Union Defence Research Articles

Towards NATO Membership: Looking into the End of Sweden's Neutrality Amidst Strategic Shift in Europe

The year 2022 marked the re-outbreak of a chaotic war, between Russia and Ukraine, in Eastern Europe. While military attacks between the two warring countries were not directed to countries around the region, and Sweden does not have a shared border with both countries, Sweden decided to apply for NATO membership a few months after the war began. This decision contradicted with Sweden’s long-standing tradition of neutrality in foreign affairs for almost two centuries. Using the framework of neoclassical realism along with the concept of alliance, the shifting stance is explained through systemic incentives and intervening variables, which comprised of (1) the inconsistency in the utilization of Russian military capabilities and (2) the European Union's defense challenges; (3) the Swedish military posture, (4) the Swedish Prime Minister's perception, and (5) the majority support within the Riksdag (Swedish Parliament). This research also indicates that Sweden’s neutrality would be maintained during international competition or the growth of alliances with significant power capabilities in the region. However, the neutrality did not extend to non-military aspects such as trade and transportation access.

Lithuanian-Polish security cooperation in European Union (EU) Defence Programs

This article is part of a broad discussion concerning the deteriorating security environment in the European neighbourhood and the initiatives the European Union (EU) and its Member States (MS) took to intensify security and defence cooperation. The war in Ukraine put pressure on the entire regional security structure. Hence increased investments and more collaboration are necessary to jointly develop and use the military capabilities that the EU and Baltic region need. In this context, it is interesting how Lithuania and Poland – both Eastern EU members with grave concerns and engagement in regional security – perceive and utilize the potential that EU programs offer. This article will look deeper into the level of cooperation between Lithuania and Poland before the intensification of military operations in Ukraine in February 2022. Furthermore, the paper presents an overview of the regional cooperation concept, Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), and its funds, agencies, and instruments. The key elements of this study are the analysis of both countries’ involvement in the European Defence Fund (EDF) preparatory programs implemented since 2017.

Sources of strength: mapping the defence sector in Europe

ABSTRACTThe European Union defence sector is not only crucial for the EU’s security, but it is also a major industrial asset for EU member states, as it may foster innovation and greater integration among member states, as well as facilitate technology transfer. The understanding of and inferences about the sector, however, are laborious since data on the defence industry in Europe is often contradictory and confused and it is mostly compared at the national not at the European level. As a contribution to address such shortcomings and as opening piece for this Special Issue, this article focuses on the finding, collecting, cleaning, and organizing data on the geographical concentration/location of EU defence industries. This is a fully original descriptive analysis of the current situation, and it provides a reliable basis on the concentration/location of defence companies. This paper represents a firm basis from which to explore (in future research) how defence companies contribute to the technological integration of the EU and it should help the reader to better understand the following articles in this Special Issue.

Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO): Expanding Defense Cooperation between European Union Countries

The main objective of the present study is to analyze the European Union defense policy on the example of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). It will be possible thanks to a comprehensive analysis of individual PESCO projects, participating countries, determinants and perspectives for the development of defense policy. The main hypothesis of the article is that although the strongest military European Union countries, relying on PESCO, seek to expand defense cooperation, this cooperation has no visible impact on increasing their armed forces. The article contains information about the genesis of the European Union Security and Defense Policy and the legal basis of Permanent Structured Cooperation, as well as a detailed list of all PESCO projects with the countries participating in them. An analysis of the implementation of PESCO projects indicates that they are dependent on external factors. This study uses methods appropriate to the science of international relations. Its research tools include an analysis of the literature on the subject, documents, and statistical data.

Patterns of Cooperation in the European Defence Sector – A Network-Approach-Based Investigation of EU Projects

Abstract In this paper, we introduce research results from our network-approach-based investigation of the European Union defence cooperation projects. After brief remarks on the background, the research problem, the conceptual and methodological issues, we focus on the structure of the cooperation network and introduce the territorial, institutional, and (sub)regional patterns of partnerships. The data analyses illustrate that an integrated but fragmented cooperation network could be explored, and in several aspects remarkable differences can be measured on country-, regional, and sub-regional levels implying that territorial and institutional factors might have an important role in this specific area as well.

