United Nations Resolution Research Articles

The Changing Face of Anti-Semitism: From Ancient Times to the Present Day (review)

The Changing Face of Anti-Semitism: From Ancient Times to Present Day, by Walter Laqueur. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. 216 pp. $22.00. Walter Laqueurs many books on European and Middle Eastern history have always combined historical depth and contemporary relevance. His latest work, a history of is no exception: although it begins with ancient world and provides a brisk survey of history of through era of Holocaust, half of its chapters deal with aspects of the new antisemitism, surprising mutations of old virus that have occurred in post-Holocaust era. As Laqueur wryly notes, Nazis made term antisemitism disreputable, and most antisemites now masquerade under other names: A spade is no longer a spade but an agricultural implement. Laqueur's chapters on ancient and medieval Enlightenment and its aftermath, rise of racialism and conspiracy theories, and Holocaust are masterly examples of concise analysis, full of crisp judgments of distinctive factors at play in each period. It is true, he acknowledges, that there are continuities in history of antisemitism: Voltaire, for example, was influenced by his reading of classical authors with prejudices against Jews, as well as by Spinoza's rationalist critique of Judaism in seventeenth century. But as a historian, Laqueur is more attentive to differences rather than similarities across periods, and he stresses that different societies have produced different varieties of antisemitism. Antisemitism in early modern Germany, for example, was primarily theological in character, while Polish had mainly social rather than ideological causes. Instead of depicting as a kind of primordial lava that erupts periodically in times of crisis, Laqueur is alert to specific changes in constellation of factors that have produced outbreaks of hatred and violence against Jewish minorities in European and Islamic societies. Laqueur has written authoritative works not only about Holocaust, but also about various forms of ideological extremism and terrorism, as well as about Zionism and Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He is therefore well equipped to examine more recent manifestations of in Middle East and on left side of political spectrum in Europe and elsewhere in contemporary world. He begins his book with a puzzle: If more than 25 million people have been killed in internal conflicts since end of second World War, why have 8,000 victims of Israeli-Palestinian conflict received so much of world's attention? Why has Israel been target of more United Nations resolutions than all other nations combined? Is it a matter of sympathy for underdog in conflict? But surely there are many other underdogs in world's many zones of conflict, some of them suffering more grievously than Palestinians. …

Jews and Human Rights: Dancing at Three Weddings (review)

Reviewed by: Jews and Human Rights: Dancing at Three Weddings Andrew J. Falk (bio) Jews and Human Rights: Dancing at Three Weddings. By Michael Galchinsky. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008. x + 256 pp. A rich American Jewish historiography has developed over the past thirty years, one that has detailed the construction of ethnic communities [End Page 232] and identities. Yet, as historians Hasia Diner and Tony Michels have written recently, scholars should focus more attention on the international political dimensions of the Jewish experience.1 More studies are needed that take what we know of complex transnational Jewish identities and examine their rich relations with the state, including intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations. In Dancing at Three Weddings, Michael Galchinsky marries the two. The "three weddings" refer to Jews who "dance" in the worlds of nationalism, internationalism, and pluralism. In other words, modern American Jews are citizens of the world, citizens of multicultural America, and "imagined" citizens of Israel. These overlapping loyalties have influenced how Jews in general have approached human rights. After the Holocaust a generation of determined Jews blended many commitments: to core religious values such as tikkun olam, to international human rights, to Israeli nationalism, to American-style pluralism, and to an acute interest in self-preservation. The result was a clear mission and a desire to help draft the Universal Declaration of Human Rights at the new United Nations, to create the state of Israel, to promote domestic civil rights, and to detect genocide around the globe. Whether acting because of, or in spite of, the absence of government intervention, activists filled a much needed void as advocates for victims. While many traditional histories examine genocide in graphic detail, Galchinsky's contribution is a catalog of the motivations and responses by a diverse community of Jews to deal with postwar tragedies. The story is not as heroic as one might think. The author argues that transnational Jewish activism in the area of international human rights has waned in the past half-century, and attributes the decline to these competing worlds of Jewish identity. Jewish nongovernmental organizations, for instance, devoted fewer resources to support their human rights initiatives. Meanwhile, Israeli Jews have become more active as lines blurred between human rights and state security with respect to United Nations resolutions, refuseniks in the former Soviet republics, and Israeli state actions in Palestinian-populated territories. Israel's vulnerable reputation before the UN contributed to its unwillingness, some might say inability, to respond. In several cases, as Galchinsky points out, a coalition of government officials, informal organizations, and individuals produced mixed results in their rescue and relief operations. This has been especially true when Jews responded late and inadequately to genocide perpetrated against non-Jewish victims. [End Page 233] Rather than looking at a particular NGO in a discrete period of time or place, the author is able to draw general conclusions. Readers undoubtedly will agree with the author when he writes that "this study makes no claim to comprehensiveness" (167). He prefers to rely on case examples of Russian Jews, non-Jews, Israeli Jews, and others to make his point. The book's organization is, therefore, thematic. For such an expansive topic, the author handles the details well and relies on many relevant sources, including UN resolutions, court decisions, treaties and international agreements, a series of personal interviews, and even the Torah. He also engages much of the existing literature, though some readers may conclude that more could have been done in this regard. For example, the author makes little use of correspondence, memoranda, and other documents from government collections and from NGOs relative to the extensive scope of the work. Readers familiar with the history may be reminded of other specific organizations and individuals not mentioned here. A number of prior studies could have been consulted. On the other hand, the broad view is part of the book's appeal, and it is accessible to a variety of audiences. Another drawback is in methodology. Though the author explains that "the book's main aim is largely historical rather than theoretical," some readers may be frustrated by its resistance to historical methods of organization and analysis...

