Miss Yeld set out to do a number of things. Firstly, to examine 'only the Fulani-dominated Hausa Emirates, chief among which are Sokoto, Gwandu, Kano, Katsina and Zaria-with one of the independent Hausa Emirates, that of Kebbi, as a control in considering such factors as whether the traditional Hausa status system has been significantly affected by factors of Fulani ethnic domination, or by a relatively longer period (about a century) of direct Islamic influence on political life'.3 She also undertook to analyse 'the changes brought about under British administration, which affect the status hierarchy and the possibilities for mobility'. 4 However, she focused her main analysis on 'political and occupational status in the urban capitals of Hausa Emirates'.5 In short, Miss Yeld undertook five tasks simultaneously: firstly, to describe the traditional Hausa status system without which we should be unable to determine the eXects of Fulani rule or Islam; secondly, to determine the effects of Fulani rule on this 'traditional Hausa status system'; thirdly, to do likewise for Islam and to compare this with the Fulani eXects; fourthly, to do likewise for British contacts; fifthly, to analyse political and occupational status in Emirate capitals, presumably at the present day. To assess Miss Yeld's analysis, we must therefore consider ( I) whether her problems are distinct and resolvable; (2) whether her methodology is appropriate; (3) whether her data are appropriate; (4) whether these data correctly represent the various Eeld situations which she isolates for study; (5) and finally whether her conclusions are tenable or relevant to her problems. This procedure is especially necessary in view of the multiplicity and interrelation of Miss Yeld's objectives. Of these objectives, the fourth need hardly detain us. After a brief 52