Unpaid Household Research Articles

Türkiye’de Boş Zaman Talebi ve Belirleyicileri

<div><!--block-->It was proposed for the first time by Becker (1965) that time allocation should be included in the decision processes of economic agents and accepted as a production input at the time. Together with Granou (1977), economic analysis of the components of household production and of the time individuals spent outside the market became important. Turkey ranks first in terms of men’s paid work and women’s unpaid work hours among OECD countries. With the changing nature of society, man’s position of “breadwinner” has changed in the distribution of work-loads with an increase in women’s participation in the labor force. In this context, Turkey has a special position in terms of gender differences and time allocation and time use. In this study, Turkey’s leisure time demands were analyzed. With this in mind, leisure time demands for&nbsp; men and women - were estimated separately using Time Use data (TUS) 2014-2015 presented by TURKSTAT. When the results are examined, an obvious difference between genders in leisure time demand can be seen. The main reason is that theburden of unpaid household work reduces the flexibility of leisure time for women. However, the most important determinants of leisure time are wages and education level - which is the usual price of leisure time.&nbsp;</div>

Helping Working Mothers Face the Challenges of an Intensive Mothering Culture

Approximately one third of women in the U.S. workforce have children 18 years of age or younger. In addition to the typical career development challenges faced by women, which include pay inequity, lower levels of education, and low career self-efficacy, working mothers do a disproportionate amount of unpaid household tasks and childcare, are seen as less competent and dedicated to their work, and face deeply entrenched cultural ideals of the best ways to be a mother. Counselors can help working mothers by being aware of their own personal bias when counseling, validating the experience of working mothers, and utilizing appropriate and supportive interventions. It is recommended that counselors also help clients, their partners, and their families develop strategies to reduce the impact of the intensive mothering culture at work and home.

Beyond Separate Spheres

Beyond Separate Spheres

Satellite account of household production. Methodological remarks and results for Poland

The household production is a big aggregate which has no reflection in the current European system of national accounts. The market value of that production accounts for less than 10- 15% of the total household production. Generally, household production can be estimated using the input method. Unpaid household work is the main input. There were many proposals of the way of estimating household work, but most economists prefer the market cost method. The first full sequence of accounts, entitled the Household Production Satellite Account for Poland (HHSA) was developed for 2011. It was proven that the value of the household work constitutes approximately 80% of the total value of household production, while the total value of household production in relation to GDP amounted to approximately 36.5%. Providing the regular calculation of the HHSA, which is a supporting tool for the core national accounts, will allow the recognition and better understanding of the transfers and interactions between the market and households. The value and size of the goods and services produced by households can be compared with similar products produced on the market by enterprises.

Newcomer Women's Experience of Immigration and Precarious Work in Toronto

Canada's immigration policy encourages immigrants with education and job skills. They are awarded points for specific skills and admitted in the economic class. This system is held up as a model of a modern immigration policy, but it incorporates misogynistic norms that give male applicants a strong economic advantage over women. The policy divides applicants into primary applicants and dependents. Only the skills of the primary applicant, usually the husband in a family unit, are assessed. Thus women's potential economic contribution is not considered. This study of 30 newcomer women in Toronto found that they remained in low-paid precarious work, were vulnerable to workplace exploitation, sacrificed their careers to support their husbands, suffered economic and health repercussions, and had difficulty getting better work due to unpaid household labor and lack of social supports. This paper shows the connection between the marginalization of these women and Canadian immigration policy

Pro-elderly welfare states within child-oriented societies

ABSTRACTFamilies and policies both are main vehicles of intergenerational transfers. Working-age people are net contributors; children and older persons net beneficiaries. However, there is an asymmetry in socialization. Working-age people pay taxes and social security contributions to institutionalize care for older persons as a generation, but invest private resources to raise their own children, often with large social returns. This results in asymmetric statistical visibility. Elderly transfers are near-fully observed in National Accounts; those to children much less. Analysing ten European societies, we employ National Transfer Accounts to include public and private transfers, and National Time Transfer Accounts to value unpaid household labour. All three transfer channels combined, children receive more than twice as many per-capita resources as older persons. Europe is a continent of elderly-oriented welfare states and strongly child-oriented parents. Since children are ever-scarcer public goods in aging societies, why has investment in them not been socialized more?