Liability for Third Party Damage on the Ground — Some fundamental issues for consideration by the Council of ICAO prior to a Diplomatic Conference

The previous issue of this Journal contained two original articles of outstanding importance: – One by the distinguished Chairman of an ICAO group, explaining for the first time the thinking behind two Conventions proposed by his group to govern the liability of civil aircraft operators for damage to persons and property on the ground caused by an aircraft in flight. – The other by an eminent member of the Editorial Board – offering independent reflections on the group’s proposals. In advance of a Diplomatic Conference, the present article [March 2008] attempts to analyze and evaluate both articles and the accompanying draft texts. States would be free to adopt either or both the proposed Conventions. Unfortunately, both proposals are flawed. The draft with the best potential for ratification is referred to as the ‘General Risks’ Convention. It is dedicated to accidents which are not caused by unlawful interference with aircraft. This is marred principally by: – A failure to preserve or update provisions of the 1952 Rome Convention with continuing relevance – such as air carrier defences in the event of armed conflict; and – applying the concept of limits and defences designed for passenger liability to the completely different circumstances of third parties on the ground. The other draft text, dealing with crashes caused by unlawful interference with aircraft (e.g. terrorism) is inspired by the highest humanitarian considerations. It aims to strike a fair balance between the needs of victims and those of air transport. The basic flaws in this draft are that: – In relation to terrorism, air transport itself is a victim; and – leading nations are already committed to the provision of compensation for death and injury caused by violent crime (including terrorism), and to give support for terrorism risks in the insurance of property. Furthermore there appears to have been no consideration of apparent conflicts with the 1944 Chicago Convention (including prior Council policy), a United Nations Resolution of 1985 and (in relation to EU members) a Directive of 2004 requiring States to assume responsibility for compensating victims of violent crime (including terrorism). Suggestions are offered to promote ratification of two unlinked international agreements: – The proposed ‘General Risks’ Convention; and – a new Terrorism Compensation Treaty for consideration by the United Nations.

Editorial

A common accusation made by Muslims is that the West disrespects Islamand employs a double standard when dealing with them. It is so easy to findinstances of hypocrisy that one may reasonably argue that it is the West’sdefault response to Muslims (e.g., saying it supports democracy whilefinancing authoritarian regimes, or saying Islam oppresses women whileoverlooking the prevalence of sexual harassment against women in the westernworkforce.)In his “Clash of Civilizations” article, Samuel Huntington argued thatsuch double standards are an inevitable result of the “kin-country syndrome”:“Aworld of clashing civilizations…is inevitably a world of doublestandards: people apply one standard to their kin-countries and a differentstandard to others.”1 So, Muslims should not complain about such westerndouble standards as sanctioning Iraq for failing to comply with UnitedNations resolutions (he was writing in the 1990s) while ignoring the samefailure when it comes to Israel.2 His idea of a kin-based double standard hasparallels in other cultures, of course, as reflected in theArab proverb “Myselfagainstmy brother;my brother andmyself againstmy cousin; andmy cousin,my brother, and myself against the foreigner.”Sacrificing justice for all in the name of protecting oneself and one’s“kin” is both blameworthy and a source of tension in today’s internationalsystem. It is also connected to a simplistic western understanding ofMuslimsand the internal and external challenges they face as a community. Both ofthese lead to negative judgments of Muslims and Muslim cultures. Toexplain. In his article, Huntington went on, famously, to propose that as theUnited States moved into sole superpower status and as the West’s “victory”in the cold war demonstrated that the western liberal capitalist model wasthe best political system, the coming age would be marked by warssparked by civilizational differences instead of ideology. “Islam”was singledout as a civilization most likely to cause wars, due to certain aspects of itsessential nature (“Islam has bloody borders [p. 35].)” He posited a dyadicrelationship between the West and Islam: whereas western values were laudable,they were missing in Islam, for ...

