Unionism In Brazil Research Articles

Confidence in Brazilian Unions

Although unions in Brazil are marginally effective in defining the employer-employee relationship, confidence in unions is high and exhibits a positive trend over time. A logistic regression model based on the Latinobarometer data series (1996–2009) empirically verifies that unions’ state embeddedness really does matter in explaining confidence in unions in Brazil (i.e., confidence in government, especially during the Lula presidency, has a significant positive effect). Moreover, people who have a negative perception of their personal economic situations and are less trustful of others are more inclined to have confidence in unions. Não obstante o efeito bem limitado e marginal dos sindicatos na determinação das relações entre o patrão e o empregado, se mantem alto a confiança nos sindiatos e essa confiança mostra uma tendência positiva no decorrer do tempo. Um modelo de regressão logística baseado no série de dados Latinobarómetro (1996–2009) verifica empiricalmente que a integração dos sindicatos no Estado importa para explicar essa confiança neles, dado que a confiança no governo, sobretudo durante a presidência do Lula, tem tido um efeito positivo. Além disso, as pessoas cuja percepção da sua situação econômica pessoal seja negativa e que tenha menos confiança nos outros inclinam mais para confiar nos sindicatos.

The Dilemmas of the New Unionism in Brazil

Brazil’s “new unionism,” which emerged in the late 1970s, declared itself class-oriented, autonomous, and independent of the state. It proposed to take the lead in defense of eliminating the exploitation of labor by capital and of the real possibility of constructing of a socialist society. Identifying with the most dynamic sector of the working class, it expanded the participation of organized workers in the struggle for their demands. Over time, however, with changes in the political conjuncture and the introduction of neoliberal economic policies, the movement became more institutionalized—retreating from confrontation, devoting increasing attention to electoral politics, and giving more emphasis to hierarchical and bureaucratized leadership. Despite its many achievements, it proved incapable of putting down roots within companies or reducing social inequalities. Overemphasizing the idea of a complete break with the past may have prevented it from giving appropriate attention to the difficulties historically confronted by the labor movement in Brazil. O “novo sindicalismo” que surgiu no Brasil nos fins dos anos 1970 se declarou de classe, autônomo e independente do Estado. Propôs-se assumir a liderança na eliminação da exploração da classe trabalhadora pelo capital, e de conseguir a construção duma sociedade verdadeiramente socialista. Por identificar-se com o sétor mais dinâmica da classe operária, ampliou a participação dos trabalhadores sindicatados na luta para conseguir as suas reivindicações. Sem embargo, ao correr o tempo, com as mudanças na conjuntura política e a introdução de políticas econômicas neoliberais, o movimento pouco a pouco se ia institucionalizando-se, evitando os confrontos, dedicando mais e mais atenção às políticas eleitorais, e enfatizando a liderança hierárquica e burocratizada. Apesar das muitas melhoras que conseguira, se mostrou incapaz de lançar raizes nas empresas, nem reduzir as desigualidades sociais. Tal vez fora, por ter enfatizado demais a ideia de uma ruptura total com o passado, que se impediu de pagar atenção adequada às dificuldades que o movimento operário sempre enfrentarem históricamente, e ainda enfrenta, no Brasil.

Religion and the Rainbow Struggle: Does Religion Factor Into Attitudes Toward Homosexuality and Same-Sex Civil Unions in Brazil?

The provision of civil liberties to LGBT persons has become part of a global movement in societies across the world. In Brazil, a recent judicial ruling for the first time established the right for homosexual couples to enter into civil unions, despite the presence of widespread disapproval of homosexuality among the population and opposition from prominent religious groups. Picking up on this issue, the following study examines whether religion may factor into the attitudes Brazilians hold toward homosexuality and same-sex civil unions. Using data from the Brazilian Social Research Survey, we find that the most restrictive views toward homosexuality and the strongest opposition to same-sex civil unions are most prevalent among devoted followers of historical Protestant, Pentecostal, and Catholic faith traditions, whereas adherents of Afro-Brazilian and spiritist religions, as well as those with no religious commitment, are inclined to assume a more tolerant moral posture toward such issues. The findings point to religion as a potential influence in future public policy initiatives and social movements involving LGBT issues in Brazil.