Time poverty of Pakistani immigrant women in Toronto

ABSTRACTOver decades, economists and sociologists have established that women tend to work more than men if both paid and unpaid work are counted. Even with women’s increased labour force participation, men have only shown modest increases in unpaid domestic work. This study demonstrates, through time use diaries and interviews, a unique time use pattern by Pakistani Canadian immigrant women. The eight women in this study performed all or nearly all unpaid household tasks, suffered from time poverty due to cultural and family pressures, and experienced varying degrees of dis/satisfaction with their time use, becoming more aware of it through their participation in this project. This study concludes with policy implications, centering on the negative influences of the male breadwinner model on immigrant women which constructs them as a ‘burden’ on their husbands and renders these women’s unpaid work invisible.

La protección de las mujeres en su vejez

En Colombia, como en otros países del mundo, las mujeres reciben menores salarios y experimentan mayores interrupciones en el mercado formal de trabajo, frente a los hombres. Las anteriores condiciones reducen la probabilidad de tener una protección económica adecuada en la vejez. La distribución inequitativa de las labores no remuneradas del cuidado del hogar juega un rol importante en este contexto. Por ello, las políticas encaminadas a corregir las disparidades de género en el mercado laboral son esenciales. El presente artículo reconoce la importancia de estas acciones. Sin embargo, se concentra en políticas directamente relacionadas con mecanismos de protección social que mejoren la probabilidad de que las mujeres reciban una pensión o de que incrementen su mesada pensional. El artículo describe y explica las bajas tasas de cobertura pensional entre las adultas mayores colombianas. Adicionalmente, explora y analiza las políticas de protección en favor de las mujeres que se han llevado a cabo en otros países con el fin de discutir posibles iniciativas para Colombia.

“The Dirt Came Up”: Domestic Service and Women's Agency in Oaxaca City, Mexico

AbstractMore than two million Mexican women, including over 60,000 in the southeastern state of Oaxaca (population 3.8 million), generate income through paid domestic labour. Within the local political economy, this low‐paid, low‐status job commodifies the unpaid household chores that local gender role norms ascribe to women. Although the potential economic, social, and physical exploitation of uneducated, poor women domestic workers in a “dead end job” is well documented across the globe (see Hoerder, 2015), less is known about the goals and experiences of women who work in service as a way to “get ahead” through and after schooling. Through ethnographic analysis of the lives of Oaxacan domestics who possess high education levels, this paper explores ways that local socioeconomic and geographic conditions and patterns coincide and contrast with broader debates regarding the gendering of urbanization and employment in underdeveloped regions. This issue is especially compelling in an impoverished state that is notorious for low schooling levels, high rates of international migration, and the nation's highest percentage (80 percent) of workers in the informal sector (CONEVAL 2013). This study contributes to our understanding of the importance of informal sector employment for urban women—both with and without advanced schooling—whose agency has led them to work in domestic service while negotiating precarious economic circumstances.

Unfolding Patterns of Unpaid Household Work in Latin America

ABSTRACTAlthough Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay show similar empirical patterns in terms of time women devote to unpaid work, they also present important variations in how unpaid work is distributed between men and women. Using time-use surveys for the 2007–10 period, this study finds a uniform pattern across the four countries regarding the main individual-level variables related to the allocation of unpaid work. When decomposing the gender gap in hours devoted to unpaid work, most of the difference cannot be attributed to variations in observable characteristics of men and women: the unexplained part of the gap is the dominant part. Results suggest that both the strength of traditional gender roles and existing welfare architecture are relevant factors in understanding variations in how unpaid work is distributed between men and women in these four countries. The results reaffirm that powerful interventions are needed to shift gender norms about unpaid work.

Pro-Elderly Welfare States within Child-Oriented Societies

Families and policies both are main vehicles of intergenerational transfers. Working-age people are net contributors; children and older persons net beneficiaries. However, there is an asymmetry in socialization. Working-age people pay taxes and social security contributions to institutionalize care for older persons as a generation, but invest private resources to raise their own children, often with large social returns. This results in asymmetric statistical visibility. Elderly transfers are near-fully observed in National Accounts; those to children much less. Analysing ten European societies, we employ National Transfer Accounts to include public and private transfers, and National Time Transfer Accounts to value unpaid household labour. All three transfer channels combined, children receive more than twice as many per-capita resources as older persons. Europe is a continent of elderly-oriented welfare states and strongly child-oriented parents. Since children are ever-scarcer public goods in aging societies, why has investment in them not been socialized more?