The diabetes image: personal, professional, political, societal

The diabetes image: personal, professional, political, societal

Dutch Revise Policy Blocking Iranian Students

NONPROLIFERATION The Dutch government this week backed away from an antiterrorism policy that had led one university to reject applications from Iranian students and triggered a loud protest among academics. But researchers complain that the revised policy will still make it hard for Iranian scholars and students to study in the Netherlands, and they fear that such policies could spread throughout Europe. The original policy was the government's attempt to implement a 2006 United Nations resolution that asks all nations to “prevent specialized teaching or training of Iranian nationals … [in] disciplines which would contribute to Iran's proliferation [of] sensitive nuclear activities and development of nuclear weapon delivery systems.” Last fall, the Dutch education and foreign affairs ministers told all universities to exercise “vigilance” in admitting Iranian students. In December, the University of Twente in Enschede announced that it would no longer accept Iranian students because the Dutch Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) had asked for a guarantee that Iranians on campus would not gain any sensitive knowledge. Officials at the Eindhoven University of Technology said they would consult Dutch intelligence officials while considering Iranian applicants for admission. Academics and students protested the new policy, calling it overly broad and discriminatory. Their objections were heard: This week, Twente officials said that INS has agreed to withdraw its demand for a guarantee and that the university would reopen its doors to Iranians. Robert Dekker, a foreign ministry spokesperson, says the government still intends to implement the U.N. resolution by barring Iranian students from admission to certain fields. (Students already enrolled face no such restrictions.) “The ministries and the universities are discussing which studies might fall under the resolution,” Dekker told Science . The exclusion could include degree programs that are not directly related to nuclear technology but involve sensitive topics, he says. Mehmet Aksit, a software engineering professor at Twente, wor ries that the revised policy could toughen an already restrictive visa policy toward Iranians. Although measures to stop nuclear proliferation are appropriate, Aksit says the Netherlands “should encourage intellectual exchanges with Iran.”

The Unite for Diabetes campaign: Overcoming constraints to find a global policy solution

Despite the fact that diabetes and other non-communicable diseases represent a significant proportion of the global burden of disease, proportionate global action has not occurred. A 2003 article reported on global constraints to the implementation of effective policies to curb non-communicable disease epidemics. These constraints include a lack of global advocacy, insufficient attention from funding agencies and governments, partnerships and interactions, capacity and resources, and global norms and standards, as well as orientation of health services to acute care. Building on these ideas, this paper will review the progress that has been made with regards to each constraint, focusing on the International Diabetes Federation's Unite for Diabetes campaign and United Nations resolution on diabetes to show how this event – driven by globalization – has helped remove some of these barriers. Additional progress in diabetes and NCD prevention and control is also highlighted. The paper concludes by outlining what still needs to happen for globalization to be an effective solution for diabetes and non-communicable disease prevention and control.

The team approach to diabetes management: partnering with patients

The recent United Nations (UN) Resolution on diabetes calls for action to curb the severe risks posed by diabetes and its complications, and encourages member states to improve awareness, treatment and care of diabetes worldwide. Overcoming barriers to good glycaemic control is a pressing need as we work towards fulfilling the UN resolution. In this article, the Global Partnership for Effective Diabetes Management highlights diabetes care strategies worldwide which employ a patient-centered approach that has improved patient care and health outcomes. Examples include implementation of multidisciplinary teams and forging of effective patient partnerships to motivate and empower individuals with type 2 diabetes to take control of their condition. These real-world case studies provide practical ways to facilitate effective diabetes care across the spectrum of resource settings worldwide.

