Unjust Treatment Research Articles

Die NG Kerk oor ‘Kerk en Samelewing’ voor en na 1994 – ’n Evaluering van drie dokumente

The Dutch Reformed Church about ‘Church and Society’ before and after 1994 – An evaluation of three documents. In its aim, to guide the members of its congregations in the last days of official apartheid in South Africa in a pastoral and ethical way, the General Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church formulated the documents Church and Society of 1986 and 1990. The General Synod applied its interpretation of biblical norms like love thy neighbour, justice and human dignity, to say that apartheid as the forced separation and unequal, unjust treatment of people of different communities, could not be justified. The church opted for a new societal dispensation in one South Africa, although it left the practical side of it to the chosen politicians. When confronted by the new dispensation in 1994, the study commission that was appointed to help their church members to understand the new South Africa as based on the human rights of individuals, was uncritical about the humanistic-individualistic foundation of the new society. The fruits of their study were sent to be studied in congregations. This movement led to the end of an effort in this regard on the level of the General Synod. Between their approach to apartheid and the new society, the reports before the General Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church did not maintain the same principles, nor did it maintain an ecclesiastical independence. The report of 1998 did not show the same critical approach as the reports on apartheid in 1986 and 1990.Contribution: This article concentrates on the view of the Dutch Reformed Church on practical apartheid before it officially ended in 1994. The critical approach of practical apartheid as undertaken by this church is investigated through a church historical study of literature. Three documents on church and society eventually came out of the General Synod: Church and Society 1986, Church and Society 1990 and the Church and a new dispensation in 1998. The Dutch Reformed Church, however, did not use the same point of departure before than after 1994.

Who Can You Trust? The Impact of Procedural Justice, Trust, and Police Officer Sex on Women's Sexual Assault Victimization Reporting Likelihood.

Sexual assaults are underreported to the police, even though this crime affects one in four college women. Using a vignette design, this study fills a gap in the literature by examining the influence of prior police perceptions, procedurally unjust treatment, and the sex of the responding officer on college women's likelihood to report sexual assault. Results indicate positive prior police perceptions significantly increase students' perceived likelihood to report sexual victimization. Even when controlling for prior perceptions, procedurally unfair treatment significantly decreases the likelihood of future victimization reporting. Responding officer sex does not affect students' decision to report.

Civilian perceptions of police: A thematic analysis of non-physical encounters with law enforcement

ABSTRACT Literature pertaining to civilian-police relations within the United States primarily focuses on unjust physical treatment of civilians by law enforcement. However, research examining the ways in which adverse nonphysical encounters with law enforcement influence perceptions of police and compromise their relationship with civilians is less prevalent. This study utilizes a thematic approach to analyze 252 participants open-ended responses from the Police–Public Encounters survey. The Police–Public Encounters survey was designed to investigate the prevalence, demographic distribution, and psychological correlates of police victimization from adults across four US cities (Baltimore, New York, Philadelphia and Washington, DC), to understand their most notably adverse encounter with police. Study findings revealed four themes: 1) direct and indirect experiences of racial profiling, 2) fear and intimidation, 3) unjust treatment, and 4) poor quality of service. Findings highlight the relationship between nonphysical encounters with police and notions of procedural justice that influence civilian-police interactions. Implications for future research should continue to explore citizens’ perceptions of police as well as police perceptions of their encounters with civilians to examine how this may affect their ability to serve and protect communities.

Workplace Age Discrimination and Social-psychological Well-being

The research literature on workplace inequality has given comparatively little attention to age discrimination and its social-psychological consequences. In this article, we highlight useful insights from critical gerontological, labor process, and mental health literatures and analyze the patterning of workplace age discrimination and its implications for sense of job insecurity, job-specific stress, and the overall mental health of full-time workers 40 years old and above, covered by the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA). Our analyses, which draw on two decades and five waves of the General Social Survey (2002–2018), reveal (1) the prevalence of self-reported workplace age discrimination and growing vulnerability particularly for those 60 years and above, (2) clear social-psychological costs when it comes to job insecurity, work-specific stress, and overall self-reported mental health, and (3) dimensions of status and workplace social relations that offer a protective buffer or exacerbate age discrimination’s corrosive effects. Future research on age as an important status vulnerability within the domain of employment and the implications of unjust treatment for well-being and mental health are clearly warranted.

