Union Of South Africa Research Articles

Unions and the Gender Wage Gap in South Africa

Studies of the wage effects of unions in South Africa have been concerned largely with the impact of union membership on the wages of African and white male workers. Consistent with findings in the international literature, these studies have concluded that unions compress the distribution of wages in South Africa, and more specifically, that racial inequality is lower in the union sector than in the non-union sector. In this paper, we explore whether unions in South Africa are associated with comparable gender wage effects among African workers, using data collected in the nationally representative Labour Force Surveys. Contrary to initial expectations, we find that when wage estimations control for broad occupational sorting by gender in union and non-union employment, then the gender wage gap is larger in the union sector than in the non-union sector. We also consider how possible selection into union status affects our estimates, and demonstrate the difficulty of addressing this problem in the South African context by evaluating a variety of selection models.

A South African Domesday Book: the first Union census of 1911

The Union of South Africa was established a century ago in May 1910. The first census of the new united state took place in May 1911. It may therefore be regarded as a foundational, Domesday survey of the country, covering its population, housing, livestock, agriculture and industries. The census was organised with considerable speed, and the compilation and production of the results were equally fast, with all sections and the Director's report completed at the end of 1912, only 19 months after the enumeration. With such haste, some of the details have been lost and with the destruction of most of the original records, there is only a limited possibility of reconstructing the unpublished data. Nevertheless, in scope and inclusiveness, it was never repeated, and therefore remains an under-utilised landmark in the history of the country.

The African Political Organisation’s contribution to South African sport, 1909-1914

South African sport history in historically racial marginalised communities remain an under researched area. Recent publications on the topic are filled with gaps and even inaccuracies. In order to address this situation, a scientific-historical enquiry into the A.P.O. Official Organ of the African Political Organisation (A.P.O.) was undertaken. A descriptive account of organized sport that received coverage in the A.P.O. is presented in this article. The A.P.O. carried articles on sport participation of racially marginalised communities not only in urban centres but also obscure rural villages and towns and therefore it is possible get a panoramic view of the situation. The A.P.O claimed that it was the most widely read Coloured newspaper published in the union of South Africa (A.P.O., 1912m:9). For this reason, the newspaper provides a comprehensive overview of sport participation levels during the early years of the 20th century.

Warum sich Gewerkschaften um Mega-Sportevents kümmern sollten. Gewerkschaftliche Organisierung im Umfeld der Fußballweltmeisterschaften 2006 in Deutschland und 2010 in Südafrika

Abstract Why should Trade Unions pay Attention to Mega Sports Events? In this article the authors trace the development of mega sports events as big business and the growing awareness of unions and civil society of the threat such events present to working conditions and social and union rights. The authors argue that the high profile and economic importance of mega sports events, such as the Olympics and the Football World Cup, also provide unions with opportunities to build organisational strength and to influence the ever-more globalised world of work. After a brief outline of the role of unions in the Atlanta and Sydney Olympics, the authors compare unions’ attempts to influence the 2006 FIFA World Cup in Germany and the upcoming 2010 World Cup in South Africa. In providing an overview of the political and organisational contexts of union movements in each country, the article identifies areas of union activities with the potential to achieve sustainable gains regarding working conditions and long-term organisational strength. The degree to which unions in both countries managed to take advantage of such opportunities is additionally assessed. The authors find that attempts by German unions to use the World Cup for long-term strategic gains were exceptional, with specifi cally notable gains being made in the security and sportswear industries. While unions in South Africa have taken a more strategic approach, with significant achievements in the construction and security sectors, they are still a long way from achieving a „unionised“ World Cup. The article highlights some exciting new developments in relation to the role of union learning, broad coalition building, global networking and an increasing role for the Global Union Federations.

The role of the Carnegie Corporation of New York in the provision of library services to South Africa’s ‘non-Europeans’1

This paper2 will explore the role of the Carnegie Corporation in the provision of library and information services (LIS) for non-whites from 1928 to 1938. The Carnegie sponsorship was based on the recommendations made at the first South African Library Conference in 1928 by Pitt and Ferguson, commissioners employed by the Carnegie Corporation to survey the libraries in the Union of South Africa and suggest proposals towards improved library services. Various factors, such as the social context of South Africa, which influenced the proposals made, and the funding from the Carnegie Corporation in those years, will be examined. The paper will investigate the development of LIS for nonwhites, specifically blacks, after 1928 and assess the role of the Carnegie Corporation in this connection.