Raising diabetes awareness in the public domain

Type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) is a chronic, debilitating and costly disease associated with severe complications, and has been recognised as such by the United Nations (UN). But despite being a leading cause of death and serious disability worldwide, the public often perceive T2DM as a relatively mild condition. Furthermore, many people do not know that T2DM is preventable and that steps can be taken to minimise the risk of developing the disease. Improved public awareness of T2DM and its link with obesity and physical inactivity is critical, not only to prevention but also management of diabetes. Recognising this need, the UN has issued a resolution calling on member states to observe World Diabetes Day and implement education and mass media initiatives to raise public awareness of diabetes and its complications. This article reviews selected local, national and international public awareness campaigns to illustrate the range of initiatives that together can work towards the goals of the UN Resolution. By building understanding of diabetes, changing beliefs and attitudes and promoting positive behaviours, such initiatives can help combat the global diabetes epidemic and improve the health and wellbeing of people.

United Nations Resolution 61/225 - what does it mean to the diabetes world?

United Nations Resolution 61/225 - what does it mean to the diabetes world?

We have the evidence, we need to act to improve diabetes care

The recent United Nations (UN) Resolution on diabetes sets a precedent by recognising a non-communicable disease, type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM), as a serious epidemic requiring urgent steps to improve management and prevent disease development. There is now a wealth of evidence that management of diabetes can be substantially improved by strategies of intensive glycaemic control, and these data must not be ignored. This article reviews this emerging evidence, including results of long-term intervention showing that durable glycaemic control in T2DM is possible. Urgent steps must be taken globally to intensify diabetes treatment as well as to develop rationale to prevent new cases. It is essential that all members of society are made acutely aware of the impending threat that the T2DM epidemic poses to society and that action is taken to control it without delay.

Type 2 diabetes - treat early, treat intensively

The traditional 'stepwise approach' to diabetes management is increasingly considered inadequate for many individuals with type 2 diabetes mellitus. Uncontrolled hyperglycaemia places patients at risk of serious complications. The recent United Nations Resolution on diabetes has recognised this, emphasising the severe risks posed by the condition and calling on nations to improve prevention, treatment and care of diabetes. Expert groups such as the Global Partnership for Effective Diabetes Management, as well as treatment guidelines such as those of the Canadian Diabetes Association and the Western Pacific Region of the International Diabetes Federation, are now recommending early, intensive intervention to lower blood glucose levels to target levels as quickly as possible. This intervention will improve long-term outcomes and deliver a better quality of care for people living with diabetes. In this article, we review case studies from around the world showing how this strategy is being implemented.

UN Resolution 61/225: a gift to the diabetes world

UN Resolution 61/225: a gift to the diabetes world

Make Law Not War?

I believe in peacekeeping, not policing! - or so went - the protagonist in the famous beer advertisement that played across television screens in April 2000. Presumably, Joe was upset at the failure of other nations to acknowledge the difference between Canada and the United States of America, including a difference in approaches towards the settling of international disputes. The same might have easily been said for approaches to international law (I believe in United Nations resolutions, not coalitions of the willing!)Or could it?Canadians who pause to consider their nation's place in global political relations often rest quite happily on the idea of Canada as a middle power. These are the states that are not great powers, but still are able to exert some (usually soft power) in the international sphere. Lloyd Axworthy extends this standing to that of a power and Jennifer Welsh argues that Canada should be a model power for other nations.1 These conceptions view Canada, and in particular its foreign policy behaviour, as mostly ethical, peace-loving, and certainly international law-abiding.But how well does history confirm this image of Canada as a law -loving state? Certainly it would be hard to dispute that the promotion and advancement of international law and international legal institutions has been a key foreign policy goal for Ottawa, for both moral and pragmatic reasons, since the end of the Cold War. Additionally, it is clear that Canadians have a strong preference for policies they see as promoting the international rule of law.Yet it is also plain to see that this has not always been the case. With the onset of the Cold War, diplomats were more concerned with finding political solutions to international crises rather than legal ones. It was only with emerging national interests (the need to protect national resources and borders) that Canada began to see the benefits of an international legal regime where it could punch above its weight. The policy towards international law has its origins in an attempt to secure its sovereignty and interests, rather than concerns over international morality and values.In the 1990s, however, this approach changed to one that viewed international law as a moral force for good in terms of the protection of human rights and the promotion of Canadian values. Adherence to international law became one of the key tests against which many Canadians evaluated their foreign policy. Since then, governments have had to walk a fine line between values and interests as they formulate their foreign policies.Viewed from this perspective, the attacks of 11 September 2001 and the subsequent US-led on have raised problems for the approach to international law. Many of these problems stem directly from the threat of international terrorism itself, but they also arise from the often-striking ways in which the post-9/11 American security and foreign policies clash with perceived values and interests.Therefore, this article has two goals. First, it seeks to examine briefly how foreign policy towards international law has developed. Second, taking the prior discussion into consideration, the bulk of the article will look at the challenges that the war on terror has created for Canada in terms of international law. The article will concentrate on those aspects of public international law that relate to national security policies.BACKGROUNDWhile Canada's foreign policy typically has leaned towards an internationalist position, this has not always been so in a legal sense. In the immediate post-World War II era, Canada did make major contributions to the development of international law through its support for the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals, and through the development of major United Nations treaties such as the declaration of human rights (1948). …

