A human belief system is interlocking psychological network that provides spiritual support for a community. Among modern beliefs, nationalism stands out and, according to authors such Benedict Anderson, (1) it has replaced religion in creating imagined communities. However, even when people are imagining their communities, they still rely on a kind of religion or belief. This is borne out by the manipulative semiotics of Chinggis both politically and ritualistically, and ethnic communities and superpowers, whereby a new dimension has been analysed in detail by authors of Inner Mongolian background. Almaz Khan traces the process through which the cult and symbolism of Chinggis Khan has evolved and become popularised a universal discourse of sociopolitical significance, and that currently functions as one of the basic identity symbols for both Inner and Outer Mongols. (2) Nasan Bayar describes the multipurpose visits to the Chinggis Khan Mausoleum by Mongolians and non-Mongolians and believes that the cult of Chinggis Khan is the worship of the modern Chinese state and economic power under its sponsorship; (3) and Uradyn E. Bulag examines the various contesting roles of Chinggis Khan imagined, constructed, appropriated and manipulated by Japan, China, Russia and Mongolia to serve different ethnopolitical or geopolitical purposes. (4) To add more weight to the semiotics discourse, I join Almaz Nasan Bayar and Uradyn E. Bulag in further exploring the political meanings of ritualism, past and present, dedicated to Chinggis Khan. My argument is that ritualisation of Chinggis Khan worship, a form of intuitive and reflective belief, (5) is indexical to the vicissitudes of the nationality (minzu) relationship in China and beyond in the process of nation-building. The analysis also helps unveil China's nationalistic dilemma for which different semiotic ideologies (6) and their relevant practices are responsible. Modern China remains polyphonic due to its history, having been ruled by the Mongols and Manchu, and also due to its plural society made up of 55 national minorities identified by the central government. While the Chinggis Khan Mausoleum, located in Ordos of Inner Mongolia, is a memorial to the great conqueror, his burial site is difficult to locate. Different exploration projects from different countries with different backgrounds came up with various possible locations. ABC Online reported (18 August 2001), an expedition of American and Mongolian archaeologists believes that it has discovered the burial place of the 13th century conqueror, Genghis Khan, the site is 320 kilometres northeast of Ulaanbaatar, the capital of Mongolia. (7) However, the tomb was later verified to belong to a Hun nobility. (8) Then on 6 October 2004, a joint expedition of Japan and Mongolia claimed to have found a soul temple built for Chinggis and that his burial site was within the 12-kilometre radius of the temple, about 150 miles from Ulaanbaatar. (9) There are four conjectures regarding the burial site of Chinggis Khan: (10) a) in area south of the Khentii Mountains and north of the Kerulen River; b) in Ordos of Inner Mongolia, the People's Republic of China; c) in the Altaic Mountains of Xinjiang, PRC; and d) the Liupan Mountains of Ningxia, PRC. In the same vein, the interpretation of Chinggis Khan icon is also situational and is negotiated along the dimension of ethnicity and nation-state. To the Mongols, Chinggis Khan is a symbol that syncretises, quite selectively, beliefs and elements of shamanism, Buddhism, ethnicity, ancestral connection and dignity. The Chinese state attaches value to the image of Chinggis regarding it symbolic capital that can be invested for various strategic purposes, and to when and where to resurrect the image of Chinggis Khan is a matter of calculation. There are thus two types of situational relativity, each serving a different purpose: one involves the Mongolian ethnicity while the other concerns the strategic interests of geopolitical powers such Soviet Russia, Japan and China. …