Transfrontier Talk, Cordon Politics: The Early History of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park in Southern Africa, 1925–1940

This article explores the early history of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park (GLTP). In 1927, a year after the Kruger National Park was created, authorities from the Union of South Africa approached their Portuguese counterparts to request that a similar reservation be created on the Mozambican side of the border contiguous to Kruger. Similar requests were made to and by Southern Rhodesian authorities. This article describes the tensions and conflicts surrounding these early proposals for transboundary conservation, highlighting differences in perceptions of the benefits and risks associated with transfrontier projects, and continuities with the conflicts characterising the GLTP today. In Southern Rhodesia, the plans were embraced by businessmen as a wildlife-based tourism initiative and conservation was justified through its revenue-generating potential. Yet influential players in Rhodesia and Mozambique undermined the proposals as they felt the plan was a risky gamble that could jeopardise cattle ranching. Fears of cattle disease spreading through the transboundary wilderness area put a stop to the initiative, until its revival in the late 1990s. The demise of the early plans was also influenced by Portuguese colonial authorities' interpretation of transboundary conservation as a guise for South African territorial expansion.

Delineating the nation: South African censuses 1865–2007

The census plays a significant role in delineating the nation in statistical terms. The decisions as to whom to enumerate, what questions are to be asked and how the results are presented all modify the view of the population offered to contemporary observers and to posterity. Although census officials tend to be conservative in retaining a large body of questions in similar form from one enumeration to the next in order to promote inter-census comparisons, those concerned with identity have tended to shift with the political evolution of the state and nation. Nowhere has this been more in evidence than in South Africa where the state and nation have been redefined several times since the commencement of modern scientific censuses in 1865. Administrations run by the British Empire, Boer republics, Union of South Africa, apartheid republic, African ‘bantustans’ and now democratic republic have each brought their own concepts to national identification and the framing of the questions of national identity in the census. As a result the set of nearly forty censuses present an often contradictory and complex image of the South African population, ranging from comprehensive inclusive censuses to narrowly restrictive enumerations of a single ethnic group. There was thus little of the continuity in census taking between the colonial and post-colonial states noted elsewhere. South African censuses therefore offer an insight into how the nation was viewed at the time the census was undertaken.

