US Involvement Research Articles

A Conversation with Cleve Jones: Forty Years of Activism, From Stonewall to the Supreme Court

I was born in 1954, the year the French army was defeated at Dien Bien Phu. I was ten years old when the Gulf of Tonkin resolution was passed and US involvement in Vietnam became overt. The war was...

The American Empire in the Congo: The Assassination of Patrice Lumumba

The American Empire in the Congo: The Assassination of Patrice Lumumba By Nicholas Langer A merican Cold War Imperialism spanned the globe, crossing oceans and continents to enforce the iron will of the United States. Following the Second World War, Africa and Asia were seeking to dislodge the influence of Imperialism. In the case of Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh’s rebels were sadly mistaken in believing that the United States would support their bid for independence from the French. The United States had overthrown the democratically elected president of Guatemala, along with Mohammed Mosadegh in Iran, and had inserted 15,000 advisors in support of the Diem puppet government in Vietnam by the time of the Congo Crisis in the early 1960’s. 1 So, American intervention in the affairs of Third World countries was far from unprecedented by the time that Patrice Lumumba took power in the Congo and sought to extricate the country from the shadow of European colonialism. It is my argument that American involvement in the assassination of Patrice Lumumba followed the pattern of intervention which was well established in Latin America and elsewhere. The Congo Crisis of 1960 represented the beginning of widespread western involvement in the newly independent Congo. In analyzing the Congo crisis we can see the final death throes of Belgian imperialism and the beginning of American involvement in the region, as well as the role that the United Nations would play in decolonization and the Cold War. The orthodox view argues that the United States maintained purely altruistic motives of decolonization and anti- communism in the Congo and that any unrest was the result of factors which the United States was unable to control. The revisionist standpoint argues the opposite: that the United States actively intervened in the Congo and promoted its own interests. These arguments introduce the general narrative of the Congo Crisis and the Cold War ideology of the United States in addition to validating the revisionist line of argument. America in the Congo in Two Accounts: The Orthodox and the Revisionist The article “The United States, Belgium, and the Congo Crisis of 1960,” written by Lawrence Kaplan and published in The Review of Politics in 1967, represents a summation of the orthodox view of American involvement in the Congo Crisis. 2 The article was written well before the Church Committee hearing—a Senate committee which investigated American covert actions during the Cold War and which published their findings in 1975—that would confirm active American involvement in a plot to kill Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, and thus its arguments relied heavily on the official policy statements and news material that was available at the time. The main objective of Kaplan’s argument seems to be an effort to apologize for American dedication to anti-colonialism to an imagined Belgian audience. In doing so, Kaplan paints American intentions as purely chivalrous and rejects any argument that the United States was acting on ulterior motives. He further washes America’s hands of involvement in the breakdown of authority and places that blame back on the Belgians, who act as a foil to Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt, “Vietnamese Decolonization and the Origins of US Involvement 1960” (Lecture, US Foreign Relations, 1945-1991, University of California Merced, Merced, CA, September 26, 2013). Kaplan, Lawrence S. “The United States, Belgium, and the Congo Crisis of 1960,” The Review of Politics, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Apr., 1967), 239-256.

Японо-китайские отношения: на пороге холодной войны?

Up to beginning of the XXI century political contradictions in Sino-Japanese relations had little influence on strong economic ties. However, since early 2010s several unstable elements that existed between the countries have been tending to discharge from political sphere into economics complicating bilateral cooperation. One of the sources of contradictions in Sino-Japanese relations is referred to differences in perception of each others’ strategies and intentions. China and Japan view each other as potentially offensive while depicting themselves as defensive. The growth of defense capabilities on one side is perceived as a potential threat on the other side. Another reason for deterioration of political situation is Japan’s efforts to give a proper reaction to the rapid rise of China’s economical and political might. On the other hand, it is China’s willingness to defend its growing interests. The escalation of nationalism in both countries adds to instability in Sino-Japanese relations. Sino-Japanese contradictions in economical, political, ideological and military spheres became intertwined in the territorial dispute of the East China Sea. Different expectations towards the US involvement in the potential conflict around the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands makes the situation even more difficult as it leads to the growth of military spending in both countries. Low levels of trust, the absence of clear dispute settlement and preventive diplomacy mechanisms, narrow opportunities for negotiations increase the probability that the cooling of Sino-Japanese relations will continue in future.

