UN Peacekeeping Research Articles

Peace is in the Air: Reducing Conflict Intensity With United Nations Peacekeeping Radio Broadcasts

Peace is in the Air: Reducing Conflict Intensity With United Nations Peacekeeping Radio Broadcasts

Mengenderkan Penglibatan Indonesia dalam Misi Pengaman Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu

Gender and Peace Studies are gaining more and more attention in International Relations. Recent developments increasingly demand a good understanding of gender aspects, specifically in the context of contribution to world peace through women's involvement and activism in international peacekeeping missions. Indonesian female soldiers have contributed to peacekeeping missions in conflict-affected countries, such as the UNIFIL mission in Lebanon. By focusing on the issue of the deployment of Indonesian women soldiers in UN Peacekeeping Missions, this article has discussed the concept of gender and roles in global peace missions, with a particular focus on the involvement of Indonesian women in UN peacekeeping forces. Qualitative research methods have been used in this study by utilizing both primary and secondary sources in the form of official reports, as well as articles from books, articles, and magazines in printed form, as well as those obtained from authoritative online sources. Research results prove that through the involvement of Indonesian women in the UN Peacekeeping Mission, Indonesia is not a genderless national entity. Indirectly, the patriarchalism characteristic of the masculine state is seen to have experienced a transformation with the involvement of women in this critical security sector. In other words, women's position is gaining recognition. Secondly, the role played by the Indonesian military and policewomen in the UN Peacekeeping Mission is a reflection of high-level political activity. However, uniquely through the role of women, especially in helping the post-conflict recovery agenda, the international peace agenda can also be resolved through activities associated with low politics.

A Perturbed Peace: Applying Complexity Theory to UN Peacekeeping

ABSTRACT This article explores the application of complexity theory to UN peacekeeping. To date, peacekeeping has been dominated by linear models of change, assuming that conflict settings can be addressed by elite-driven peace processes, gradual improvements to state institutional capacity, and development programming. However, this article argues that complexity theory offers a far more accurate and useful lens through which to view the work of peacekeeping: conflict settings represent complex, interdependent socio-political systems with emergent qualities giving them the capacity to self-organize via feedback loops and other adaptive activity. Self-organization means such systems are highly resistant to attempts to change behaviour via top-down or input-output approaches. In fact, peacekeeping itself is endogenous to the systems it is trying to change, often displaying the same kinds of self-organization typical of complex systems elsewhere. Drawing on experience working and conducting fieldwork in the UN peacekeping mission in Democratic Republic of the Congo, this article argues that UN peacekeeping operations should view themselves as actors within the complex conflict ecosystem, looking to enable transformational change from within, rather than impose liberal Western models from without.

Non-Democratic Regimes and Participation in UN Peacekeeping Operations

ABSTRACT Do democratic or non-democratic countries contribute more personnel to UN peacekeeping operations? While earlier studies found that democracies make larger contributions than non-democracies, recent research has challenged these findings. Scholarship in this area, however, has largely conceived of ‘non-democracy’ as a monolithic category, despite a growing body of research delineating distinct types of illiberal regimes and identifying their divergent behaviours in a range of domestic and international contexts. In this article, I argue that non-democracies’ personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations vary based on different ‘type’ of illiberal regime, and that this variation is contingent on two main factors: the influence of the military within the regime, and the extent to which a regime values the prestige associated with large-scale peacekeeping contributions. I test this proposition by statistically analyzing data from UN peacekeeping operations between 1991–2018. The findings indicate that single-party regimes are likely to make significantly smaller contributions than democracies; the contribution behaviour of other types of non-democracies is less discernible from their democratic counterparts.

Female Participation from Bangladesh in UN Peacekeeping Operations: Challenges and Opportunities

In their landmark Resolution 1325 on WPS, the UNDPKO, UN police, UNGA, and UNSC support the implications of women peacekeepers participating in the UN mission. The disparity between the intended and actual implementation of the mandate, the lack of equal opportunity for women, the existence of gender protection norms, and gender stereotypes are just a few of the many factors that contribute to the stagnation in the number of female peacekeepers despite these efforts. These factors also make it difficult for TCCs like Bangladesh to recruit more female peacekeepers for UN peacekeeping operations. Bangladesh, one of the major TCCs, is currently leading the change by recruiting and sending female police, civilian, and peacekeepers to UN missions. Against this backdrop, this article investigates female participation from Bangladesh in UN peacekeeping operations. It also identifies the challenges and opportunities for Bangladeshi female peacekeepers.