Intersectionality and female domestic workers' unions in Brazil

The paper uses the concept of intersectionality to explore the central role played by the categories of race, class and gender in the biographies of female domestic workers in Brazil. While showing how these categories are implicated in the inequalities and subalternization experienced by these actors, the paper also reveals how female domestic workers have appropriated them to promote themselves politically as a professional class. Adopting a historical viewpoint, the second part of the paper shows the formation of a public agenda for female domestic workers' unions and their negotiation with class-based, feminist and black movements in Brazil. It concludes by showing that unionized domestic workers have developed an original form of feminism that combines aspects taken from all these movements. • Intersectionality and disempowerment among domestic workers in Brazil • Domestic workers in the workplace • Intersectionality and production of democratic mobilization • History of domestic workers' unions in Brazil • Interviews and the ethical listening to domestic workers' voice

As cooperativas de crédito mútuo no Brasil

O presente estudo apresenta uma análise sobre a realidade das cooperativas de crédito mútuo no Brasil, tendo em vista a importância singular do cooperativismo de crédito para toda a sociedade e como alternativa de aplicação de recursos privados de associados em favor da própria comunidade onde as mesmas estão inseridas. Confirma que, no Brasil, o cooperativismo de crédito mútuo, além de ser apresentado como uma das opções viáveis dentro do sistema financeiro nacional, também é visto como uma alternativa pela qual, alguns setores da sociedade, promovem a humanização do sistema financeiro situando, em patamares mais justos, os juros do crédito e a remuneração do capital.

<I>We Are Family!</I> Legal Recognition of Same-Sex Unions in Brazil

The processes that led to legal recognition of same-sex unions in Brazil and in the United States followed clearly different paths. Instead of pursuing legalization of same-sex marriage as a primary goal of their political agenda like their American counterparts, Brazilian gay and lesbian couples first sought access to the institutions that regulate domestic cohabitation. The early jurisprudential characterization of the family as an institution independent from marriage encouraged them to center litigation on the possibility of classifying same-sex couples as family entities. Gay and lesbian couples claimed in a series of lawsuits that they build a form of union that provides them with the same benefits that heterosexual individuals obtain from their relationships, a reason why the Brazilian legal system should not deny them equal legal treatment. Many courts acknowledged the validity of their claims in several decisions that gradually extended spousal rights to same-sex couples, a process that prepared the ground for the recent Supreme Court decision that legalized same-sex unions in the country. This article explains the development of the Brazilian same-sex union litigation and adjudication as a story about the convergence of two important jurisprudential developments: the long national tradition of giving legal protection to domestic cohabitants, and the emergence of a strand of decisions that understands equality as a constitutional principle that aims to eradicate structural forms of inequalities. By adopting an incremental approach to gay marriage litigation, Brazilian same-sex couples have achieved effective legal protection. The Brazilian case serves as an interesting point of comparison for same-sex marriage advocates elsewhere in the world, since this gradual approach tends to be dismissed as a litigation strategy that could deliver equal legal treatment.

O pêndulo oscilante: sociologia do trabalho e movimento sindical no Brasil

O presente artigo analisa a relação estabelecida entre a sociologia do trabalho e o sindicalismo no Brasil. Isso é feito cobrindo-se três momentos dessa relação. Tendo como pano de fundo as sucessivas conjunturas políticas e econômicas, partimos daquela primeira geração de sociólogos do trabalho até o período recente, buscando identificar os pontos mais característicos dessa trajetória. Trabalhamos com a hipótese segundo a qual, ao longo de sua trajetória, a sociologia do trabalho no Brasil foi marcada, em seus primórdios, pela busca de afirmação e profissionalização (1950/1960); posteriormente, desenvolveu um forte engajamento político-social, assumindo um caráter público e servindo para conformar certas identidades sociais (1970/1980); por fim, teria derivado para uma sociologia para as políticas públicas (1990/2000).

Brazil

In this article, the authors analyze the relationship between labor sociology and trade unionism in Brazil by focusing on its three key phases. Against the backdrop of successive political and economical scenarios, the authors go from the first generation of labor sociologists to the most recent period, trying to identify the transition points in this trajectory. This study develops the hypothesis that labor sociology in Brazil was first characterized by a search for affirmation and professionalization (1950-1960). Later, it developed a strong political—social engagement, and assumed a public character, by claiming particular social identities (1970-1980). Finally, it flowed toward policy sociology (1990-2000).