Making Way for Ships: Displacement, Religion and Urban Space-Making in India’s Southwest Littoral

This article foregrounds the interlinkages between the urban space-making of Kochi, religion and the displacement of shore communities in the decades after the Independence of India in 1947. I analyse the happenings and narratives around post-Independent India’s development initiatives as a site to understand space, land and sea as crucial resources in relation to the development of the city and the displacement of the shore communities. Specifically, I examine how the establishment of the Cochin Shipyard, a public-sector company which builds and repairs ships, is entangled with displacement and religion in the development history of Kochi, a comparatively small port city on the south-western coast of the Indian subcontinent. I also trace the refiguring of the displaced people’s land as the place of ‘revengeful ghosts’ in vernacular literature, which, I argue, shows anxieties about the unjust treatment of the evicted communities. I use a diverse range of sources including newspaper reports, biographical notes, ethnographic accounts, myths and literature to recreate this forgotten chapter in the development of Kochi.

Revenge with a (Positive) Twist: Examining Constructive Responses to Workplace Injustice

For many years, the research has shown an active interest in identifying the ways in which targets of workplace mistreatment or injustice respond to such treatment. Fundamentally, the literature has created several compelling portraits of the wronged employee, most of which demonstrate a limited capacity for the employee to rise above the injustice. While forgiveness has been touted as a constructive response, less charitable characterizations of the targets suggest they commonly fall victim to a range of dysfunctional behaviors including enacting destructive revenge. In this research paper, we used the grounded theory approach to revisit and expand the notion of revenge or retaliation to include behaviors that can be considered as constructive in response to perceived workplace injustice. Specially, we conducted interviews with 27 individuals (66% women, 33% men, 0% non-binary) employed in various industries and ranks to explore the manner in which they enacted positive responses to unjust treatment in the workplace. Through analytical plurality, our study sheds some light on the manner in which employees may find ways to engage in acts of defiance that are productive and entail no risk to their reputation. We refer to this pattern of behavior as constructive retaliation.

REFORMS IN EDUCATION SYSTEM IN NIGERIA AND PLACE OF ARABIC STUDIES

’Reform in education’’ is the center point of this paper it discusses the literal and technical concept of the word “REFORM” in relation to education. It went memory lane on the reforms in education in Nigeria since pre-colonial era till the present time. Historically, Arabic was the first official medium of communication and lingual-fracas during the Sokoto Caliphate (1804-1903) and later suffered a neglect and unjust treatment due to different reforms in the education sector in the country during the colonial era and even after the independence. The paper aims at studying how these reforms affected Arabic Studies in term of development or otherwise and various contributing factors. The main methodology used for data collection are interviews, questionnaires circulated to a number of Arabic experts and education reform specialists in addition to some other methods benefited from. The paper discovers that Arabic was the first international language that brought Nigerians out of illiteracy; Thus, became the most beloved language among them being the language of their religion. And that the language was negatively affected by various education reforms that caused its some set back. and that later became one of the recognized courses in the Nigerian system of education. Various recommendations were made some which is that Arabic must be one of the core causes in the national curriculum. And that private Arabic schools should receive more attention from Government for their development.