Silenced Histories and Sanitized Autobiographies: The 1953 CIA Coup in Iran

Some six decades after the overthrow of Mohammed Mossadeq, the history of British and US involvement in the event remains riddled with gaps. This critically important history is relegated to the realm of “colonial aphasia.” With many documents destroyed and others heavily redacted, memoirs by spies involved in the 1953 Iranian coup fill in the historical narrative.

Rising Myanmar: US involvement, power rivalry and new hopes for Bangladesh

Abstract President Obama’s symbolic and landmark visit to Myanmar bolsters the U.S. policy shift in Asia; an extremely significant step to firm up his Asia-Pacific policy, often described as a “pivot” to the region. Analysts have termed this visit a perfect fit in the larger geopolitical chess game by the Obama administration, which has sought to counter rising Chinese assertiveness by engaging its neighbours. With the transfer of power from an authoritarian government to a civilian one in March 2011, Myanmar embarked on a slow political liberalization. As Myanmar emerges from decades of isolation it generates much hope for the global and regional communities. Being the only other neighbour of Bangladesh besides India, Myanmar can usher new hope and possibilities for Bangladesh since both countries have outstanding issues. This article briefly tries to assess the underlying setting of the U.S. policy shift in greater Southeast Asia and particularly in Myanmar, the significance of this visit, how the other contenders of influence eye this increasing U.S. involvement, and finally the benefits it may yield for its neighbours, especially Bangladesh.

Canadian Geopolitics in Post-Coup Honduras

On 28 June 2009 moderately left-of-centre Honduran president, Manuel ‘Mel’ Zelaya, was overthrown in a military coup d’etat. The coup was followed by the systematic repression of anti-coup activists and the eventual election of current president, Porfirio ‘Pepe’ Lobo, amid that repression and in the absence of constitutional democracy. While critical scholarship on the international dynamics of the Honduran coup has discussed evidence of US involvement, Canada also actively intervened politically. Canada’s intervention has been marked by the bold promotion of the interests of Canadian capital operating in Honduras, as part of a wider geopolitical concern of the Canadian state to reproduce a political environment in Latin America amenable to the interests of Canadian investors. Using interviews with Honduran activists organizing against the coup and Canadian capital, as well as Canadian government documents obtained through Access to Information, this article explores the political-economic strategies of Canada’s post-coup intervention in Honduras.

Exploring the potential for using results-based financing to address non-communicable diseases in low- and middle-income countries

BackgroundThe burden of disease due to non-communicable diseases (NCDs) is rising in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) and funding for global health is increasingly limited. As a large contributor of development assistance for health, the US government has the potential to influence overall trends in NCDs. Results-based financing (RBF) has been proposed as a strategy to increase aid effectiveness and efficiency through incentives for positive performance and results in health programs, but its potential for addressing NCDs has not been explored.MethodsQualitative methods including literature review and key informant interviews were used to identify promising RBF mechanisms for addressing NCDs in resource-limited settings. Eight key informants identified by area of expertise participated in semi-structured interviews.ResultsThe majority of RBF schemes to date have been applied to maternal and child health. Evidence from existing RBF programs suggests that RBF principles can be applied to health programs for NCDs. Several options were identified for US involvement with RBF for NCDs.ConclusionThere is potential for the US to have a significant impact on NCDs in LMICs through a comprehensive RBF strategy for global health. RBF mechanisms should be tested for use in NCD programs through pilot programs incorporating robust impact evaluations.