Urban counterinsurgency: the Union Defence Force and the suppression of the 1922 Rand Revolt

ABSTRACT In early 1922, in the wake of a global depression followed by rapidly deteriorating labour and economic conditions, several thousand white mine workers on the Witwatersrand in the Union of South Africa went on strike. These miners armed and organised themselves into commandos and took to the streets. During the opening phases of the unrest, these paramilitary units clashed with the South African Police. By the beginning of March, the strikes transformed into a violent insurrection with railway workers also joining its ranks after negotiations between the mine workers, mine owners, and the government failed and new militant leadership assumed command. As chaos and disorder engulfed large tracts of the Johannesburg goldfields and levels of violence assumed new proportions, the state’s legitimacy increasingly came under threat. In response, martial law was declared, and elements of the Union Defence Force were deployed to quell the so-called 1922 Rand Revolt. Historically unaccustomed to urban warfare and without an appropriate doctrine, the defence force became involved in several high-intensity urban counterinsurgency operations against the strike commandos. Drawing from a variety of archival material, this article investigates the combat operations undertaken by the UDF to suppress the 1922 Rand Revolt.

African Union defense demand and spatial spillovers

The study of the determinants of African defense demand is of enhanced importance because of unique security challenges, growing defense spending, and changing African Union (AU) integration. From a political geographical vantage, this study presents the first analysis of AU members' demand for defense spending, which accounts not only for members' relative locations, but also for political considerations (e.g., state failure, coups, and armed conflicts). Our analysis marries the economics of alliances with spatial considerations that include members' contiguity, between-member distance, and contiguous threats. Given two-way causal concerns, we employ an appropriate defense demand estimator (i.e., two-step generalized method of moments) correcting for the endogeneity between a member's defense spending and that of the other allies. Evidence of defense free riding or relying on the defense spending of other AU members characterizes contiguous and nearby AU countries during 2002–2019. Defense spending is an income normal good, which generally increases with armed conflict. UN and non-UN peacekeeping troop contributions provide some free-riding opportunities within the AU. Given regional differences in armed conflicts and coups, the determinants of African defense demand are influenced by regional divisions.

Green Defense Industries in the European Union: The Case of the Battle Dress Uniform for Circular Economy

As climate change is at the top of the world’s agenda, the armed forces and other defense actors must give a signal that they are environmentally responsible. In this regard, the defense industry should be one of the first actors to devise new strategies and actions aimed at reducing the environmental footprint. This article focuses on the measures being taken by the defense industry and the armed forces, and on how technology, the circular economy (CE) and Lean principles can contribute to a better environment. A qualitative multimethod research model was used, covering more than one research method, such as a systematic literature review and a case study research. Although the literature highlights that the defense sector in Europe is far from being a green actor, a transition to the CE was identified. In that regard, the European Union (EU) defense industry has been a key player in CE R strategies, such as: repurpose, remanufacture, repair, reuse, reduce and rethink. The contribution of new technologies has empowered military equipment to acquire enhanced characteristics, such as material resistance, while EU technology centers have been instrumental in a green transition. Additionally, more comprehensive research is needed in order to allow generalization of the results.

The 1914 South African industrial strike: the first internal deployment of the Union Defence Force

ABSTRACT The first internal deployment of the Union Defence Force (UDF) since its inception in 1912 was to suppress a violent labour strike in January 1914. Because the inexperienced UDF was still assimilating various British and Boer military traditions, the Permanent Force was not yet sufficiently organised to quell the strike on its own. Therefore, the commandos of the Citizen Force Reserve were deployed. The traditional commando system of the former Boer republics and the Transvaal Colony was thus briefly revived to subdue the strike, in the unstable and complex South African socio-economic environment of 1914. This operation marked the end of the Boer commando system in its established format. It formed part of a vanishing military culture and was destined to be replaced by the modernising military systems of the early twentieth century. The deployment of burghers during the strike sets the background against which the article investigates both the customary and changing nature of military service for the long-established commandos. This article explores the conditions, abilities, and experiences of the ‘burghers’ on commando that participated in the crushing of the strike from a social-military history perspective.