Zorunlu Suriyeli Göçü Bağlamında Türkiye’de Yurttaşlığı Yeniden Düşünmek

Ulus-devlet anlayışı ekseninde mevcut yurttaşlık tanımı zorunlu göçlerin neden olduğu göçmen (öteki) gerçekliğini kapsamaktan ve kavramaktan uzak bir görünüm arz etmektedir. Türkiye’de ulus devlet anlayışının gelişim süreci dikkate alındığında, etnisist ve devleti kutsayan bir yurttaşlık algısının eğitim aracılığıyla inşa edilmesi nedeniyle çoğulcu ve kapsayıcı olmaktan uzak bir yurttaşlık söz konusudur. Bu bağlamda okul, söz konusu yurttaşlık algısının inşasında, seküler ve milliyetçi kaygılarla beslenen ve merkeziyetçi bir anlayışla denetlenebilen bir ulus kimliğin pekişmesinde işlevsel konumda yer almıştır. Bu nedenle, zorunlu Suriyeli göçü sonucu göçmenlerin yurttaşlığa entegrasyonuna dair taleplere cevap verme konusunda yetersiz kalınmakla birlikte, ulus devlet anlayışının hukuksal çerçevesi ve milliyetçi motivasyonu göçmenlerin ötekileştirilmesine ve kriminalleştirilmesine zemin hazırlamaktadır. Öyle ki, göçmenlerin yerleşikler tarafından dışlanması, göçmenlerin kendi içlerine dönerek sarsılmışların dayanışması bağlamında, kamusal temastan uzaklaşmasına, iletişimi kendileriyle benzer mağduriyetlere maruz kalan kitlelerle sınırlamalarına, yerel dile yönelik öğrenme isteklerinin azalmasına ve ihtiyaçlarını kayıt dışı ya da gayri meşru yollar aracılığıyla karşılamaya yönelmektedirler. Zorunlu göç sonucu göçmenler ve yerleşikler arasında yaşanan karşılıklı hoşnutsuzlukların çözümüne dair daha somut adımların atılabilmesi için “öteki”nin haklarına yönelik hassasiyeti kapsayan bir “dünya yurttaşlığı” anlayışına gereklilik söz konusudur. Bu çerçevede, iletişim, dinleme ve sorgulama hususları işlevselleştirilerek, yurttaşlığın yeniden düşünülmesi, görmezden gelinen tüm insani değerlerin görünür kılınması açısından önemlidir. Bu sayede göç etmek zorunda kalan göçmenlerin yerleşiklerle kurdukları toplumsal temas bağlamında, göçmenlerin tutunmalarına ve tanınmalarına zemin sağlayacak ahlaki olgunluğun ve sorumluluk duygusunun karşılıklı olarak pekişmesi muhtemel görünmektedir. Bununla birlikte farklılıkların indirgenmediği bir düzlemde, iletişim özgürlüğünün kamusal alanda katılımı ve etkileşimi tetikleyerek, kimlik temelli toplumsal açmazlara yönelik bir çözüm arayışına kapı aralanmaktadır.

Linguistic Hegemony and English in Higher Education

Summary Linguistics hegemony, linguistics imperialism, and linguistic colonialism are serious issues that have not gained enough attention in applied linguistics research. English as a medium of instruction (EMI) in non-anglophone countries is a type of linguistics imperialism (Phillipson, 2018). EMI policy has led to adverse outcomes in several aspects such as low achievement of learning outcomes, challenges to students’ identity, limited access to educational resources, unjust treatments, and unfair assessment in undergraduate programs. This research study investigates the views of students and academic experts using questionnaires and interviews. The data were analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. The findings of this study demonstrate the lack of educational justice and the strong connection between linguistic hegemony and the colonization of consciousness. The findings show that participants in EMI programs do not engage in authentic, rigorous, and fun learning. Decisions to use EMI are either based on fallacies regarding the nature of language, on fuzzy assessment of educational priorities, or both. We strongly encourage applied linguists, language policymakers, and university administrators to play significant roles in challenging English hegemony and English supremacy to promote educational justice, equal opportunities to learn, and fair treatment in EMI undergraduate programs around the globe, especially in non-anglophone countries.