Household production and consumption over the life cycle: National Time Transfer Accounts in 14 European countries

While the importance of unpaid household labour in total economic output is recognized, little is known about the demographics of its production and consumption. Our goal is to give a comprehensive estimation on the value of production and consumption of unpaid labour by age and gender and analyse non-market economic transfers in 14 European countries, which represent about 80 per cent of the population of the European Union. Our calculations are based on publicly available harmonised data. We introduce a novel imputation method of harmonised European time use data (HETUS) to the EU income survey (EU-SILC) in order to assign time spent on home production to consumers in households. Monetary values are attributed to unpaid labour activities using harmonised data on earnings (SES). Apart from pointing out key country specific results, we make two important observations on the age patterns of non-market economic activity. First, the economic lifecycle of men and women differ. The gender gap in household production is not evenly distributed over the lifecycle and cohorts of working age women contribute the most in net terms. Secondly, the main beneficiaries of unpaid household labour are children, not adult men, nor the elderly. In contrast with the national economy, in which intergenerational flows are important in sustaining both childhood and old age, working age people almost exclusively support only children in the household economies of Europe. Older cohorts consume household goods and services mostly produced by them. With our analysis we add a new focus to the research on home production. While keeping the gender aspect, we demonstrate the importance of the lifecycle component of unpaid household labour.

A general model for the estimation of societal costs of lost production and informal care in Italy

We developed a general model for estimating and comparing disease- and treatment-specific lost paid/unpaid production (due to premature death and reduced ability) and informal care received (due to reduced ability) in Italy, starting from survival, demographic and Health-Related Quality of Life (HRQoL) data. Assuming the disease is not selecting a systematically different population in terms of mean wage than the general public, age- and gender-specific yearly production values are estimated combining data from the last Italian Time-Use-Survey on time dedicated to paid and unpaid (household, caring and volunteering) activities, with a) the last Italian Wage-Structure-Survey, for paid activities (Human Capital approach), and b) market prices for an equivalent service, for unpaid production (Proxy Good approach). To avoid double counting, age- and gender-specific maximum care needs are approximated with time dedicated to eating and personal care,reported in TUS. Present monetary values of future productivity and informal care are estimated applying a 3.5% annual discount rate. Lost life years due to a particular condition/treatment are estimated by comparison of its survival curve with the corresponding age- and gender-normalized survival curve of the general Italian population. The degrees of reduced productivity and need for informal care for remaining life years are estimated by comparison of condition-/treatment-specificreported HRQoL data with demographically matched Italian norms. Our results will be useful for cost-effectiveness and budget impact analyses conducted from the perspective of the Italian society and we encourage the inclusion of these costs in economic evaluations to allow decision makers to be fully informed about the costs and consequences of their decisions on healthcare interventions.

Criteria and dilemmas concerning the valuation of domestic production in Poland

This article discusses the valuation of household production in the form of a Household Satellite Account. Monetary household calculation based on ”Time Use Survey 2013” was presented. In order to determine the value of household work, an input method was used, based on the amount of time spent on unpaid home-based household chores (providing and maintaining housing, meals and clothing as well as child and adult care or volunteering) and earning rates by occupation. The aim of the research was to indicate the size of non-market household production, which although not included in national accounts could provide information about i.a. the households level and quality of life as well as their contribution to the economy. On the basis of the analysis, non-market household production is five times higher than the market household production. Regular development of Household Satellite Account can fill the gap in statistics.