Somos todos trabalhadores em Educação? reflexões sobre identidades docentes desde a perspectiva de sindicalistas

O trabalho discute implicações do fenômeno da sindicalização docente sobre as identidades da categoria, em especial ao considerar-se o alegado processo de proletarização e a inclusão de funcionários nas entidades sindicais docentes. Baseia seus argumentos em duas pesquisas realizadas com sindicalistas do CPERS/SINDICATO (Centro dos Professores do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul - Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação), que apresentam diferentes graus de participação na hierarquia política da organização. O referencial teórico recupera a gênese da escola e da docência, abordando duas de suas mais significativas imagens: trabalho feminino e proletarizado. Discorre sobre a sindicalização docente no Brasil, fenômeno que se oficializa a partir da promulgação da Constituição de 1988, mas que se consolida anteriormente a isso: durante as lutas por liberdades democráticas no contexto ditatorial. A análise revela uma variedade de posições, entre os sindicalistas, sobre a identidade dos docentes com relação à sua condição de trabalhadores em Educação ou de profissionais, ainda que um traço unificador seja a ausência de menção às modificações no processo de trabalho docente para justificar a proletarização. Também há concordância quanto ao aspecto instrumental das filiações, isto é, que a maior parte das pessoas se filia para obter vantagens pessoais. Nas conclusões, aponta-se para o caráter híbrido das atuais identidades docentes. Também se propõe para análise o fato de que, embora o termo 'trabalhadores em Educação' pudesse indicar uma diluição do professorado nos demais segmentos que atuam na escola, é perceptível o oposto, sendo os funcionários subsumidos na categoria docente.

Investigating the solvency of brazilian credit unions using a proportional hazard model

Abstract**: Due to high interest rates and bank spreads, the number of credit unions in Brazil has increased over recent years. As financial institutions, these cooperatives need tools to signal impending financial problems. This paper focuses on one tool that can be used to evaluate credit union solvency: the Cox Proportional Hazards Model. A sample of 80 credit unions from the Brazilian state of Minas Gerais was selected to supply data. The analysis period is between December 2001 and June 2003. The results indicate that the relevant indicators for insolvency prediction are, in descending order of predictive ability, General Liquidity, Salary and Benefit Expenses, and the Loan/Equity Ratio. In general, results produced using the delineated theoretical model were in consonance with international literature.

Neoliberal Hegemony and Unionism in Brazil

The neoliberal governments of Fernando Collor de Melo and Fernando Henrique Cardoso came to power in Brazil by popular vote. In these two elections the power of money and of the media were certainly very important, but it would be wrong to attribute the victories of the neoliberal candidates in 1989 and in 1994 just to the manipulation of the electoral process. They are in fact an indication that we are involved in a process-broader and more complex than that of the electoral process itself-of constructing a new bourgeois hegemony in Brazil, a hegemony of neoliberal ideas and political proposals. Hegemony is used here in the Gramscian to refer to the conversion of an ideology and a class's political platform into the cement of a new historical block. The apologia for the market and private enterprise as areas of efficiency and innovative and progressive initiative and the corresponding condemnation of the state and public enterprise as areas of waste, bureaucratism, and privilege became accepted as common sense, penetrating unequally, broadly, and sometimes contradictorily the whole of Brazilian society. Neoliberalism reactivates and makes new use-that is, in a new historic situation marked by monopoly capitalism and by the expansion of social rights-of fundamental concepts of the old bourgeois economic ideology (the virtues of private enterprise and of the market) produced by 19th-century capitalism, concepts that precluded any questioning of the legitimacy of the reforms of capitalism in the 20th century. In a word, we are dealing with an old ideology assuming a new political function that is to some degree paradoxical: that of exalting the market to benefit monopolies and at the expense of social rights.

The State and Trade Unionism in Brazil

State intervention in the organization of the Brazilian trade union movement dates from the 1930s. Immediately following the revolution of October 1930 that brought Getuilio Vargas to power, the provisional government created the Ministry of Labor, Industry, and Commerce, and four months later, on March 19, 1931, it issued the first unionization law, requiring unions to register with the ministry and imposing a series of limitations on their organization and operation as a condition of this official recognition. In 1943 the same Getulio Vargas, then exercising dictatorial powers, edited the Consolidation of Labor Laws, thus completing the organization of the Brazilian corporatist union structure. From 1943 to the present, the framework for trade unionism in Brazil has remained fundamentally unchanged. This longevity and stability are particularly impressive considering the great economic, social, and political changes Brazil has undergone in the past four decades. In addition to being required to register with the state, unions are organized along economic lines or by occupational categories, and only one group per category is permitted in a given municipality (a principle called unicidade sindical). Unions have the power to impose dues on all workers in their jurisdiction, whether members or not. Finally, unions represent their workers before the Labor Court, an arm of the judiciary that resolves conflicts and oversees negotiations between unions and employers. In sum, although, in contrast to the situation in some of the Latin American military dictatorships of recent years, trade union activity is not prohibited, it can take place only within a statecontrolled system that denies it freedom of organization and autonomy.