Northern Protestants: On Shifting Ground by Susan McKay

Reviewed by: Northern Protestants: On Shifting Ground by Susan McKay Dr Kevin Hargaden (bio) Susan McKay, Northern Protestants: On Shifting Ground (Newtownards: Blackstaff Press, 2021), 346 pages. Susan McKay published one of the definitive modern books on Northern Ireland in 2000: Northern Protestants: An Unsettled People (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 2000). Now, almost a generation later, she has published a sequel. It follows the same format, of using extensive interviews to weave together an evocative impression of the tensions and hopes that lie below the surface of the still-dominant (at least in some respects) community in Northern Ireland. Consisting of ten chapters, organised around four geographic sections – Far North, Belfast, Down to Mid Ulster, and The [End Page 203] Border – the author’s voice only explicitly comes to the fore in the epilogue. The book begins with a description of the annual burning of the effigy of Robert Lundy, the governor of what was then called Londonderry, who advocated for compromise during the 1689 siege. The book ends having convincingly demonstrated the ways in which this founding ‘No Surrender!’ myth of Ulster Unionism is self-immolating. The refusal to adapt, to even engage in such conversations remains foundationally prevalent. Again and again through the book, people describe how they won’t even engage in the formal process of dialogue we call voting (a non-exhaustive list includes: 26, 31, 45, 153, 182, 192, 292). The backdrop for these conversations – which partially took place through the pandemic – are concrete political disputes. The obvious complications around Brexit are central here, but so too are local issues like the ‘cash for ash’ scandal and the unjust treatment of NHS nurses in Northern Ireland. These are issues that can be addressed, even resolved, through community organising and clear political advocacy – developments that are not just permitted to Ulster Protestants but actively encouraged through EU peace funding. And yet so often the conversation with the interview subjects is mired in the endlessly self-referential debate about identity. One person opines that ‘Protestant working-class people don’t have a problem with limited abortion rights. … Gay sex, marriage, nobody gives a damn.’ A surprising perspective perhaps? But they then continue, ‘But see if they put Irish language road signs in my estate? They’ll be gone the next day’ (23). This is not to say that material politics are absent from the conversations that McKay presents. Her interviews engage voices from across the socioeconomic spectrum and they often speak with striking clarity. So one person admits that their standard of living and the ability to own a house and run a car ‘matter more to me than the flag that’s flying above our country’ (122) and another, a community activist, concisely describes the reigning neoliberal orthodoxy of the DUP’s economic policies based around deregulated land development before concluding that she would ‘rather politicians focused on policies that eradicate poverty than deliver food parcels’ (90). The craven greed of Ulster Protestant’s ruling class is a recurring motif. I could almost hear the voice of the conservative Ulster farmer who issued a damning verdict using only polite words: ‘The DUP seem very, very influenced by material gain’ (225). McKay’s interviews thus manage to combine to make an important point: what looks like an absurd preoccupation with questions [End Page 204] of identity for those outside the region are in fact articulations of the hopelessness with respect to material questions for those who live inside. What I mean by that is that there are vast swathes of Ulster Protestantism that have been without meaningful political representation for a long time. There has been little peace dividend in the working class estates or the deep rural interior of Ulster. And it is a material political decision to continue to divert discourse towards seemingly ephemeral identity questions so as to deter any serious questioning about why so many people are so politically homeless that they don’t even bother to spoil their vote. When ‘bread and butter’s hard to come by every day’ then it is easy to understand how one could conclude ‘a flag is all that people really do have to cling to’ (113...

I cannot be creative due to my exploitative leader! A moderated mediation interplay of leader–member exchange quality and knowledge hiding

PurposeWith an emphasis on displaced aggression theory and social exchange theory, this study aims to investigate the harmful effects of exploitative leadership (EL) on employee creativity (EC) through the mediating role of knowledge hiding (KH). Moreover, this study examines the boundary effects of leader–member exchange (LMX) to explore conditions under which KH is more or less likely to occur.Design/methodology/approachThe study employed time-lagged (i.e. three-wave), multisource (i.e. self-rated and peer-rated) research design to collect data from employees working in Pakistani service sector organizations. The study analyzed 323 responses using SMART PLS (v 3.3.3) to assess the measurement model and the structural model.FindingsThe findings reveal that EL is positively related to KH and negatively related to EC. The results also show partial mediating role of KH in the indirect relationship between EL and EC. Besides, the study also found that LMX moderates the positive relationship between EL and KH, and the negative relationship between EL and EC.Practical implicationsThe study divulges interesting findings that subordinates at high-quality LMX relationships (i.e. in-group members) are more susceptible to the harmful effects of supervisory unjust treatment than at low-quality LMX relationships (i.e. out-group members). Thus, occurrence context of KH, i.e. EL should be minimized through appropriate organizational interventions.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the leadership and knowledge management literature by testing a hitherto unexplored moderated mediation model.

