yet, until recently two dark corners have been largely left hidden from view. The rise of women in local television, and the stars of nighttime radio may no longer languish in obscurity with the recent publication of two books. Professors Mary E. Beadle and Michael D. Murray have drawn together a tribute to tough-minded women who committed themselves to developing their local TV stations. Of the 19 portraits painted in Indelible Images, several women appear to be first in their respective fields, and four individuals stand out as significant. The Brooklyn native who led the fight for educational television in Washington, D.C. will be familiar to many broadcast scholars. Freida Hennock was the first woman to sit on the Federal Communications Commission, and pitted her will against both fellow commissioners and commercial broadcasters. She secured the federal allocation for noncommercial channels in the early days of television, and helped to sign on the nation's first educational TV station, KURT, in Houston. Another pioneer in public broadcasting, Philadelphia's Martha Gable joined Hennock's fight on Capitol Hill to reserve educational channels. She also laid the cornerstone for public broadcasting at WHYY. Gable's speeches on behalf of educational TV in San Francisco created the climate for licensing KQED, a flagship of the PBS fleet. In the chapters on broadcast journalism, two Indelible Image women stand up for principles. Kneeland, news vice president of KVUE-TV (ABC) in Austin, Texas, set a criteria for crime coverage to the flow of adrenaline in the Austin newsroom when police radios crackled with domestic violence reports and assorted mayhem. Kneeland's policy caught on at a few TV newsrooms, but failed to become a model - perhaps due to the pressures of the slow news day. Graduates of KVUE-TV's newsroom still boast they attended Carole Kneeland University. Even her former news director in Dallas described it -- only half jokingly - as one of the five best journalism schools in the country. Carol Marin's crusade for quality TV journalism in Chicago also proves to be instructive. The tale of her differences with Joel Cheatwood, vice president of news for NBC, illustrates how corporate executives may filter their preferences for sensational news personnel and practices. When WMAQ-TV hired in 1997 as its editorial commentator Jerry Springer, the ringmaster of talk shows, Marin and her co-anchor Ron Magers walked off the set. Three years later, Marin returned to anchoring the news, this time joining Chicago's WBBM-TV (CBS). She remodeled her late-night newscast and brought newsmakers on the set and indepth reports to the screen. This new look boosted the ratings at first, and the show rose to second place in its time slot. Chicago viewers, however, soon grew weary of long-form news, and Marin's noble experiment was cancelled fewer than nine months later. Indelible Images develops 15 other biographies including those of anchors, film reviewers, talk-show hosts, a sportscaster, and a station owner. …

Drugs and Alcohol: US Prohibition and the Origins of the Drug Trade in Mexico, 1910–1930

Even though Mexico has been an important player in the international drug trade, this country's history in such illegal ventures has been insufficiently studied. In an effort to begin to understand how and when the country began to be an active participant in such illicit markets, this article first analyses regulations introduced in the United States regarding drug and alcohol consumption, marketing and production and assesses their impact on the Mexican side. Secondly, it argues that Mexico's participation in the narcotics trade, the routes that have developed and the Mexican states involved in this traffic have roots that can be traced to the beginning of the twentieth century at least.