Recent Strikes in Brazil

Brazilian unionism experienced significant transformations in the eighties. During the period from May 1978, with the vigorous strike movement of the Sao Paulo ABC region,' until the end of the eighties, there were innumerable changes: resumption of strike actions, an explosion of unionism among middle-range salaried workers and service-sector employees, an increase in rural unionism, the appearance of union centrals,2 attempts at consolidating the organization of factory workers, growth in unionization, and changes in the union structure after the 1988 Constitution, to name only a few. All of these form an interesting conjunction of factors, particularly when viewed against the background of the transformations in advanced capitalism that have rapidly penetrated the industrialized Third World, among them transformations in Fordist and Taylorist work standards, the creation of new ways of administering the workforce, decentralization of production, greater flexibility in production processes, deregulation of workers' social rights, decrease in the industrial contingent, a decline of the unionization rate, and the predominance of defensive policies. These tendencies, in embryonic or advanced form, have shaped the workforce in social structures dominated by advanced and monopolistic capital. The eighties were therefore a crucial decade-so far the century's most critical one-in which sharp transformations in the material and subjective aspects of work and in its forms and representative organisms have incited reexamination of central elements of the system. Although tempted to describe these transformations and some of the main elements of unionism in Brazil, I will focus

Economic Efficiency in Cooperatives

HE cooperative form of business organization has deep historical roots in the economy. The cooperative dairy association movement began in New York in the mid-1800s as a response to the monopsony power of privately held milk-processing plants.1 It was perceived that a producer cooperative had the ability to produce processed cheese from its members' raw milk at a lower per-unit cost than would have been possible by contracting with a geographically isolated, private, for-profit firm. Modern refrigerated transportation has diminished monopsony power. In modern times, the cooperative form of business has been consciously nurtured as a matter of public policy. The tax laws of the United States exempt cooperatives that meet certain requirements from payment of income taxes.2 Certain other pecuniary advantages are available to agricultural cooperatives. Loans are available to cooperatives at a belowmarket rate of interest. The collective knowledge of the Department of

Trade unionism in Brazil

The operations of multinational companies in the developing world are coming under closer scrutiny from the international trade union movement. There are a variety of motives behind this interest. First, union-organised workers in the traditional manufacturing economies feel threatened by the 'world strategies' of the multinationals, especially in the motor industry, and argue that they should have rights of access and consultation before major overseas investment decisions are taken. Second, trade unionists have learned that multinational companies may be useful vehicles for aiding workers in other countries whose rights under the law are very restricted. Pressure on the parent company may result in concessions by subsidiaries to their employees which would not otherwise have been made: the treatment of black workers in apartheid South Africa is the most obvious example. Behind these two observations lies perhaps a more profound calculation. This is that the advancement of independent trade unionism in countries where it does not exist, while it can be justified on humanitarian or ideological grounds, may serve to equalise relative wage costs and thus promote fair as well as free trade. Recent developments on the trade union front in Brazil, a country in whose economy there is very substantial foreign participation, have thrown up some important lessons for labour organisations committed to developing 'international trade union solidarity' and for potential investors as well.

Labor and the Left in Brazil, 1890-1921: A Movement Aborted

iiis essay examines the forces that retarded and ultimately destroyed early trade unionism in Brazil. Studying the inefficacy of the Brazilian movement, however, raises a broader question: why have some working-class movements failed, while others under apparently similar circumstances have survived and even flourished? We still lack the information for a definitive answer to this question. But insight is gained by viewing Brazil and making some comparative references to labor movements in general. Such references are also made to the particular experience of Argentina, a nation whose trade union development most closely approximated that of Brazil. The central focus will be on Sdo Paulo, Santos, and Rio de Janeiro, the Brazilian cities that formed the center of industry, commerce, and working-class unrest during the period under consideration. European immigrants dominated Brazil's first labor movement. From the beginning of the movement, immigrants, principally from Italy, Portugal, and Spain, constituted the majority of the working class in Sdo Paulo and Santos and a sizeable minority in Rio de Janeiro (then the federal capital). In all three cities immigrants comprised the major part of the rank and file as well as the leadership of the trade unions.' The Brazilian labor movement can be dated from the 1890s when a