What Is Wrong with the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s Definition of Antisemitism?

The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) developed a ‘Working Definition of Antisemitism’ in 2016. Whilst the definition has received a significant amount of media attention, we are not aware of any comprehensive philosophical analysis. This article analyses this definition. We conclude that the definition and its list of examples ought to be rejected. The urgency to do so stems from the fact that pro-Israel activists can and have mobilised the IHRA document for political goals unrelated to tackling antisemitism, notably to stigmatise and silence critics of the Israeli government. This causes widespread self-censorship, has an adverse impact on freedom of speech, and impedes action against the unjust treatment of Palestinians. We also identify intrinsic problems in the way the definition refers to criticism of Israel similar ‘to that leveled against any other country’, ambiguous wording about ‘the power of Jews as a collective’, lack of clarity as to the Jewish people’s ‘right to self-determination’, and its denial of obvious racism. We consider alternative definitions and prefer one like the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) definition, ‘hostility to or prejudice against Jews’, with the addition of the words ‘as Jews’. We recognise that the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism (JDA) can play a useful purpose in illustrating the shortcomings of the IHRA definition. However, we do not advocate promoting it as the prime international definition. Indeed, we question the efficacy of using complex new definitions to combat racism against Jews or other groups, and instead advocate combatting it through collective action across societies.

The power of the Ingroup for promoting collective action: How distinctive treatment from fellow minority members motivates collective action

Around the world, protests tied to the Black Lives Matter movement are highlighting myriad forms of unjust treatment that racial and ethnic minorities face, and prompting countries to reckon with these injustices. When considering racial/ethnic minorities' motivation to engage in these collective actions (alongside allies), it is certainly spurred in part by witnessing and experiencing such unjust treatment. Yet because this intergroup mistreatment commands strong attention (rightly so), less attention has been given to another potential force behind minorities' collective action motivations – the (positive) treatment coming from members of their own racial/ethnic group. Bridging theory on intragroup relations and collective action, in four studies we demonstrate that when racial/ethnic minorities are shown appreciation for the ideas and insights they bring to their group – for instance, when fellow members seek them out for their ideas during conversation; expressions of distinctive treatment – it positively affects their sense of value to the group as a whole, and, in turn, their motivation to engage in collective action. Moreover, we demonstrate how these processes feed into other established explanations for collective action, outlined in the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA; e.g., perceived injustice). We also show that even a single expression of distinctive treatment from a few unknown ingroup members can have positive effects, especially when those members have high standing within the group. Overall, this illustrates the power of the ingroup – how taking opportunities to seek out a fellow member's ideas and perspectives can be a potent force for promoting collective action.

Justice is in the eye of the beholder: a vignette study linking procedural justice and stigma to Muslims’ trust in police

ObjectivesThis study examines how stigma moderates the effect of procedurally just and unjust treatment on Muslims’ trust in police.MethodsSurvey participants were randomly assigned to receive one of two vignettes describing a traffic stop where officer treatment was manipulated (procedurally just/unjust). Muslims’ feelings of stigma were measured prior to the vignette, while trust was measured after the vignette.ResultsWe found that the procedural justice vignette enhanced trust in police, and perceived stigma was associated with lower trust. For Muslims who felt highly stigmatized, however, experiencing police procedural justice had a weaker positive effect on trust when compared to those who felt low levels of stigmatization.ConclusionsThe results suggest that feelings of stigma can moderate how individuals view police-citizen interactions. Specifically, for those who observe or experience encounters with police believing that they or their cultural group are stigmatized, procedural justice will be less effective in promoting trust.