RECESSION AND RECOVERY IN SCOTLAND: THE IMPACT ON WOMEN’S LABOR MARKET PARTICIPATION BEYOND THE HEADLINE STATISTICS

IntroductionScotland entered into recession in the third quarter of 2008 and remained there for five quarters until the third quarter of 2009. The Scottish economy experienced a peak to trough decline in output of 5.6%, compared to 6.3% for the UK as a whole (Gillespie, 2013: 14). The recovery in Scotland proceeded at a relatively slow pace and it was not until the end of 2013 that the lost output experienced during the recession was recovered. The impact of recession on women and men depends on their different starting positions in the paid labor market, occupational grouping and allocation of earnings (Rubery, 1988/2010; Rubery and Rafferty, 2012) as well as their relative positions with respect to the state in terms of welfare provision (Sainsbury, 1996). Analysis of the headline figures indicate that the employment between women and men narrowed significantly during Scotland's economic recovery, as women's increased at a faster rate than men's. On the face of it, economic recovery has been a good news story for Scotland's women. However, focusing solely on headline statistics gives a partial analysis that could underestimate the true impact of recession and recovery on gender equality in paid labor markets (Harkness, 2013). Similarly, a focus on paid work alone is limited in assessing gender equality, given the gendered division of labor in households where women undertake the majority of unpaid household work, particularly care. Making use of secondary data and official labor market statistics, this paper aims to develop a more in-depth analysis of the impact of the recession and subsequent economic recovery on the labor market position of women in Scotland by considering the nature of growth and the impact of recession and recovery on unpaid work.Employment and Unemployment in ScotlandAs Table 1 shows, the great defined as the period between December-February 2008 and December-February 2010, resulted in a significant fall in the overall level of in Scotland. Despite the recovery being somewhat long and erratic, the numbers in had returned to their pre-recession levels by 2015. The most significant change is that the gap between male and female rates narrowed signif- icantly over the course of the recession and recovery, from 9.2% in 2008 to 2.2% at the beginning of 2016. This is the result of female rising at a much faster pace than male post-recession. Female is now higher than pre-recession levels and indeed since comparable records began in 1992 (Office for National Statistics, 2016a). Changes in the social security system, in particular the increase in the state pension age for women to bring it into line with men, has resulted in more women working longer or seeking additional to augment private pension provisions, may have accounted for some of the increase in female (Office for National Statistics, 2013; Webster, 2014; Scottish Government, 2015a, 2016).During the 2008-09 recession, total in Scotland fell by 91,000, over two-thirds of the decrease was accounted for by the decline in male employment. Therefore, the impact in terms has been greater for men than women. This is not unique to Scotland and indeed the tendency for this recession to have a disproportionate impact on the of men led some commentators to describe it as a mancession, a phrase coined in the USA to describe the trends in unemployment in the recession's early stages (Perry, 2009; Wall, 2009). The impact of any economic downturn tends to be borne mostly by men because there is a greater concentration of male workers in cyclically sensitive industries, such as construction and manufacturing. Over the whole period between 2008 and 2016 the number of men in increased by 0.7% whereas the number of women in increased by 4. …

PRM44 - A General Model for The Estimation of Societal Costs of Lost Production and Informal Care In Italy

We developed a general model for estimating and comparing disease- and treatment-specific lost paid/unpaid production (due to premature death and reduced ability) and informal care received (due to reduced ability) in Italy, starting from survival, demographic and Health-Related Quality of Life (HRQoL) data. Assuming the disease is not selecting a systematically different population in terms of mean wage than the general public, age- and gender-specific yearly production values are estimated combining data from the last Italian Time-Use-Survey on time dedicated to paid and unpaid (household, caring and volunteering) activities, with a) the last Italian Wage-Structure-Survey, for paid activities (Human Capital approach), and b) market prices for an equivalent service, for unpaid production (Proxy Good approach). To avoid double counting, age- and gender-specific maximum care needs are approximated with time dedicated to eating and personal care, reported in TUS. Present monetary values of future productivity and informal care are estimated applying a 3.5% annual discount rate. Lost life years due to a particular condition/treatment are estimated by comparison of its survival curve with the corresponding age- and gender-normalized survival curve of the general Italian population. The degrees of reduced productivity and need for informal care for remaining life years are estimated by comparison of condition-/treatment-specific reported HRQoL data with demographically matched Italian norms. Our results will be useful for cost-effectiveness and budget impact analyses conducted from the perspective of the Italian society and we encourage the inclusion of these costs in economic evaluations to allow decision makers to be fully informed about the costs and consequences of their decisions on healthcare interventions.

Projecting productivity losses for cancer-related mortality 2011 - 2030.