Book Reviews

78 Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Vol. XXXVI, No.3, Spring 2013 Book Reviews Edited by Nadia Barsoum South Asia, China Turkey and the Middle East INDIA’S NEIGHBOURHOOD: THR ARMIES OF SOUTH ASIA edited by Vishal Chandra, published by Pentagon Press and the Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses, New Delhi 2013, Pp.169. This book explores the role of the army, in shaping the political destiny. He deals with the national armies of seven South Asian countries bordering India. Some chapters focuses on the armies of individual countries, discuss the security environment in which each country is situated. COOPERATIVE SECURITY FRAMEWORK FO SOUTH ASIA edited by Nihar Nayak, published by Pentagon Press and the Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses, New Delhi 2013, Pp.256. This volume brings together views of some of the most eminent scholars and security analysts from South Asia on the challenges and prospects of a cooperative security framework in the region (CSF). Despite strong historical and cultural linkages the region has been suffering from underdevelopment due to lack of cooperation and cohesive policy. ARAB SPRING IN EGYPT: Revolution and Beyond edited by Bahgat Korany and Rabab El-Mahdi, published by the American University in Cairo Press, Pp.349 this volume includes essays on: The Protesting Middle East, Corruption, Repression, and Resistance, The political Economy of Mubarak’s fall, Stagnant Religious Discourse and New Secular and New Secular Movements, Working Class Power. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN CHINA, INDIA AND EAST ASIA Managing Change in the Twenty First Century by Kartik Roy, Hans Blomqvist, Cal Clark published by Edward Elgar. Cheltenham, UK, Northampton, Ma, USA, Pp. 307. The authors present a thought-provoking analysis of how institutional factors such as geography, history of religion , culture and political governance have been deeply interwoven with development dynamics to shape the growth and development trajectory that each country has subsequently followed. 79 GANDHI & THE STOICS: Modern Experiments on Ancient Values by Richard Sorabji, published by the University of Chicago Press2012, Chicago, Pp.224. The author shows how a look a Gandhi’s convergence with the stoics works mutually, throwing light on both of them. By treating most things as indifferent, paradoxically, both the stoics and Gandhi could love manifoldly. In drawing these links to the fore, Sorabji demonstrates the comparative consistency of Gandhi’s philosophical ideas, isolating the specific ideological strengths that were required to support some of the most consequential political acts and experiments in how to live. THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE UNITED STATES: History, Politics and Ideologies edited by David W. Lesh and Mark L. Haas, Published by Westview Press, Pp.540. This volume explores the following: the 2003 Iraq War and why the Us decided to invade; Islamist perceptions of US involvement in the Middle East; the war on terrorism; and the relationships between the United States and Israel, Iran , Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey and Afghanistan. It also features the US-Iranians relations and US relations with Al Qa’ida. NUCLEAR PAKISTAN: Strategic Dimensions edited by Zulfiquar Khan published by Oxford University Press, Karachi, Pakistan 2011, Pp. 275. This book is a critical study of the nuclear and deterrence-related security dilemma of Pakistan vis-à-vis India. It recapitulates the different facets of its strategic dimensions in view of the growing conventional and strategic asymmetry. It critically examines some key issues like: NPT; nuclear command and control, the Kashmir conflict. THE DOMESTIC ABROAD: Diasporas in International Relations by Latha Varadarajan, published by Oxford University Press, Oxford Pp.244. In the past few decades, and across disparate geographical context , states have adopted policies and initiatives aimed at. This volume reveals the manner in which the boundaries of the nation and the extend of the authority of the state, in India and elsewhere, are dynamically shaped by the development of capitalist social relations on both global and national scales. SHIISM AND THE POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST by Laurence Louer, translated by John King, published by Columbia University Press, New York Pp.154. Louer studies depicts Bahrain’s troubles as a phenomenon rooted in local perceptions of injustice rather than in the fallout from Shiite Iran’s foreign policies. She argues that, although Iran Islamic Revolution had...

