Urban Proximity Research Articles

The Impact of Agglomeration Economies on Estimated Demand Thresholds: An Extension of Wensley and Stabler

Central place theory predicts that geographic markets located in rural areas have lower demand thresholds, and, therefore, a higher frequency of business establishments relative to areas that are more proximate to urban centers, other things equal. Wensley and Stabler (1998) confirm this prediction using data on the location and frequency of business activities in rural Saskatchewan. We demonstrate that this relationship may not always hold true depending on the existence and magnitude of agglomeration economies. If average cost differences associated with being located in an urbanized area are sufficiently large, then the relationship between urban proximity and number of establishments may be reversed. We provide evidence of this reversal using 1996 cross‐sectional data on hospital services in Texas.

Demand‐Threshold Estimation for Business Activities in Rural Saskatchewan

Historically, a common technique used to assess a community's ability to support various business activities has been demand‐threshold estimation. The concept of a demand threshold has been applied at the community level by estimating a relationship between community population and the number of establishments of a particular kind in the community. The approach taken in this research incorporates a spatial dimension (community urban proximity) in addition to community population to estimate demand thresholds. Using a count data technique, demand thresholds are estimated for 27 different business activities found in 584 rural Saskatchewan communities in 1990. Both population and urban proximity are found to be important explanatory variables.

Inchelium: non-sustainable resource dependency

In order to consider appropriate sustainable development, it is first necessary to understand the problems of developments that are inappropriate for specific population groups. Variables, such as, the culture of the group, its historical experiences, demographic and economic resources, population density, and remoteness or urban proximity should be scrutinized. This is a case study of one population group with a history of resource dependency.

Urban policy and proximity justice in France

Urban policy and proximity justice in France

The Transition from High to Low Marital Fertility: Cultural or Socioeconomic Determinants?

Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Transition from High to Low Marital Fertility: Cultural or Socioeconomic Determinants?Dov Friedlander, Jona Schellekens, and Eliahu Ben-MosheDov Friedlander Search for more articles by this author , Jona Schellekens Search for more articles by this author , and Eliahu Ben-Moshe Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Economic Development and Cultural Change Volume 39, Number 2Jan., 1991 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/451873 Views: 5Total views on this site Citations: 18Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1991 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Enrico Spolaore, Romain Wacziarg Fertility and Modernity, The Economic Journal 132, no.642642 (Nov 2021): 796–833.https://doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueab066Maria De Paola, Roberto Nisticò, Vincenzo Scoppa Employment protection and fertility decisions: the unintended consequences of the Italian Jobs Act, Economic Policy 36, no.108108 (Aug 2021): 735–773.https://doi.org/10.1093/epolic/eiab015Mélanie Bourguignon, Sandra Brée, Thierry Eggerickx, Jean-Paul Sanderson Fécondité différentielle au début du XXe siècle selon la classe sociale des femmes. Les cas de la Belgique et de la France, Annales de démographie historique n° 138, no.22 (Apr 2020): 179–211.https://doi.org/10.3917/adh.138.0179Maria De Paola, Roberto Nisticò, Vincenzo Scoppa Fertility Decisions and Employment Protection: The Unintended Consequences of the Italian Jobs Act, SSRN Electronic Journal 27 (Jan 2020).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3765803Cuong Nguyen, Anh Tran The Effect of Having Children on Women’s Marital Status: Evidence From Vietnam, The Journal of Development Studies 53, no.1212 (Jan 2017): 2102–2117.https://doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2016.1269887Jona Schellekens, Frans van Poppel Marital Fertility Decline in the Netherlands: Child Mortality, Real Wages, and Unemployment, 1860–1939, Demography 49, no.33 (Jun 2012): 965–988.https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-012-0112-1GERHARD MEISENBERG WEALTH, INTELLIGENCE, POLITICS AND GLOBAL FERTILITY DIFFERENTIALS, Journal of Biosocial Science 41, no.44 (Mar 2009): 519–535.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021932009003344Roksana Bahramitash, Shahla Kazemipour Myths and Realities of the Impact of Islam on Women: Changing Marital Status in Iran, Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 15, no.22 (Sep 2006): 111–128.https://doi.org/10.1080/10669920600762066Brigitte H. Bechtold Infanticide in 19th century France: A quantitative interpretation, Review of Radical Political Economics 33, no.22 (Aug 2016): 165–187.https://doi.org/10.1177/048661340103300202N. Hortacsu, S. S Bastug, O. B. Muhammetberdiev Desire for Children in Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan: Son Preference and Perceived Instrumentality for Value Satisfaction, Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 32, no.33 (May 2001): 309–321.https://doi.org/10.1177/0022022101032003004Hans-Peter Kohler Fertility decline as a coordination problem, Journal of Development Economics 63, no.22 (Dec 2000): 231–263.https://doi.org/10.1016/S0304-3878(00)00118-8 General bibliography, (Jan 2000): 241–254.https://doi.org/10.4000/books.ifp.9953Dov Friedlander, Barbara S. Okun, Sharon Segal The Demographic Transition Then and Now: Processes, Perspectives, and Analyses, Journal of Family History 24, no.44 (Oct 1999): 493–533.https://doi.org/10.1177/036319909902400406Ann Larson New directions for the study of Australia’s fertility decline, Journal of the Australian Population Association 14, no.11 (May 1997): 47–67.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF03029486Steven B. Caudill, Franklin G. Mixon Modeling household fertility decisions: Estimation and testing of censored regression models for count data, Empirical Economics 20, no.22 (Jun 1995): 183–196.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01205434Adrian E. Raftery, Steven M. Lewis, Akbar Aghajanian Demand or Ideation? Evidence from the Iranian Marital Fertility Decline, Demography 32, no.22 (May 1995): 159.https://doi.org/10.2307/2061738Clifford W. Cobb, Lee L. Bean Book reviews, Population and Environment 14, no.55 (May 1993): 485–491.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01261113Dov Friedlander, Moshe Pollak, Jona Schellekens A method of estimating the time of marital fertility decline and associated parameters, Mathematical Population Studies 4, no.11 (Sep 2009): 37–49.https://doi.org/10.1080/08898489309525355