BackgroundWhen individuals stop working due to cancer this represents a loss to society – the loss of productivity. The aim of this analysis was to estimate productivity losses associated with premature mortality from all adult cancers and from the 20 highest mortality adult cancers in Ireland in 2011, and project these losses until 2030.MethodsAn incidence-based method was used to estimate the cost of cancer deaths between 2011 and 2030 using the Human Capital Approach. National data were used for cancer, population and economic inputs. Both paid work and unpaid household activities were included. Sensitivity analyses estimated the impact of assumptions around future cancer mortality rates, retirement ages, value of unpaid work, wage growth and discounting.ResultsThe 233,000 projected deaths from all invasive cancers in Ireland between 2011 and 2030 will result in lost productivity valued at €73 billion; €13 billion in paid work and €60 billion in household activities. These losses represent approximately 1.4 % of Ireland’s GDP annually. The most costly cancers are lung (€14.4 billion), colorectal and breast cancer (€8.3 billion each). However, when viewed as productivity losses per cancer death, testis (€364,000 per death), cervix (€155,000 per death) and brain cancer (€136,000 per death) are most costly because they affect working age individuals. An annual 1 % reduction in mortality reduces productivity losses due to all invasive cancers by €8.5 billion over 20 years.ConclusionsSociety incurs substantial losses in productivity as a result of cancer-related mortality, particularly when household production is included. These estimates provide valuable evidence to inform resource allocation decisions in cancer prevention and control.

Enough Time for Housework? Low‐Wage Work and Desired Housework Time Adjustments

Although studies examine preferences for hours spent in paid employment, little attention has been given to preferences for hours spent in unpaid household labor. This study examines the extent to which women working in low‐paid retail jobs would prefer to spend more or less time on household work and how alignment between preferred and actual time on housework is related to characteristics of paid work. Using original survey data and company records on a sample of women working at a U.S. retail firm (N = 277), the authors found that mismatch between preferred and actual time on household work was common. Roughly 42% wanted more time on household work and 18% wanted less. Working multiple jobs, work schedule unpredictability, and nonstandard work timing contributed to wanting more time on housework. Findings add to understanding of how low‐wage, precarious employment shapes workers' ability to attend to necessary tasks of household management.

Legal Violence Against Syrian Female Refugees in Turkey

Turkey hosts the world’s largest community of Syrians displaced by the ongoing armed conflict. The object of this article is to explore the damaging effects of a hostile legal context on female Syrian refugees in Turkey. I base my analysis on scholarship that theorises immigration legislation as a system of legal violence and I argue that the Temporary Protection Regulation and the Law on Foreigners and International Protection that govern the legal status of refugees in Turkey inflict legal violence on Syrian female refugees. This legislation keeps them in the regime of temporary protection and prevents their access to international protection. The temporary protection regime serves furthermore as the main determinant for other forms of legal violence inflicted by various actors. I explore the effects of the Turkish government’s inaction in terms of preventing and sanctioning the abuse of Syrian female refugees as unpaid sex and household workers. I show that the extended legal limbo on the conditions of employment of Syrian refugees secures female Syrians as the most precarious workforce for Turkey’s various sectors. Finally I claim that the forced confinement of Syrian beggars in refugee camps is instrumentalised for their disciplinary regulation.

Women's Invisible Contribution: Quantifying the Economic Value of Women's Unpaid Care Activities in Turkey and Policy Options to Reduce Women's Care Burden

Women, whether in employment or not, spend a significant amount of time in Turkey occupied in unpaid home-based care activities, providing care for children and the elderly in their families. Among OECD countries, the country ranks second in terms of the amount of time women spend on unpaid household chores and activities. This paper estimates the economic value of time women allocate in Turkey to direct care activities at home by using two main methodologies: (i) the opportunity cost method estimates the value of time using each woman’s potential earnings in the labor market, and (ii) the proxy good method calculates the value of time taking into account a constant fixed value of hourly earnings (either the minimum wage or the average wage of a social worker). The value of direct care, which constitutes a lower-bound for overall care activities of women, is estimated to be around 1.37-3.34 percent of GDP as of 2011. Using the opportunity cost of earnings methodology, the paper estimates the economic value of refocusing the time spent on care activities to employment to be 1.5 billion USD for working women and 4.8 billion USD for non-working women.