Unity Of Property Research Articles

Становление и развитие социального права

Law ideology of the post-soviet states that have been participating in market conditions of social and economic development and that have declared themselves by the constitution as social may seem equal. However, their law systems are not the same. Development of interstate interaction in the frames of the Union State of Belarus and Russia as well as the EAEU requires deep harmonization of the law systems of those countries. Socialization may serve as institutional platform of the law systems harmonization. The idea of socialization was born in Europe in the end of the XIX century. Its purpose was to curb bourgeois individualism and egoism. Nowadays it has been transformed in the direction of balanced combination of interests of all the layers of the society, its partners and collaboration. When applied to the conditions of the modern state of law systems of the post-soviet states, if we take the civil law as an example, main principles of its socializations are described. There are the following principles that are related to the basis of the subject of the civil law: the unity of property and personal non-property relations; interdisciplinary approach to the regulation of civil relations; intersectional legal regulation of civil relations. The main basics of the methods are the unity of the general scientific and civil legal methodology; solidarity, parity, coordination of rights, obligations and legal interests of the person, second parties and society; individualization and specification of civil relations. Other elements of the system of the civil law should be based on the following principles: interconnection of the institutions and other elements of the system of the civil right; the indissoluble connection of an indefinite number of civil legal relations; unity of civil rights and obligations, permissions, prohibitions and regulations.

Causal Powers, Realization, and Mental Causation

Sydney Shoemaker has attempted to save mental causation by a new account of realization. As Brian McLaughlin argues convincingly, the account has to face two major problems. First, realization does not guarantee entailment. So even if mental properties are realized by physical properties, they need not be entailed by them. This is the first, rather general metaphysical problem. A second problem, which relates more directly to mental causation is that Shoemaker must appeal to some kind of proportionality as a constraint on causation in order to avoid redundant mental causation. I argue that, in addition, a “piling problem” arises, since causal powers seem to be bestowed twice. Then, I try to sketch an alternative view of the relation between causal powers and properties—a reductionist view—which fares better on some accounts. But it may have to face another and, perhaps, serious problem, the “problem of the natural unity of properties”. Finally, I will pose a question about the relation between causal powers and causation.

Conflict, Consensus and Charity: Politics and the Provincial Voluntary Hospitals in the Eighteenth Century

[FIRST PARAGRAPH] The voluntary hospitals were amongst the most original and enduring monuments of Georgian England. Financed on the seemingly flimsy basis of voluntary benefactions and annual subscriptions, they nevertheless flourished in the eighteenth century and subsequently became the leading medical institutions of the industrial age. By entitling even the small subscriber to recommend patients, they recruited substantial support amongst the large class of shopkeepers and traders; by weighting this power in proportion to the size of the contribution, they nevertheless preserved the pre-eminence of local magnates. By making subscription open to men and women of all confessions, they worked for the hegemony and unity of property against the threat of religious divisions; by enlisting subscribers as governors, they rewarded the act of giving with a share of power. Managed by honorary committees elected annually from the subscribers themselves, they enabled the shopkeeper to join the grandee in a common enterprise; by restricting committee membership to male subscribers, they kept within bounds the participation of 'the sex'. Through the annual publication of the financial accounts, the subscribers' names, and the numbers of patients `cured' and `relieved', they ensured probity of management, gave publicity to the subscribers great and small, and assured those subscribers that their money had been well spent. With their strong local roots, they promoted a sense of civic identity; by bringing together local medical men as honorary consultants, they helped to forge a professional medical community; by constructing a new context for medicine, they led to innovations in medical practice and teaching. And by making charity dependent upon the channel of personal recommendation, they exacted a political tribute from the sick poor who sought the benefit of their facilities. To each individual patient the hospitals made available a massive though brief donation of help in a time of need. To the poor collectively they offered a profound and highly visible subordination, translating the practice and rhetoric of personal dependence into an institutional setting).

Agrarian feminism: the politics of Ontario farm women

In Agrarian Feminism Louise Carbert's objective is to examine the politics of women on farms in two Canadian federal ridings, Bruce-Grey and Huron-Bruce, in the Huron peninsula of Ontario. Recognizing that household based production, by the unity of property and (p.x), is organized on the basis of kinship and with members differentiated by gender and generation, Carbert sets out to trace the relationship between women's responsibility for agricultural production and expression. The last is conceived in terms of both in what is conventionally defined as politics and in terms of An introductory chapter situates the current study within the context of the farm women's movement in English Canada, making clear Carbert's focus on Women's Institutes in Ontario rather than on the new farm women's movement. She justifies the choice of the WI on the grounds of the institution's long history in the area and its extensive membership when compared, for example, with the Ontario Farm Women's Network. In the second chapter, the author carefully outlines the research methodology employed, specifically the administration of extensive two-part questionnaire, details of which are provided in appendix. Open-ended questions were used, focussing on the two key themes of feminism and community service. 117 women were interviewed in 1989, of whom 67 were members of the WI. With the exception of three women involved in capitalist production, only women living on farms concerned with commodity production as family operation were selected. The first part of the questionnaire explored women's responsibility for agricultural production, including issues of farm ownership, the capital value of the enterprise, the division of labour within the and responsibility for decision making. The second part drew on questions from other surveys -- the Euro-Barometer and Election Study Surveys -- to address more directly questions of politics, and included questions not previously included in such surveys on the meaning of feminism for farm women. The remainder of the book, Chapters 3 to 7, discusses the findings of the survey with respect to work, political behaviour, conservatism, feminism, and marriage, and happiness. In the concluding chapter, Carbert returns to the theme of feminism. The book is, in many respects, significant contribution to the study of farm women and politics in Canada. There has been distinct lack of such research and it is particularly important to expand, as the author does, the notion of politics beyond that of involvement in party politics, to include women's involvement in community organization. In this respect, Carbert's analysis of the WI is thoughtful one. She refuses to judge the WI as simply conservative, recognizing something of the complexity of rural women's politics. This is evident, for example, in her observation in the conclusion that women's commitment to community service is an individual and collective strategy that is simultaneously agrarian and ( p. 157). Community service is, she insists, a relatively accessible, non-elite avenue of participation (p. 160). The story of one woman's encounter with the WI and subsequent involvement in local politics as elected councillor and reeve enlivens this discussion. In the conclusion, Carbert also manages to go beyond the either/or of whether the WI is feminist or not by examining the different initiatives in which the Institute has been involved, including support through donation of home-made quilts for shelter for battered women in Collingwood or fundraising for scholarships for women in higher education. …

Eminent Domain: Unity of Property: Effect of Separation of Different Parcels of Land by a Public Highway

Eminent Domain: Unity of Property: Effect of Separation of Different Parcels of Land by a Public Highway