Bangladesh in Global Peacekeeping: Military as a Soft Power in Portraying the Country as a Responsible Power

Bangladesh is one of the largest contributors of armed forces to the UN peacekeeping operations around the globe. The country has successfully presented itself as a responsible member of the international community by upholding and preserving the values of global peace and international security. Thus, drawing the facts from Bangladesh’s role in global peacekeeping, the study has forwarded the idea of military as a soft power, highlighting the country’s remarkable contribution to peacekeeping missions. It also illustrates the critical role of soft power for any country to rise as a responsible power. The study has pointed out optimistic and overwhelming international and local responses in enhancing the global image, thus, proving peacekeeping missions as a soft power for Bangladesh. The study explains that this has illustrated Bangladesh as a rising responsible power in the international community. It focuses that Bangladesh’s response to a particular conflict issue around the globe has demonstrated that it adheres to normative, idealistic, and moral values of maintaining peace and international security. The study also points out some of the challenges faced by Bangladesh in peacekeeping missions which could hinder its pathway as a responsible power.

Perlindungan Hukum Internasional Bagi Pasukan Penjaga Perdamaian Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa

Introduction: Peacekeeping Forces are troops formed by the Security Council to maintain international. These troops are usually deployed after a conflict in a country and have obtained prior agreement with the disputing parties.Purposes of the Research: This writing aims to understand and find out the forms of protection and legal status of the UN peacekeepers. Methods of the Research: The research method in this paper uses a descriptive analytical research type. The research approach used is a law approach, a conceptual approach and a case approach. The procedure for collecting legal materials uses primary legal materials and secondary legal materials through books, articles, documents, scientific works of legal scholars, as well as legal materials analysis techniques in this study using qualitative analysis techniques.Results of the Research: The results show that the form of protection for peacekeepers in armed conflict is regulated in the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1994 United Nations Personnel Safety Convention. Neither personnel, equipment and buildings may be subjected to attacks or actions that prevent them from carrying out their mandate. MONUSCO's legal status is contained in Security Council Resolution 2556 of 2020 and the Status of Force Agreement which describes their duties, functions and privileges in a country. Attacks against them in any form are punished according to their severity and the United Nations as the mandate giver has the right to file claims for damages suffered while carrying out official obligations as representatives of the United Nations, based on the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice.

Pandemics That Generate a New Grotian Moment in International Law

Pandemics, as international health crises, impact the world like the two great wars that the international community faced last century. This has been confirmed by Covid-19 once again for the last two and half years. Individuals, states, societies, and sectors across the world have been seriously impacted in many ways. International law has also inevitably had its share of this. The UN Security Council, the special body of the UN, has technically recognised pandemics threats to international peace and security (IPaS) since 2000. Accordingly, UN peacekeeping missions in the field have been employed to eliminate the effects of pandemics in conflict and post-conflict zones where pandemics occur or cannot be prevented. Additionally, the UN Secretary-General exceptionally established a health mission, namely UNMEER for the first time in the Organisation’s history in the fight against the Ebola pandemic, which requires a speciality beyond the capacity of classical UN missions in 2014. Presumably, this trend commenced by the Secretary-General will continue through the Council’s authorisation against future pandemics. Recognition of pandemics as IPaS threats and missions’ response to pandemics on the ground are significant developments which can be accepted as a turning point for the collective security system (CSS) of the UN and, thus, for international law. This paper argues that the transformation of international law due to pandemics is a new Grotian Moment, which is uniquely used to name transformative changes in international law in the scholarly literature.

Xi Jinping’s Political Strategy for Developing Multilateral Security Diplomacy

The purpose of the article is to analyze the implementation of the multilateral diplomatic policy in the feld of security by the current head of the People’s Republic of China, Xi Jinping. To achieve this goal, the article uses the method of content analysis of the public speeches of the leader of the Chinese state, followed by a generalization and inductive analysis of the main directions of the implementation of China’s modern foreign policy. The article discusses the current directions of the foreign policy strategy of the head of the People’s Republic of China, Xi Jinping, which allows to ensure the achievement of the state’s national interests in the feld of global security. The main vectors of multilateral diplomacy of modern China and its positioning in the world community as a leading state are considered. The role of China in security issues and UN peacekeeping missions is noted. The analysis resulted in the vectors of China’s foreign policy outlined in the article to ensure global security and develop multilateral diplomatic ties from the standpoint of Chinese President Xi Jinping. Conclusions are drawn about the correspondence of the main foreign policy discourse of Xi Jinping to the values of peaceful development, and its focus on the positions of multilateralism, cooperation and mutually benefcial relations of China on a global scale.