France and the United States: A comparative analysis of social capital on both sides of the pond

Putnam's lament on the decline of civic engagement has generated extensive literature on social capital. However, cross-national research remains deficient. In an effort to fill the gap, this research thus concentrates on a comparative assessment of social capital in the United States and France. On the basis of secondary analyses of Howard, Gibson and Stolle's ‘US Citizenship, Involvement and Democracy’ survey of 1001 respondents in the United States and the 2002 European Social Survey of 1503 respondents in France, this article measured the impact of media use and political variables on levels of trust, citizen norms, associational involvement and political participation. Findings suggested that for both countries interpersonal political discussion, external efficacy and interest were positive predictors for several dimensions of social capital.

Unpacking the Scarborough Shoal Dispute

In April 2012, another territorial dispute broke out in the South China Sea highlighting challenges to regional peace and security in East Asia. While China and the Philippines sought to resolve the Scarborough Shoal dispute peacefully, domestic concerns coupled with greater US involvement in the region illustrated the multifaceted nature of these issues. Future attempts at managing and resolving disputes will need to balance interests between actors at the sub-national, national and international levels.

Reporting on Madame Nhu in the Viet Nam War: Representations of the Gendered Other

This article examines how figurations of Vietnamese women in the popular US imagination played significant roles in explaining, justifying, criticizing, or creating sympathy for US involvement in the war in Viet Nam. Bui looks to the clashes between Madame Nhu's efforts to manage her public persona with Orientalist discourses in circulation about this “dragon lady,” in both prowar and antiwar considerations.

The Economic Ties and Political Interests of the United States in the Middle East and North Africa

American policymakers typically view the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) as a strategic region, a place of “vital” economic and political interest for the United States. The region’s markets have also been developing and have become targets for US exports and investment. But those interests, though growing, remain overshadowed by oil and other non-economic concerns. The region’s vast oil reserves are clearly a key component of American strategic interest, intertwining a variety of other economic and political factors. Among the non-economic concerns, America’s commitment to support Israel has been the determinant factor in shaping the American policy toward this region. The pursuit of these interests has been associated with complex, sometimes quite polar, reactions among the region’s population, some welcoming the US involvement and some rejecting it. This article discusses these issues in the context of the political economy of the US and MENA countries, focusing largely on Iran, Israel, and the GCC. It first examines the trends in economic relations between US and MENA countries and then compares them with the trends in the corresponding political relationships. It then reviews the interests and strategies of the US, Iran, Israel, and the GCC and analyzes various scenarios emerging from their interactions. It argues that the Arab Awakening and other recent political developments in the region are likely to reduce tensions between Iran and the other countries. Finally, the article derives implications for possible ways tensions might be reduced apart from or in addition to the Arab Awakening effects.

Excerpt from <em>Sites Unseen: Architecture, Race, and American Literature</em>

Author(s): Gleason, William A. | Abstract: This excerpt from William A. Gleason’s Sites Unseen: Architecture, Race, and American Literature juxtaposes the work of Richard Harding Davis and Olga Beatriz Torres, two international travelers during the generation preceding US involvement in World War I. Davis, a popular author and magazine editor, barnstormed through Central and South America, which he made the subject of a popular travelogue and “imperialist novel.” Torres, a teenaged girl, traveled north from Mexico into the United States and reported on conditions there in a series of letters published after her death. Yet despite their obvious disparities in point of view, the two works not only address similar themes of US power (albeit from different directions) but they both focus on architecture and how it reflects race and class structures. The excerpt forms a fascinating counterpoint to Rhys Isaac’s pioneering study of architecture and social hierarchy in colonial Virginia, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740–1790 (1983).

Co-operative Balancing

The Asia-Pacific region is facing the threat of a number of potential military conflicts. Unresolved security challenges include the Sino-Japanese and Sino-Indian territorial disputes. The current peace and stability in the region has been achieved through various multilateral mechanisms and constant US involvement in the regional affairs. However, the declining US presence in Asia, the ineffectiveness of different multilateral institutions to establish a security order in the region and China’s possible emergence as a great power in Asia may lead to the end of the status quo. In this context, it is pertinent that Asia should be free from both hegemony and power rivalry, and for that, ‘co-operative balancing’ is the best possible mechanism to achieve a long-term peace and stability. Co-operative balancing is a combination of power balancing and a co-operative security framework. It promotes the independent position of individual countries and strengthens the multilateral mechanisms. This essay concludes that India and Japan can balance against China while bilateral engagement among the three countries tends to reduce their distrust vis-à-vis China.