The Union Defence Force and the suppression of the Bondelswarts Rebellion, 1922

ABSTRACT From the proclamation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the Union Defence Force (UDF) had been deployed to suppress several internal disturbances. These unrests varied in terms of their scale, intensity, and geographic location, and represented dissatisfied and disenfranchised parts of the population, both in the Union and South West Africa (now Namibia). The uprisings in turn tested the organisation, force structure and strategies of the defence force. The Bondelswarts Rebellion of 1922, although brave and tragic, provides a lens through which to investigate the first large scale rural counterinsurgency operation conducted by South African forces after the end of the First World War. These operations occurred only months after the quelling of the 1922 Rand Revolt on the Witwatersrand. The reputation of the Bondelswarts as guerrilla fighters, and the fear of further unrest breaking out across the territory, prompted the South African authorities to seek a rapid resolution to the simmering unrest in the desolate terrain of southern South West Africa. The result of this brief and violent conflict also held far reaching political consequences. This article investigates the uprising and rural counterinsurgency operations undertaken by the South African authorities in suppressing the Bondelswarts Rebellion of 1922.

Transatlantic cooperation in the assessments of Western experts: prospects for the "Europeanization" of the collective security system

The subject of the study is expert and analytical assessments of the state, contradictions and prospects of the transatlantic partnership as an essential component of the international security system. The "turn to the East" proclaimed by Barack Obama, the transition to the principles of unilateralism of the Trump administration, and finally, the creation of AUKUS, with an obvious shift of strategic priorities to the Indo-Pacific region, raised a number of conceptual issues for the expert community on both sides of the Atlantic. The authors consider the assessments of the prospects and role of European countries in the transatlantic security system carried out by Western experts and analytical centers both within the framework of NATO institutions and in the context of the European Union's defense initiatives based on the method of expert assessments. For the first time, the paper attempts a comprehensive comparative analysis of the assessments by the Western expert community of the state and prospects of transatlantic cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the possibility of productive cooperation between the EU and NATO in the field of distribution of functional powers. It is concluded that, despite certain positive developments, at present the issue of cooperation between the two key links of the Western security system cannot be considered resolved. The paper uses descriptive and structural-functional research methods. Special emphasis is also placed on comparative analysis when considering expert assessments of various "think tanks" on both sides of the Atlantic.

INTRODUCTION THE FUTURE OF THE EU’S COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY

INTRODUCTION THE FUTURE OF THE EU’S COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY

Sandfontein: An Operational Re-examination of the Battle, Contextualised within General J.C. Smuts’ First Phase of the German South West African Campaign 1914

Abstract The battle of Sandfontein November 26, 1914 marked the fledgeling Union Defence Force’s first defeat. Historians have used this long-forgotten battle as a lens to view the divisive political and military aspects of the Union’s early history. Unfortunately, some of their scholarship has passed through a distorted lens. Official histories were the first to obfuscate military and leadership shortcomings and interfere with the operational context surrounding Sandfontein. Theirs was for political reasons—a mission to protect delicate reputations and mollify a divided population. Historians have erroneously assumed that General J.C. Smuts’ initial plan for the invasion of German South West Africa 1914 was modified to exclude Walvis Bay/Swakopmund’s occupation. Instead, delays in occupying Walvis Bay/Swakopmund placed the UDF’s forces at Lüderitzbucht in a precarious position. Sandfontein, a desperate attempt to distract the Schutztruppe, was an operational failure, rather than the tactical faux pas portrayed by historians.