A Harki History Lesson: Dalila Kerchouche’s Filiation Narrative Mon père, ce harki

This article reads Dalila Kerchouche’s Mon père, ce harki (My Father, this Harki) as a postcolonial filiation narrative, which blends memoir and biography, the personal and collective, the past and present. Lack of knowledge and a desire to see for herself the camps her parents and older siblings experienced prompts Kerchouche to adopt an investigative posture characterized by in situ exploration in conjunction with interviews and the consultation of archives. This allows the author to achieve a polyphonic account of the past. At the same time, her family serves as the prism through which she confronts the stigma attached to Harkis (Algerian soldiers hired by the French Army) and examines their unjust treatment in France.

An Examination of the Reciprocal Relations Between Treatment by Others, Anger, and Antisocial Behavior: A Partial Test of General Strain Theory

General Strain Theory (GST) has received an impressive amount of empirical attention. However, much remains unknown about the role of sources of strain argued to be conducive to negative emotionality—such as perceived unjust treatment—on changes in anger and antisocial behavior over time. The current study aimed to begin to address this gap in the literature by assessing the relationship between changes in perceived unjust treatment, anger, and antisocial behavior across 8 years of the life course. Results from a series of auto-regressive cross-lagged models show support for GST, as well as offer evidence for new lines of empirical investigation. The reported findings offer some of the first evidence for a developmental cascade model of GST.

Abjection And Marginalization Of Females: A Critical Review Of Leila’s Character In Elif Shafak’s Novel 10 Minutes 38 Seconds In This Strange World

In this article, the researchers emphasize on the abjection faced by the protagonist in the novel “10 Minutes 38 Seconds in this Strange World”. In this novel, Shafak discusses the experiences of a prostitute and how she encounters physical and psychological violence. The writer has particularly discussed the unjust treatment of sex workers in Istanbul. In this misogynistic world, victimization and marginalization of particular classes of society is exceedingly pervasive. This particular class of sex workers encounters huge discrimination and persistent intolerance. Elif Shafak’s character Leila in ‘10 Minutes 38 Seconds in this Strange World’ represents these classes. She is a prostitute who has been compelled to enter this profession and this research attempts to look into those very reasons. Such characters have to carry the social stigma attached to their profession even in liberal societies such as America and Turkey. The researchers look into the savage and merciless treatment that Leila has to undergo solely due to the fact that she is a prostitute. The most heart-wrenching aspect is that though she entered that profession not by choice, she still has to tolerate constant brutality and injustice not only from society but from her own flesh and blood as well. The current examination expects to explore the abjection and belittling attitude confronted by Leila. The findings of research uncovered the maltreatment and ruthlessness done to a girl who fell victim to unforeseen circumstances and ended up in a glittery brothel, not opting willingly rather being engaged for a sad and discriminatory life.