Developing a conceptual framework for the health protection of United Nations peacekeepers against the COVID-19 pandemic from global health perspectives

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has posed particular health risks to United Nations peacekeepers, which require prompt responses and global attention. Since the health protection of United Nations peacekeepers against the COVID-19 pandemic is a typical global health problem, strategies from global health perspectives may help address it. From global health perspectives, and referring to the successful health protection of the Chinese Anti-Ebola medical team in Liberia, a conceptual framework was developed for the health protection of United Nations peacekeepers against the COVID-19 pandemic. Within this framework, the features include multiple cross-borders (cross-border risk factors, impact, and actions); multiple risk factors (Social Determinants of Health), multiple disciplines (public health, medicine, politics, diplomacy, and others), and extensive interdepartmental cooperation. These strategies include multiple phases (before-deployment, during-deployment, and post-deployment), multi-level cooperation networks (the United Nations, host countries, troop-contributing countries, the United Nations peacekeeping team, and United Nations peacekeepers), and concerted efforts from various dimensions (medical, psychological, and social).

Strategic Deployment of UN Political Missions to Replace UN Peacekeeping Operations: The Demand and Supply Sides of Transition Logic

ABSTRACT Although United Nations peacekeeping operations (UN PKOs) produce positive outcomes for peace, some missions are strategically replaced by cheaper and smaller UN political missions (PMs). This article explores why certain peacekeepers are replaced by UN PMs and unpacks the exit strategy of UN PKOs. The logic of demand-side and supply-side perspectives is evaluated using data on the deployment of UN peacekeepers and UN PMs in post-civil war countries between 1993 and 2016. Signing comprehensive peace agreements (CPAs) increases the chances of UN PKOs being replaced by UN PMs because as the willingness to develop politically increases, the demand for civilian personnel after demilitarization also rises. On the supply side, as the preferences of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council concerning target states become more heterogenous, UN PKOs are more likely to be replaced by UN PMs because coordination problems encourage members to choose less burdensome missions.

Public Support for UN Missions and Attacks on Peacekeepers: Evidence From the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Abstract UN peacekeepers are often targeted by rebel groups. The violence they experience hinders the functionality of peacekeeping operations, constituting a major problem for the UN. What conditions make these attacks more likely? How does the local support for UN peacekeeping operations affect the violence against peacekeepers? Using an original data set that includes local trust sentiments towards MONUSCO’s peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo from October 2014 to December 2020, this study finds that peacekeepers are attacked more often when they lack local support. In the absence of local support, peacekeepers become vulnerable as they can no longer gather intelligence about rebel activities from the locals and the increased distrust for peacekeepers gives propagandist benefits to rebel groups. This study suggests to the UN that it needs to employ strategies in peacekeeping operations that would legitimize the presence of peacekeepers and cultivate more strengthened civil-military relations.

Ethical exit: When should peacekeepers depart?

AbstractWhen should peacekeepers partially or fully withdraw from a country or region in which they are operating? This important question has received little scholarly attention. However, it has profound implications. If peacekeepers depart prematurely, as happened in Rwanda in 1994, the consequences can be disastrous with the potential to lead to widespread preventable deaths and human suffering. If they overstay, peacekeepers risk alienating the population they are seeking to protect and undercutting popular sovereignty at significant economic costs. Striking a balance, we propose a framework for just withdrawal that is both normatively compelling and empirically sound. It focuses on three aspects that are vital for understanding when peacekeepers can depart in an ethically justified manner: just cause, effectiveness, and legitimacy. By considering a number of objections, we also address critics who challenge the overarching premise of peacekeeping or might prefer different standards by which to suggest peacekeepers should stay or depart. Finally, we illustrate our argument with theoretical and empirical examples and a discussion of UN peacekeeping in East Timor.

Argentinian peacekeepers and moral becoming in Cyprus

ABSTRACT The chronic absence of combat is central to deployment experience for Argentinian Army personnel, and serves as a lens to explore ethical life from a military perspective, not as a fixed set of military virtues, yet as an evolving moral project grounded in everyday ambiguities around humanitarian militarism. Combining a historical analysis of state repression and institutional reform with ethnographic fieldwork with Argentinian members of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus, this article shows how present-day Argentinian military ideals and aspirations change, overlap, and awkwardly sit together while being a ‘beachkeeper’. Due to far-reaching military curtailment and precarious working conditions that are both related to legacies of authoritarianism, even the potential of combat is no longer a possibility for the Argentinian Army. Through the analysis of both ethnographic observations and interviews with mid-career Argentinian officers, this article suggests that because of a chronic inaccessibility to military virtues (such as thrill, manliness, and toughness), participating in humanitarian assistance does not provoke military boredom nor a moral failure to become a competent and virtuous warrior. Being involved in light peacekeeping is rather a form of survival from a social death in a society that has largely turned its back to its armed forces, while at the same time it is an expression of their institutional limitations. This article concludes by suggesting how the ethical turn in anthropology can critically address the absence of combat as a productive force for a non-violent ethic without fixing military virtue in stone.