Sociological Theories and the Great Emigration

3 Sociological Theories and the Great Emigration by B. Lindsay Lowell The great emigration from Norway took place in a relatively short span of four decades in the latter half of the nineteenth century. From that time to this, historians, sociologists, economists, geographers, and assorted other experts have pointed to certain factors associated with that phenomenon. Sociologists have devised several theories that explain the exodus by placing it against the larger backdrop of social change taking place at that time: the change from traditional to modern society. These theories purport to specify general factors that caused emigration, not just from Norway, but from almost any nineteenth-century society. Sociologists use specific hypotheses as their point of departure and then examine findings from available studies which support or fail to support each hypothesis. The core of this article is a discussion of the logic of three sociological theories and an examination of recent research that illuminates various hypotheses. Further, the accuracy of each theory's hypothesis will be tested with a statistical methodology employed to analyze all of Norway's 535 rural municipalities or communities (herreder) between 1870 and 1905. It is the overlap between the case-study findings and the statistical analysis of all Norwegian communities which permits strong conclusions to be reached as to the value of each competing theory. 53 54 B. Lindsay Lowell CHANGE AND RESPONSE (MULTIPHASIC response) THEORY Prevailing population theory in the 1960s interpreted emigration as part of the Malthusian drama of too many people for too little land.1 The population of Norway grew dramatically during the century preceding the mass departure. In the seventeenth century the population of eastern Norway increased over 150 percent, while western Norway experienced an increase ranging from 40 to 80 percent. By 1865, just prior to the start of mass emigration, Norway's population had experienced a half-century of spectacular and unprecedented growth. High levels of population density became particularly acute in the marginal areas - high mountains, elevated valleys, and the remoter parts of Çord districts. It is no wonder that Norway's foremost emigration historian, Ingrid Semmingsen , has argued that population pressure was a major reason behind the mass movement.2 Of course, Thomas Malthus, early in the century, had little notion of the range of transformations which would occur after his time. Urbanization and modern employment can create jobs and markets for goods which eventually absorb rural excess population. The population pressure mechanism implies a pressure on resources, but few contemporary NeoMalthusians argue that it was overpopulation alone that was responsible for the emigration. Neo-Malthusians argue that there is a connection between rural population density in traditional societies and a general tightening of economic opportunity as farms and jobs become scarce. They focus on the push created by high density agricultural populations, coupled , in the case of Norway, with a lag in urban development and employment in the modern sector of the economy. If overpopulation purportedly stimulates emigration, then the creation of non-agricultural jobs, assumed to be associated with increases in the urban population, is required to stop it. Figure 1 is a map of Norway that shows the percentage of all workers employed in non-agricultural secondary, or manufacturing, and tertiary, or service, sectors of rural com- Sociological Theories of Emigration 55 Fig. 1. Employment in secondary and tertiary sectors, 1875 and 1890. munities. The statistics for this map are based on official Norwegian census data.3 The map presents the major subregions of Norway as they are typically delineated.4 Here there is evidence that growth in non-agricultural employment was indeed somewhat slow between 1875 and 1890, although there were especially great concentrations of secondary employment in the south central and Oslo regions. In the Norwegian South there was a large concentration of tertiary employment associated with the role of shipping, mainly wooden sailing craft, in the region.5 Oslo, Bergen, Trondheim, and Stavanger were the largest cities at that time, and nearby rural areas were influenced by urban demand.6 Urban proximity created specialized agricultural production which demanded close control over the labor force. These peasants worked on farms where their labor was purchased to a greater extent than...