All just grandiose plans and talk: The destruction of Oswald Pirow’s reputation as Minister of Defence, 1940

The popular perception of Oswald Pirow is that of an incompetent Minister of Defence, much derided for his bush carts pulled by oxen in the era of the blitzkrieg doctrine of dive-bombers and tanks. However, this was not the perception of him in the years between 1933 and 1939. When Pirow became Minister of Defence in 1933, the Union Defence Force was in a poor state. During the Great Depression between 1929 and 1933, austerity measures had reduced the already small army to an insignificant force. In what has been described as a Pirowian renaissance he succeeded in improving the preparedness of the Union Defence Force drastically. Ian van der Waag points out that with the outbreak of the Second World War, South African defences were in abetter state of preparation than during any other period in its peacetime history. This was a considerable achievement, as Pirow had to deal with the vehement hostility of the National Party who viewed the Union Defence Force as a tool to serve British imperialism. In addition, the average white voter was extremely reluctant to pay taxes to fund a standing army, while the rise of Nazi Germany made it near impossible tosecure modern armaments from Britain. What ultimately destroyed Pirow’s reputation as Minister of Defence was his disastrous performance in the 1940 parliamentary session. His vindictive attacks on Jan Smuts made it possible for the premier to launch a devastating counterattack, condemning him as a fraud and an incompetent windbag. In the process, Smuts succeeded in destroying Pirow’s reputation as a highly regardedadministrator and as a potential prime minister.

Legislative disconnect or institutional gatekeeping? Challenges of researching South Africa's military past

The Department of Defence Archive in Pretoria is the repository of all military documents generated by the Union Defence Force, the South African Defence Force and the South African National Defence Force. This makes it the foremost source of primary information for researchers of South African military history. However, an almost total ban on access to archival documents from 1 January 1970 onwards complicates research into later periods. In fact, anyone researching post-1970 military-related topics has to apply for access to archival documents through the Promotion of Access to Information Act. The traditional weapon in the armoury of the historian – the systematic trawling of archives – is thereby negated, while the methodology of post-1970 historical research differs significantly from commonly accepted historical practices. Finding aids, the only access route to classified information in this analogue archive, offer only the briefest descriptions of the content of files, and researchers need almost esoteric intuition to identify documents that are even remotely relevant to their research. Additionally, a fee is payable for declassification, and the process can take several months to complete. This review article reports on the theoretical workings of the Promotion of Access to Information Act, and uses an actual research example as a case study to illustrate the practical implications of conducting research at the Department of Defence Archive in South Africa based on classified military documentation.

Counterinsurgency in South Africa: the Afrikaner Rebellion, 1914–1915

ABSTRACT The entry of the Union of South Africa into the First World War, as well as the subsequent invasion of German South West Africa (GSWA), served as a trigger to the Afrikaner Rebellion. In September 1914 the Union Defence Force (UDF) suffered a major reverse at the Battle of Sandfontein. However, in addition to the German threat, South Africa faced a second, more serious internal threat. The socio-economic realities of early-twentieth-century South Africa, felt most keenly among rural Afrikaners, magnified the rift between the competing interests of Afrikaner nationalists and the Union government loyal to the Crown. The Union’s entry into the war was a step too far for many Nationalist Afrikaners and ultimately precipitated the outbreak of the rebellion. As a result, the operational focus of the UDF shifted to the internal military threat posed by Afrikaner rebel forces. The Afrikaner Rebellion brought about the first counterinsurgency operation of the UDF within the borders of South Africa. By harnessing its operational and tactical mobility, and operating from the central position and along internal lines of communication, the UDF swiftly dealt with the rebel revolt. This article evaluates the counterinsurgency operations conducted by the UDF in suppressing the Afrikaner Rebellion.

The hybrid role of the High Representative in the security and defence field: more in 10 months than in the 10 years?