A tale of weak enforcement

This article firstappeared in the South AfricanLabour Bulletin www.salabourbulletin.org.za A tale of weak enforcement ANDRES BEZUIDENHOUT is aresearcher in the Sociology of Work Unit at the University of the Witwatersrand What motivates companies to relocate production across Southern Africanborders? South decentralised and industry Lesotho. African operate firms Andries zones in in former and the Bezuidenhout garment in apartheid Swaziland industry operate informer apartheid decentralised zones andinSwaziland andLesotho. Andries Bezuidenhout investigated labour lawenforcement inthese areas andwhy some South African employers don't escape stringent labour lawsandmove to lessregulated industrial areasacross the border. Inthe early 2000s, partly because of the Africa Growth andOpportunities Act (Agoa), the United States of America, Lesotho andSwaziland saw aninflux ofclothing manufacturers. Another reason for this wasthat the South African rand, towhich Lesotho andSwaziland's currencies aretied, wasfavourable tothe USdollar atthe time. InLesotho 50,000 new jobswere created, and inSwaziland 40,000. Mostly young women work inthese factories, producing merchandise such asjeansand T-shirts for the USmarket. These aremassive orders with lowmargins, but high profits because of the sizeof the orders. But the end of Agoa put these factories under pressure. Also, the rand nearly doubling in value tothe dollar since the early 2000scame asa shock toexporters. Lesotho andSwaziland lost around 20,000 jobseachas manufactures relocated toChina and Vietnam. This empty factory spaceisoften filled by relocated South African operations. Why doSouth African clothing manufacturers move toLesotho andSwaziland? For the past year, Ihave been visiting these two countries with Soeren Jeppesen, a colleague from the Copenhagen Business School, inanattempt to understand this. These areimpressions based onfactory visits andinterviews with managers, trade unions, workers andgovernment officials. The story ismore complex than just South African firms leaving because of'high wages' and'good labour laws', tocountries where labour canbe'exploited'. Before wegoto Lesotho andSwaziland, wehave tomake a detour. Westart inKwaZulu-Natal. Ezakheni, South Africa TheEzakheni industrial park near Ladysmith wassetupinthe1980s toattract manufacturing operations tothe area. Itisa prime example ofapartheid's 'industrial decentralisation' strategy. Firms received subsidies from the state, aswell astailor-made factory spaceatlow rents. Apart from relocations by clothing manufacturers from elsewhere inSouth Africa, Ezakheni attracted a considerable number of Taiwanese companies. For the apartheid state this wasintended tostem the flow of Africans tocities such as Durban andJohannesburg. For employers, itmeant lower wages than urban areas. Intraditional clothing manufacturing hubs, such as Durban andCape Town, the South African Clothing and Textiles Workers' Union, (Sactwu), waswinning recognition agreements tonegotiate better wages. But places like Ezakheni hadanother advantage for employers. Itwasinthe Bantustan of KwaZulu, where South African labour lawdid not apply. Workers were often forced tojoin the weak United Workers' Union ofSouth Africa, which wasaffiliated toInkatha. Soinaddition tolower wages, unions could not operate freely. So,inthe 1980sthere wasa shift ofgarment factories from urban torural areassuch as Ezakheni andPhuthadithjaba inthe Eastern Free State nearby. This trend continued into the 1990s, when industrial council agreements did not yet cover there areas. South Africa's transition todemocracy andnew labour statutes changed the situation. Bargaining council agreements now set minimum wages andconditions for formerly excluded areas, such as Ezakheni. Unions can operate freely andthe council opened anoffice innearby Ladysmith toassist employers and employees, and toinspect minimum conditions setby collective agreements. Could itbethe case,weasked ourselves, that these companies will now relocate toplaces like Lesotho andSwaziland? Inboth these countries, with many Asian firms departing, there aretrained andexperienced workers who arewilling towork for much lower wages than inSouth Africa. Maputsoe, Lesotho There aretwo unions organising inthe garment industry inLesotho, the Lesotho Clothing and Allied Workers' Union and the Factory and Allied Workers' Union. Wages inLesotho areregulated by a collective agreement ataround R700 (€61)a month. Conditions infactories alsomassively improved after GAP, a LosAngeles company that sources most ofitsproducts from Lesotho, implemented a codeofconduct towhich their suppliers have tosubscribe. This coderequires suppliers toenforce the labour laws of the country, aswell asother minimum standards. GAP appointed three fulltime inspectors toinspect factories inLesotho. Most companies feel positive about this code, and that inspectors aresupportive intheir approach, rather than punitive. TheLabour Commissioner alsoreported that shehada good relationship with GAP'S inspectors. TheDepartment ofLabour, however, isclearly under resourced. There areonly eight inspectors tocover the whole country, with not enough vehicles. Officials' low wages make the system vulnerable tobribery. Wealsosawthe extent...

The British Government and the South African Neutrality Crisis, 1938-39

In the years immediately prior to the outbreak of the Second World War a commonly held view amongst the British public was that in any future conflict the support of the Dominions would be unconditional and immediately forthcoming. The Statute of Westminster had officially recognised the agreement reached five years before in which Britain identified the Dominions as autonomous communities within the British Empire. According to Lord Balfour's 1926 declaration, although they were united by a common allegiance to the Crown, each was freely associated with, and treated as equal in status to, each of the others in all matters domestic and external. With little defence spending they still, however, looked to Britain for their security hence the popular belief that a British war would also be the Dominions’ war. Whilst this assessment was in fact broadly correct - there was never any doubt for example that New Zealand would not support Britain - considerable evidence was available during the years prior to the outbreak of war to show that the government in Pretoria was extremely reluctant to allow itself to be drawn into another European quarrel. Although the creation of the Union of South Africa in 1910 had been seen at the time as a great Imperial success, its relationship with Britain during the inter-war years was characterised by underlying tensions. Nonetheless as the European political situation deteriorated there were still few in Whitehall who would believe that South African support could not be counted upon. In the end it would actually take an emergency parliamentary debate in September 1939, one that led to the resignation of the country's Prime Minister, and allegations of serious malpractice by the British appointed governor-general before an agreement to join the reformed Imperial alliance could be offered. Such was the bitterness surrounding this debate that there even emerged the possibility the Union could descend into civil war. And with the exception of only a few key British officials, there was nothing the government in London could do to influence the outcome.