Special Operations Forces in United Nations Peace Keeping Operations

Special Operation Force’s had started to participate in the United Nations peacekeeping operations not long ago, but the consensus on acceptability of their use in peacekeeping operations has already been reached. Present article analyzes views on SOF use in peacekeeping as expressed by the specialist and enshrined in guidance documents of different countries, explores normative regulation formalized in mandates of respective peacekeeping operations and contemplates typical SOF tasks in peacekeeping operations as defined by the UN in „United Nations Peacekeeping Missions Military Special Forces Manual“.

African Union defense demand and spatial spillovers

The study of the determinants of African defense demand is of enhanced importance because of unique security challenges, growing defense spending, and changing African Union (AU) integration. From a political geographical vantage, this study presents the first analysis of AU members' demand for defense spending, which accounts not only for members' relative locations, but also for political considerations (e.g., state failure, coups, and armed conflicts). Our analysis marries the economics of alliances with spatial considerations that include members' contiguity, between-member distance, and contiguous threats. Given two-way causal concerns, we employ an appropriate defense demand estimator (i.e., two-step generalized method of moments) correcting for the endogeneity between a member's defense spending and that of the other allies. Evidence of defense free riding or relying on the defense spending of other AU members characterizes contiguous and nearby AU countries during 2002–2019. Defense spending is an income normal good, which generally increases with armed conflict. UN and non-UN peacekeeping troop contributions provide some free-riding opportunities within the AU. Given regional differences in armed conflicts and coups, the determinants of African defense demand are influenced by regional divisions.

CHINA’S PARTICIPATION IN UN PEACEKEEPING MISSIONS

2020 marks the 30th anniversary of China’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations. China’s participation in it is gaining weight in China’s diplomatic and military strategy. China is currently the second largest contributor to UN peacekeeping after the United States. The reasons for the rapid development that China’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations has gained in a short period of time are of particular interest to study. The purpose of the research is to examine China’s participation in UN peacekeeping. The study highlights the main stages of China’s attitude to UN peacekeeping and its participation in peacekeeping operations, identifies the motives and reasons for China’s participation in peacekeeping operations, as well as the unique features of Chinese peacekeeping. Results. China’s motivations for becoming a peacekeeper consist of “soft” reputational and “hard” national interests. Support for international peacekeeping under the auspices of the UN provides an opportunity to maintain China’s image as a responsible power interested in creating a stable environment for peaceful development. China encourages the use of political and diplomatic means to resolve conflicts and adheres to the principle of national sovereignty. China’s participation in UN peacekeeping operations is a manifestation of China’s active multilateral diplomacy and a kind of “creative intervention”.

Detaining the Short-Term: Assessing the Nature of “Interim” United Nations Peacekeeping Missions and Mandates

Abstract When looking at the classification of United Nations peace operations, the role of the ‘interim’ mission is one that evokes particular interest. What is evident is that there has been a repeated usage of this term to describe missions with vastly different mandates, operational parameters and ultimately, lives. Considering the importance of how the nature or character of a mission is presented to themes concerning their legitimacy and related narratives, there is value in exploring how the United Nations has historically employed this term in peacekeeping contexts and the rationales and realities that may have underpinned such usage. This paper purports to make such an exploration with the understanding that the language used to outline the contours of peace operations and characterize the terms of their existence is an essential element when assessing the dialectics that surround the justifications of employing peacekeeping missions.

Explaining Police Misconduct in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, 2010-2019

ABSTRACT Several recent studies consider the determinants of misconduct by military personnel deployed to United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs). While the majority of peacekeepers carry out their duties honorably and often at great personal risk, these studies operate from the premise that misconduct by even a few peacekeepers can undermine a mission, and reduce support for future missions. Even so, misconduct by civilian police deployed to PKOs remains massively understudied in comparison to their military counterparts, though UN police are more likely to face credible allegations of misconduct compared to UN troops. Based on the inclusive or extractive incentives of contributor states, we find support for the argument that the behavior of security personnel at home readily predicts misconduct when deployed to PKOs. This same logic has implications for the UN's increasingly preferred ‘Formed Police Units,’ whose use may actually increase the likelihood of sexual exploitation and abuse.

How Do Non-UN Peacekeepers Affect Civilian Violence? An Instrument Investigation

ABSTRACT This research note extends the Bara and Hultman (2020) study on the effectiveness of non-UN peacekeeping missions in terms of curbing one-sided violence (OSV) against civilians. In particular, we employ two novel instruments to address the two-way causality between the number of non-UN peacekeepers and OSV measures. For each panel year, our instruments involve the interaction between the sum of various designated peacekeepers contributed and the inverse distance between the capitals of contributor and conflict countries. As required, the instrument satisfies the necessary inclusion and exclusion (exogeneity) requirements. The instrument-based results establish a robust reduction in government OSV stemming from the number of non-UN peacekeepers deployed. That reduction also holds for propensity-score matching and the inclusion of UN peacekeepers in the same regression. Non-UN peacekeepers did not have a robust influence on rebel OSV.