ABSTRACT Despite a growing “momentum” on European Union (EU) security and defence, there are no academic analyses that aim to systematically assess the role of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the European Commission (HR/VP) in these strategic domains. This is surprising given that the HR/VP is one of the central actors in the complex institutional architecture of EU security and defence. To fill this gap in the scholarly literature and to contribute to a more fine-grained analysis of the two post-Lisbon Treaty HR/VPs, the article assesses Ashton and Mogherini’s mandates in these fields. This study is particularly relevant because the HR/VP’s hybrid institutional role may represent a unique analytical angle to investigate a formally intergovernmental sector, strongly shaped also by EU institutions’ authority over defence-industrial policy. Following these considerations, the article looks at how the two HR/VPs managed to navigate both the military and the defence-industrial dimensions of EU security and defence.

WINDS OF CHANGE AND THE FUTURE OF EUROPEAN DEFENCE

This paper poses questions about EU soft power, why it is insufficient and how that can be changed. This is done in an attempt to shed light on the current status of the European Union defence sector. The paper specifically addresses political, strategic, structural and organizational challenges. It further proposes development paths for the enhancement of common defence capacities, vis-a-vis the current stage of major threats and the parity of strategic contenders such as the USA, the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation. Finally, this paper identifies concrete policy recommendations for a sustainable long-term defence cooperation-integration process, compatible with the exercise of the EU’s 27 national sovereignties. The research methods are undergirded by qualitative research and supported by semi-structured interviews. Seminar discussions and key points were also incorporated into the final version.

SLUIT NOU AAN! South African Union Defence Force recruitment posters from the Second World War

South Africa entered the Second World War ill-prepared and divided into pro- and anti-war factions. The Union Defence Force (UDF) required recruits for a variety of roles but the right to bear arms was confined to white male citizens. Despite the numerous daunting challenges that faced the recruiters, the number of white men who enlisted reached or even exceeded the required figures. To persuade men to volunteer authorities launched successive propaganda campaigns which included the public display of posters. This article examines the South African recruitment posters of the Second World War that were aimed at all eligible white men. It provides a brief introduction to the UDF’s recruitment requirements, a description of the production of propaganda and an analysis of the symbols used in the recruitment posters. The analysis shows that the posters employed a variety of visual symbols. These can be categorised into three broad groupings: the first group signified loyalty to the Allied forces, the second expressed allegiance to South Africa, and a third set was aimed specifically at Afrikaners. The use of such symbols is illustrated through examples of South African recruitment posters and posters from the Allied nations.

ПОЗИЦІЯ ЄВРОПЕЙСЬКОГО СОЮЗУ У ГРУЗИНСЬКІЙ ВІЙНІ 2008 Р.

In the article explores the reasons for the military conflict in Georgia in August 2008, which arose with the collapse of the Soviet Union and Georgia’s proclamation of independence. As result of the armed conflict between 1992 and 1993, Georgia actually lost control of two regions – Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which de facto were independent under the Russian military support. The position of the European Union regarding this conflict was analyzed, which from the beginning of the Russo-Georgian armed conflict, made significant diplomatic efforts for its speedy settlement. In particular, France has developed six points for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. It was clarified what kind of assistance the EU provided in the termination of Russian-Georgian war. The activity of the EU Monitoring Mission (EUMM) in Georgia has been analyzed, which started its work on October 1, 2008 and is currently in operation. The EUMM is unique among the missions under the overall European Union security and defense policy, she does not provide counseling, does not conduct training or training, she only observing and reporting on the situation in Georgia to allow EU member states to develop a policy towards Georgia. It was concluded that thanks to the creation of the EU Monitoring Mission in Georgia, the EU’s weight in resolving the conflict in Georgia has increased significantly. Despite some technical problems in the initial implementation phase, the Mission is a success for the EU’s Common Security and Defenсe Policy. The Mission continues to make an important contribution to stabilizing the conflict situation in the region, especially after the termination of the OSCE and UN Mission in Georgia. Noted that during the Russo-Georgian War in August 2008, the European Union has developed its own strategy for settling conflicts in the South Caucasus.