Black workers, typhoid fever and the construction of the Berg River – Saldanha military water pipeline, 1942 – 1943

War creates a huge need for labour to support the war efforts of the belligerent parties. In South Africa tens of thousands of ‘non-white’ workers were mobilised during the Second World War to satisfy the Union Defence Force’s (UDF’s) labour needs at home and abroad. This article, firstly, outlines the role of ‘non-white people’, particularly black Africans, in the UDF with special reference to those employed within the Union of South Africa. Secondly, it briefly delineates typhoid fever as an historical thorn in the flesh of military forces up to the early 20th century. It then looks briefly into the incidence of and perceptions on typhoid fever as a killer disease in South Africa on the eve of the Second World War. Against that background, the article investigates the employment of black workers on the construction of the Berg River-Saldanha Bay military water pipeline and the UDF’s response to the threat and subsequent outbreak of typhoid fever amongst the workers at the Berg River intake site in 1943. The article concludes that the public health authorities and UDF were aware of the threat of typhoid fever with regard to the Berg River water scheme, but did not take sufficient precautionary measures, which could have had serious repercussions for the Allied war effort. This incident should serve as a warning to the South African National Defence Force when deploying on peace support operations on the African continent where typhoid fever remains a serious threat next to Hiv/Aids.

BEYOND THE TRADITION/MODERNITY DIALECTIC

In this essay I explore the ambivalent subject positions manifest in South African black middle class visual culture of the early twentieth century. I contend that the way moderate assimilationism was articulated in public discourse (and particularly the black press), differed substantially from the way it was employed in individual black artists’ oeuvres. While advertisements in the black press advocated moderate assimilationism by appealing to the material and political aspirations of the upwardly mobile black working and middle classes; individual artists, in the more private and contemplative sphere of fine art, had the opportunity to articulate the full range of conflicting subjective modalities involved in being both bourgeois and black in the Union of South Africa. I propose that the modernity/tradition dialectic, which is strongly implicated in assimilation as strategy, is mobilized as a crude binary in the press, while it articulates a profoundly conflicted and ambivalent subjectivity in the art of black painters such as Milwa Pemba. In this regard, I explore some of the aporias that flow from the fact that the task of black national self-representation should ironically have befallen a literate minority of missionary-trained Africans, who, by the very nature of their education, were economically and culturally alienated from the oppressed majority they were representing. I demonstrate how one of the most essential mechanisms of national construction – the mobilization of naturalized myths of racial or cultural origin – constituted a fraught and problematic modality for the middle-class black artists, whose approach to tradition was characterized by a profoundly ambivalent blend of pride, nostalgia and shame. I also demonstrate, briefly, how different and overlapping African nationalist strategies in Pemba's art correspond to stages identified by Franz Fanon in the unfolding of African nationalism.

Colonial allegiances circa 1910: The Engelenburg-Middelberg correspondence in the Johannesburg Art Gallery

The correspondence between F. V. Engelenburg and G.A.A. Middelberg, in the archive of the Johannesburg Art Gallery, gives extraordinary insight into the cultural and political dynamics between Johannesburg and Pretoria circa 1910. A detailed examination of the letters reveals the nature of colonial allegiances at a time when the Second South African (Anglo- Boer) War of 1899 to 1902 was still fresh in the nation's psyche, the Union of South Africa was proclaimed, the first national elections were held, and a major public art collection (the Johannesburg Art Gallery) was formed. They give an important insight into a sector of society of that time: the informed elite who transcended racial tensions between English and Afrikaner in the interests of cultural excellence. Accompanying the article is a recent translation of all the letters, written in an early form of Afrikaans that made them largely inaccessible before now.

'The Klopper Affair': Anglo-South African Relations and the Surrender of the Tobruk Garrison

The loss of the Tobruk garrison in June 1942 proved to be one of the worst military disasters suffered by the British Empire during the Second World War. Following the surrender of Singapore earlier that same year it represented something of a nadir in public confidence about how the war was being conducted. At the same time it also threatened the relationship between Britain and one of its Dominion wartime partners, the Union of South Africa. The considerable military force based at Tobruk had been commanded by a young and relatively inexperienced South African general and included an entire South African division. The decision to surrender these forces—over 30,000 men—after a siege lasting less than 48 hours led to allegations of cowardice and treachery. Winston Churchill meanwhile faced a parliamentary vote of confidence in his leadership. He ultimately had few problems restoring his position and proved adept at resisting calls for a public enquiry. With the subsequent victory at the final battle at E1 Alamein the affair quickly receded from the public attention. During the summer of 1942 the possibility had however existed of a serious and damaging rift developing within the Imperial alliance.

At Last: A Useful Overview of the Social SciencesTheodore M. Porter;, Dorothy Ross (Editors). The Modern Social Sciences. (Cambridge History of Science, 7.) xxvii + 734 pp., notes, index. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. $125 (cloth).

