O n May 17, 1980, the decade of the seventies ended, in Miami, in rage, fire, and murder. After listening to cries of fiscal crisis from numerous cities we had, perhaps, become used to the idea that people could say things were critical but that somehow the cities would survive, as did, for example, New York, Cleveland, Chicago, and the state of California in the aftermath of Proposition 13. As fiscal crisis followed fiscal crisis, in episodes sometimes laced with healthy doses of low comedy, we tended to focus our attention on structures, financial processes, and complicated rescue mechanisms. Urban fiscal crises became routinized. Cut-back management became a respectable, even comfortable, way to talk about doing less, providing fewer services, and diminishing the quality of urban life, albeit usually for more money. Miami shattered that complacency. Miami reminded us that people live in cities. Miami demonstrated the fragility of civil life in cities. Although the underlying causes of this riot seem to be both economically and racially based, the spark for the torch was set off by the failure to provide one of the most fundamental and elementary functions of a civil society-justice. Whether this particular incident ended the seventies or began the eighties is beyond our prediction. What we do know is that urban areas mix into relatively small geographic areas highly volatile but resilient groupings of people, each with its hopes and fears, ideals and aspirations, desires and despairs. It is no longer going to be so easy to talk about cutback management, especially in some sort of clinical sense. Cut-back management cuts back on services to people. That is the dilemma forced upon us by resource constraints: the dollars do not seem to go around and the decisions are made not in terms of who is going to get more, but rather who shall get less. How we solve that dilemma will help determine whether Miami represents a brief reminder of the sixties or a spark for burning in the eighties. This issue on urban finance is sponsored by HUD's office of policy management. Urban finance cannot help but be central to the quality of urban life. While individual incidents may exist outside the usual framework of urban finance, it is that framework which will routinely set the environment within which the drama unfolds. In this issue, the contributions examine the trends in urban finance, explore some of the consequences of the tax limitation movement, investigate the behavior of fiscal decision makers, discuss alternative means of service provision, funding, and fund accountability, and confront the impact of special issues like energy costs and intergovernmental mandates on urban governments. The issue begins with a consideration of the
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