El bloqueo invisible y la caída de Allende

One salient aspect of the military coup that toppled Salvador Allende as Chilean president in September 1973 has been the assumption that the ultimate responsibility for the tragic destruction of Chilean democracy rested with the United States. In some circles, the charge includes an accusation of secret US involvement in the coup. It is based on what President Allende himself called, speaking before the United Nations in December 1972, "the invisible financial and economic blockade" exercised by the United States against his government. This leads us to ask ourselves: Was there really an undeclared economic war between the Nixon government and Salvador Allende? This argument is not convincing. A subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, led by Senator Gale McGee, has recently investigated this accusation and their conclusion is that there is no evidence so far of involvement from the United States.

The US debate on NATO nuclear deterrence

NATO's nuclear deterrence posture has since the late 1950s involved risk-and responsibility-sharing arrangements based on the presence of US nuclear weapons in Europe. Since 1991 gravity bombs, deliverable by US and allied dual-capable aircraft, have been the only type of US nuclear weapons left in Europe. Although many other factors are involved in the alliance's deterrence posture and in US extended deterrence—including intercontinental forces, missile defences, non-nuclear capabilities and declaratory policy—recent discussions in the United States about NATO nuclear deterrence have focused on the future of the remaining US nuclear weapons in Europe. The traditional view has supported long-standing US and NATO policy in holding that the risk- and responsibility-sharing arrangements based on US nuclear weapons in Europe contribute to deterrence and war prevention; provide assurance to the allies of the genuineness of US commitments; and make the extended deterrence responsibility more acceptable to the United States. From this perspective, no further cuts in the US nuclear weapons presence in Europe should be made without an agreement with Russia providing for reductions that address the US—Russian numerical disparity in non-strategic nuclear forces, with reciprocal transparency and verification measures. In contrast, four schools of thought call for withdrawing the remaining US nuclear weapons in Europe without any negotiated Russian reciprocity: some military officers who consider the weapons and associated arrangements unnecessary for deterrence; proponents of ambitious arms control measures who accept extended deterrence policies but view the US weapons in Europe as an obstacle to progress in disarmament; nuclear disarmament champions who reject extended nuclear deterrence policies and who wish to eliminate all nuclear arms promptly; and selective engagement campaigners who want the United States to abandon extended nuclear deterrence commitments to allies on the grounds that they could lead to US involvement in a nuclear war.

Libya win unlikely to convince war-weary US Congress

The expected victory by rebel forces over Libyan leader Muammar Gadhafi will be portrayed as a foreign-policy success for US President Barack Obama and other leaders who committed forces to the NATO-led air operation that played a role in the rebels' success. But Obama dispatched US forces without seeking authorisation from Congress, and Congress later rebuffed his effort to obtain it – the latest in a long line of conflicts to raise the respective war powers of the president and the Congress. US involvement is likely to end without congressional authority having been given. For the foreseeable future, political resistance will meet any suggestion of new foreign missions for the US military.

About an ‘All-Weather’ Relationship: security foundations of Sino-Pakistan relations since 9/11

The traditionally close relationship between China and Pakistan cooled off somewhat with the end of the Cold War, mainly due to China's efforts to improve its relations with India and the disappearance of the Soviet threat. While China has continued to pursue its rapprochement with India after 9/11, developments since 9/11 have reinforced the security foundations of Sino-Pak relations and have consequently reversed the downward trend in the relationship leading to enhanced cooperation in a number of areas. US involvement in Central Asia and deepening Indo-US collaboration have further increased Pakistan's strategic importance for China. Islamabad also occupies a prominent position in Beijing's energy security and its efforts to stabilize Xinjiang.