Here comes the seventh volume of the Cambridge History of Science, assembled by Theodore M. Porter and Dorothy Ross, on that most unwieldy group of the sciences, the social sciences. Of the forty contributors (including the two editors), twenty-one hail from the United States, seven from the United Kingdom, three from France, and one each from Austria, Argentina, Canada, the Czech Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, India, the Netherlands, the Russian Federation, and the Union of South Africa. I mention this because the editors apparently have the ambitious aim of covering the globe in modern times—or, at the minimum, of making more than mere gestures in that direction. There are forty-three chapters, including the introductory ones by the editors. In such a massive work, it would be difficult, not to say tedious, to attempt to review or to “cover” everything. Suffice it to say that students and scholars with an interest in the social sciences will usually find material here of interest. Because the chapters, designed for a work of reference, are necessarily short, there are ideas aplenty for further research, although the bibliographical leads are sometimes quite modest. Of course a volume of this sort can only be an introduction to its subject. It cannot do all that various constituencies might desire. Fair enough: there is plenty here. So what is here? The editors have arranged the volume into four major sections, two that have few surprises and two that have more. Parts 1 and 2 present twenty-one essays whose authors address relatively familiar topics, to and since the later nineteenth century, and somewhat slanted toward Europe and America, respectively. In Part 1 we have chapters on such problems as social thought and natural science, utopian socialism and social science, social surveys before 1900, history, psychology, Continental political economy, British economic theory, and Marx and Marxism. The section begins with Theodore Porter’s helpful orientation to the various genres and forms of social inquiry, broadly defined, from the Enlightenment to 1890, in which we learn about the sciences of man, the Enlightenment sciences of population, economy, and the state, and social science in a revolutionary age

The decolonization of French-speaking territories in Africa as reflected in the South African press

The events surrounding the independence of the Belgian Congo and Algeria were reported on in considerable detail in the South African press between 1960 and 1962. Because of its relative proximity to South Africa, the conflict in the Congo was considered by the Afrikaans-speaking press in particular to be a potential danger to the Union of South Africa, since it gave the opportunity for Soviet imperialism to make further inroads into Africa. The Algerian war of independence provided a more direct parallel with South Africa. In both countries a large white population was in danger of losing its identity. General de Gaulle was hailed by the English and Afrikaans press alike as being the strong leader who was needed to deal with this explosive situation. He was seen by some editorialists as having done all he could, while for others he did not go far enough, since he gave full autonomy to Algeria and sacrificed the white population.

Unions and cyber‐activism in South Africa

PurposeThe paper aims to present a historical overview of the use of information communications technology (ICT) tools and platforms, particularly e‐mail and the internet, as tools of cyber‐activism by the labour movement in South Africa. The paper also aims to give some consideration to constraints and challenges facing unions in the South Africa in the effective deployment of such cyber tools.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is based on the experience of a participant observer, incorporating analysis of historical examples of the application of the key ICT tools, and supported by reference to relevant documentation and related literature. The use by unions in South Africa of e‐mail and the internet as tools of organisation and mobilisation is examined against the background of both access barriers and organisation constraints, and in relation to union strategies to address such challenges.FindingsDespite recognition by the South Africa labour movement of the possibilities of e‐mail, the internet and other tools of cyber‐activism, the ability of unions to exploit these tools has been limited, characterised by both successes and failures.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper has a relatively narrow focus on the experiences of specific unions in a single country, leading to conclusions which are not necessarily susceptible to generalisation. The lack of availability of both relevant primary documentation and secondary analysis makes it difficult to assess the accuracy of observations and conclusions.Practical implicationsThe paper suggests the possibilities and opportunities for unions in similar environments to exploit ICT tools, as well as the barriers and constraints facing their deployment.Originality/valueThe paper presents the analysis and reflections of a uniquely placed participant observer regarding how unions in South Africa have been able to exploit e‐mail and the internet as tools of cyber‐activism. The analysis reveals both possibilities and limitations of cyber‐activism in South Africa.