Neglected Issues and Voices

The 2004 Tsunami highlighted the silence which surrounds gender issues, in particular the incidence of rape and sexual abuse of women and girls displaced by natural disasters and conflict. They include lack of recognition of women's sanitation needs, the need for safe, private places to bathe, secure spaces for single women and girls, lack of contraception, accessible sexual and reproductive health care, and legal measures to be taken against men who rape and abuse women. Reports of violence against women and increased domestic violence have been documented in all tsunami affected countries. Women from across the affected region came together in New York, March 2005 at the meeting of the UN Commission for the Status of Women to review the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action. Through their efforts at that meeting, a United Nations Resolution was passed in which Governments made commitments to address gender issues and sexual abuse in disaster situations.

A United Nations Resolution on Diabetes The Result of a Joint Effort

A United Nations Resolution on Diabetes The Result of a Joint Effort

A United Nations Resolution on Diabetes—The Result of a Joint Effort

A United Nations Resolution on Diabetes—The Result of a Joint Effort

Non-proliferation international legal instruments on the 50th anniversary of the IAEA

The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is a threat for the peace and security of all humanity. From Hiroshima in 1945, vertical and horizontal proliferation has increased considerably. Nuclear proliferation is the spread of nuclear weapons production technology and knowledge to nations that do not already have such capabilities. From its inception, 50 years ago, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has been the primary international anti-proliferation organisation. Its Safeguards system was specified under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1968 and also under its Statues. The NPT has three pillars: non-proliferation, disarmament and the right to peacefully use nuclear technology. Nuclear weapon-free zones were established by a General Assembly of United Nations resolution. Iran and North Korea are cases of extreme concern for all humanity and especially for the IAEA and for the United Nations. It is necessary to reinforce cooperation and negotiation in a pacific climate in order to achieve an effective regime of nuclear non proliferation.

International organisations and their role in helping to protect the worlwide community against natural and intentional biological disasters

Preventing the spread of disease through international movements is one of the key objectives of the World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE). One of the ways it seeks to achieve this is by publishing international standards and guidelines aimed at, inter alia, preventing the importation of pathogens that are dangerous for animals and humans and strengthening Veterinary Services so that they can improve their surveillance and response systems. The OIE works in close partnership with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), and together the two organisations have developed a joint initiative - the Global Framework for the Progressive Control of Transboundary Animal Diseases (GF-TADs). Member Countries of these organisations could increase their capacity to manage the risks of disease occurrences, whether natural or deliberately introduced, if they would all strictly implement existing OIE international standards. Compliance with these standards greatly depends on the political willingness of national policy-makers and on a successful transfer of resources to developing countries in support of good governance and appropriate policy implementation. A United Nations Resolution obliging its Member Countries to implement OIE standards could prove invaluable in this respect.

The US war on harm reduction: fixing policy on intelligence and facts

At a two-day private meeting in Tokyo in June 2005, some of Japan's most senior politicians and powerbrokers met to consider the steadily expanding HIV/AIDS epidemic. AIDS has recently become a matter of increasing concern in Japan following an HIV epidemic in several major Japanese cities among Japanese men having sex with men at sex-on-premises venues. The Japanese elites at the Tokyo meeting were shocked to learn that the United States has by far the highest annual AIDS incidence among OECD countries at 15/100,000 [1]. Spain, with an annual AIDS incidence of 3.3/100,000, has the second highest rate among industrialized countries, while Australia was well down the ranking with an incidence only one tenth that of the United States at 1.5/100,000 [1].