Deployment to Afghanistan: Perioperative Nursing Outside the Comfort Zone

Multiple missions are assigned to the Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan, including providing combat medical and medical support services to US and coalition forces and providing resources to strengthen security and build a solid health care infrastructure. Craig Joint Theater Hospital located at Bagram Airfield is staffed primarily with Air Force personnel serving a six-month tour of duty. The three-suite OR is in operation 24 hours a day, seven days a week, as is the rest of the hospital. In 2009, health care providers at Craig Joint Theater Hospital treated the highest number of casualties in the history of the US involvement in the Afghanistan conflict. They assessed and categorized patients using the Injury Severity Score to evaluate the number and acuity of patients treated. During one nurse's deployment in 2009, practice challenges occurred daily and personnel quickly learned how to adapt using the resources available. In addition to regular perioperative duties, Bagram Airfield perioperative nurses mentored a number of Afghan physicians and nurses.

Human Terrain Systems and the Moral Prosecution of Warfare

There is a growing consensus that cultural variables play an integral role in conflict mitigation. Whether one believes we are truly in a long m which capturing hearts and minds is integral, or whether one thinks that a major combat operation is looming on the horizon, cultural knowledge and understanding of the area of operation are instrumental to success. The recently developed and implemented Human Terrain System (HTS) Project was designed to play an important role in developing cultural knowledge for the US military and is critical to mission success and the moral prosecution of warfare. (1) But this program is new and, admittedly, not perfect. Human Terrain Teams (HTTs) were designed to play a key, on-the-ground role in bridging the cultural and personal identity gap between western military forces and the foreign cultures in which they operate. This is an extremely important but often overlooked aspect of 'just theory. A deeper understanding of not only adversarial but friendly culture and personal identity formation allows the US military to better discriminate between friend and foe and to build deeper relationships with local leaders. These measures create a more precise and humane war effort than if the United States was forced to rely solely on indiscriminate, blunt, and largely kinetic options. The US military does not have the ability to veto a political decision to go to war or abscond from any order to engage overseas. Having said this, the US military does have a great say in how a campaign will be conducted and HTS was designed to play an integral role in ensuring that a campaign is conducted as morally and unobtrusively as possible. In a general sense, the US military needs to be permitted the latitude to conduct a moral and honorable campaign regardless of the circumstances that brought the military into the conflict. Any military that is professional and honorable is not exonerated from conducting a moral war simply because the decision to go to war is being vigorously challenged. There has to be a separation, as Michael Walzer states, between jus ad bellum (the justice of war or the justice of the initiation of war) and jus in bello (justice in war or justice in the practice of war). (2) Any ability the United States has that does not violate human rights, the US Constitution, US legislation, or the military's rules of engagement (ROE) needs to be considered. There is a small but vociferous chorus of pundits and academics who are attempting to discredit and marginalize the HTS Project. The purpose of this article is to counter this cohort by showing that when one attempts to link arguments against HTS to the justness of a war, the argument quickly falls apart. In fact, HTS is critical to the moral conduct of war, and prohibiting this practice, especially if there is no replacement program, will make it nearly impossible for US forces to effectively and morally conduct warfare in divergent cultures. The Arguments Against HTS: A False Link to jus ad Bellum Anthropology, apparently as a nearly unified field (if one considers the governing body to speak for the majority of anthropologists), is the most vocal audience criticizing HTS. These claims are key to the discussion as many contain jus ad bellum arguments directed against HTS. Several prominent anthropologists claim that US military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan are illegitimate and, therefore, so is HTS. Other moral arguments against HTS from anthropologists stem from the belief that anthropology, as a field, will be sullied if its members collude with the military in combat environments abroad. These claims have gone largely unchallenged, but as this article will detail, these arguments fail to account for the basic right of the nation and its soldiers to conduct moral warfare. One of the main reasons anthropologists and other critics of HTS are calling for an end to this project stems from these critics's belief that US involvement in both the Iraq and Afghanistan wars is unjust. …