Africa Welcomes the World In 2005 As It Hosts the 18th World Petroleum Congress

Introduction In September 2005, the African petroleum industry will host the 18th World Petroleum Congress (WPC) in Johannesburg, South Africa. The principal host country is South Africa, and the principal oil and gas producing countries of Africa (Algeria, Angola, Libya, and Nigeria) are co-hosts. Each will be among the largest exhibitors in the concurrent South Africa International Oil and Gas Exhibition (SAIOGE). Both the Congress and the Exhibition will be held September 25 to 29 in the outstanding and spacious Sandton Convention Centre in Johannesburg's modern business district. The Congress is expected to attract 3,500 executives and 350 journalists. Over 4,500 participants and exhibitors are expected at the Congress, with over 400 exhibitors and 25,000 visitors anticipated for the Exhibition. The Congress and Exhibition will be the largest oil and gas event held in Africa. Oil and gas production in Africa continues to expand with extensive development now being achieved in West Africa (e.g., Nigeria, Angola, Ivory Coast, and Gabon). At the end of 2003, total world proved remaining reserves of crude oil were estimated at 1,148 billion barrels and the share in African countries was 8.9%. In the same year, Africa's share of world crude oil production was 10.8% and consumption 3.3%. Total world proved remaining reserves of natural gas at the end of 2003 were estimated at 176 trillion cubic metres and the share in African countries was 7.8%. Africa's share of world natural gas production was 5.4% and consumption 2.6%. The progress made in Africa, along with the developments and markets served, are discussed below. South Africa The Republic of South Africa has a total area of 1,219,912 km2 with a population of 42.7 million, and is located on the southern tip of the continent of Africa. The country is divided into nine provinces, with Pretoria as the capital city, Cape Town as the legislative centre, and Bloemfontein as the judicial centre. South Africa itself has 11 languages. English is the predominant language of government, business, and the media, and can be understood by most people. The legal system is based on Roman-Dutch law and English common law. The Dutch settlers (the Boers) resisted the British encroachments after their seizure of the Cape of Good Hope area in 1806, but the Dutch were defeated in the Boer War (1899 – 1902). The resulting Union of South Africa operated under a policy of apartheid- the separate development of the races. The 1990s brought an end to apartheid politically, and ushered in Black majority rule and a democratic government. Economic Overview South Africa has the most advanced economy and the greatest industrial development on the African continent. It has an emerging middle-income market, with an abundant supply of natural resources and a stock exchange that ranks among the 10 largest in the world. The GDP per capita is $10,700 or about one third that of Canada's GDP. This is almost twice as large as that of those African countries with the next largest per capita GDP considered in this review.

"To make the people of South Africa proud of their membership of the great British Empire": Home Reading Unions in South Africa, 1900-1914

This article examines the regulation of reading by two home reading unions operating in South Africa from 1900 to 1914. It challenges the view that reading is primarily regulated to sustain and support a particular economic order. The emphasis falls on cultural, gender, and political factors that mediated imperial and colonial views of guided reading during a fluid period in South African history.

Aspects of the Motivation for Voluntary Disclosures: Evidence from the Publication of Value Added Statements in an Emerging Economy

This paper investigates the motivation for the voluntary disclosure of financial information by companies in their annual financial statements, by examining aspects of the usefulness of the value added statement. The value added statement is published voluntarily with the annual financial statements and is currently experiencing high levels of publication in South Africa, which is evidently brought about by the high political costs and significant legitimacy threats that companies operating in South Africa are facing. It was found from the literature and from a survey among management that the value added statement was primarily aimed at the employees. Employees have also been regarded as users of financial information in the literature. However, a survey among trade unions in South Africa found that almost no use is made of the value added statement even though the unions make use of other financial information. This indicates that voluntary disclosures do not necessarily satisfy the information needs of their intended audience. The research also indicates that the trade unions might not use the value added statement because they suspect that the statement is being used to reduce political costs and legitimacy threats, and is therefore not reliable. This is a major shortcoming of voluntary disclosures.

Stuart Cloete's construction of voortrekker religion in Turning Wheels: research

Stuart Cloete's novel of 1937, Turning Wheels, was unquestionably the most controversial of many fictional reconstructions of the Great Trek, a book which fell foul of Afrikaner nationalism and whose further importation into the Union of South Africa was long consequently banned. Religious motifs reflecting the popularised Calvinism of the Voortrekkers figure prominently in the text. Cloete depicted these migrants as people of faith whose removal to a new Canaan entailed both internal strife and repeated clashes with indigenous African tribes. Among the thematic elements are belief in divine purpose and providence, postfigurative uses of the Pentateuchal characters Moses and Abraham, the image of the clergy, the failure of religious belief to maintain ethical norms among the Voortrekkers and the contribution of an ethnocentric distortion of Christianity to disharmonious relations with black Africans. (Acta Theologica, 21 (1), 2001: 24-40)