Urban influences on farming in Essex

The urban fringe is usually portrayed as a location of unrelieved adversity for farmers. It is rare for the costs of the urban fringe to be counterbalanced by an assessment of the opportunities that are also found there. This paper presents the results of a large scale farm survey in Essex which sought to examine the effects of urban proximity on farm management practices. The paper examines the nature and spatial extent of the following: conversion of farm land to urban uses (with special emphasis on the role of compulsory purchase orders); changes in farm labour; part time farming and the location of part time farmers jobs; vandalism and trespass damage and farmers response to this hazard; farm-based recreation and the sale of produce direct to the public. In general it is shown that the disadvantages of farming in the urban fringe have been overrated while the advantages have been underrated.

Residential preferences and migration

For some time now, public opinion polls have revealed Americans' strong preference to live in comparatively small cities, towns, and rural areas rather than in large cities. However, as Fuguitt and Zuiches (1975) have reported, the majority of people also want these places to be within commuting distance of a large metropolitan city. This research tests the hypothesis that size-of-place and urban proximity preferences are factors in the dispersal of population through migration. A one-year panel survey of Pennsylvania households indicates that only about one household in ten that moved actually attained its preference for a smaller-sized place or a location more distant from a large city. Preferences for smaller-sized places and proximity to a city were not correlated with where people actually moved when the size and proximity of the previous residence were taken into consideration.

Transporte Aéreo e o Efeito de Sombra: Uma Analise Preliminar

This paper is an attempt to ascertain some relationships between the distribution of brasilian cities and that of an passenger traffic, from the empirical evidence presented on a series of maps. The effects of some urban characteristics as population size, special urban functions and proximity of other cities are considered, in particular the "traffic-shadow effect" and consequent desappearance of the airports localized within the limits of area submitted to this effect.

The Nebraska Example

AbstractIn recent years increasing emphasis has been placed upon apparent reversals of population declines in numerous small nonmetropolitan communities of the United States. This paper employs the regression model to investigate the role of selected variables associated with 1960 to 1970 population changes for 211 Nebraska communities with populations between 400 and 9,999 in 1960. Independent variables examined are: (1) urban proximity, (2) size of the center in 1960, (3) governmental activities, (4) traffic flow, (5) manufacturing activities, (6) farm density, (7) community development, (8) irrigation activities, and (9) housing supply. Also included is a brief discussion of variations between 1960 to 1970 and 1970 to 1973 population changes in these communities. Analysis of population changes in Nebraska communities may be instructive for other practitioners considering population growth or decline in the nation’s rural areas.