No Friend but the Mountains: Writing from Manus Prison by Behrouz Boochani

Reviewed by: No Friend but the Mountains: Writing from Manus Prison by Behrouz Boochani Marja Karelia Boochani, Behrouz. No Friend but the Mountains: Writing from Manus Prison. Translated by Omid Tofighian. Toronto: House of Anansi Press, 2019. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, more than eighty million people worldwide have been forcibly displaced in recent decades because of persecution, conflict, violence, human rights violations, and war. As a result of the huge influx of migrating populations, many countries have closed their borders to migrants, leading to the establishment of refugee camps around the world. One such camp was established on Manus Island off the coast of Papua New Guinea. It was officially referred to as Manus Island Regional Processing Centre, functioning under Australian jurisdiction. [End Page 243] Yet no processing seems to have taken place on Manus Island; it was effectively a refugee detention center with prison-like conditions. No Friend but the Mountains: Writing from Manus Prison, written by Behrouz Boochani, exposes life at Manus prison to the outside world from an insider's perspective. Boochani is a Kurdish-Iranian journalist, writer, and filmmaker who was illegally detained on Manus Island for more than five years after being forcibly taken there in 2013. He and other asylum seekers had traveled thousands of miles hoping for freedom in Australia, but due to the country's borders being closed to asylum seekers, their journey continued to Manus Island. Boochani asks: "Why did I have to arrive in Australia exactly four days after they effected a merciless law" (89)? No Friend but the Mountains is an autobiographical account of Boochani's experiences and observations while detained in Manus Island prison. He tapped the book on various smuggled-in mobile phones on WhatsApp and sent it to his contacts in Australia by thousands of text messages. Although the book begins with descriptions of near-death experiences and starvation during his journey from Indonesia to Papua New Guinea by truck and by boat, the majority of the narrative refers to his forced detention in the Manus Island prison. Boochani considers writing an act of resistance, an action to expose the unjust treatment of the prisoners on Manus Island. His writing is a blend of prose and poetry while many segments of his prose also reveal poetic tendencies. Writing music and poetry provided him relief from the atrocious conditions of the camp. True to his journalistic profession, Boochani describes events as an observer, as if he were an outsider relating what he witnessed, particularly when writing about physical torture of his fellow detainees. However, he includes himself when referring to psychological torture, such as round-the-clock surveillance of the prisoners, seemingly interminable waiting in line for food, sometimes unsuccessfully, waiting for a turn to use a telephone as mobile phones were not permitted, waiting to use the toilet facilities or medical services, and waiting in line for his twice-weekly cigarette allotment. "I have always despised waiting" (88), writes Boochani. For him, waiting in line was a mode of torture: "A twisted interlocking chain of hungry men / Bodies mutate under the burning sun / Heads in an oven fired by the sun / Undergoing sickening transformation / A long line of men of different heights, weights, ages, and colors" (189). [End Page 244] The constant uncertainties of life at Manus prison, which Boochani considers another form of torture, is what Dr. Shanthi Robertson from Western Sydney University refers to as chronomobilities, profound changes in everyday experience of time. This is particularly relevant in detention centers such as Manus Island, where prisoners are confined within an enclosed area surrounded by barbed-wire fencing, not knowing when they might be released, where they would be sent once released, or what their eventual fate would be. Boochani's will to survive was intrinsically tied to his memories of Kurdish mountains: "The vision of mountains upon mountains / Mountains within mountains / Mountains that are hiding chestnut oak trees" (31). Orchards of chestnut oak trees and waves of mountains surface in his memories throughout his time in captivity, inspiring him to write poetry and sing songs about them while sitting under a tree by the prison's fencing. Looking out...

Labour Compensation Strategies/Practices of Maritime Industry-Discussion on Critical Cases

In July 25, 2020, a bulk carrier ran aground and there was an oil spill. *Mr. Perera, a Sri Lankan,was employed as anAble seaman with a Panama CDC (Continuous Discharge Certificates) onboard the vessel.He as well asmost of the crew had been onboardthe vessel over a period of 12 months in excess of their contracts, none of the mariners had access to communication to contact their families despite this been assured in their employment agreements.In addition many of the crew had not taken any shore leave since Sep 2019. Combinedwith the global pandemic that made the future of the seafarers uncertain. One of his fellow crew mates tried to jump overboard to escape the vessel and was seriously injured. Following the grounding the Master of the vessel and Chief Officer were arrested on 18 Aug 2020 and were charged with endangering safe navigation. The pair had been detained in prison since their arrest andhad not been released on bail. The remainder of the crew have been detained under ―house arrest‖ in a local hotel. The only organization that could help these seafarers would be their union who would stand by them in order to bring them home safely to their families and organize to get compensationfor unjust treatment andviolation oftheir rights. This concept paper would present several relevant institutions, programs and scientific research with impact for increasing union efficiency. The author would follow *Mr. Perera‘s emails to the union and how the immediate response brought the crew home. The main conclusion of this paper highlights the importance of the union and the further programs, policies and strategies that should be adopted to keep the seafarers‘ lives safe.

Adding a Correction Factor to the Allocation of Scarce Life-saving Resources in a Pandemic

Adding a Correction Factor to the Allocation of Scarce Life-saving Resources in a Pandemic