UN Security Research Articles

The UN Security Council and Its Decision-Making Mechanism

Protecting international peace and security is the primary goal of establishing the United Nations. To achieve this goal, the organization has established, since its founding, the International Security Council. The International Security Council is one of the most important main bodies of the United Nations and is primarily responsible for maintaining international peace and security. The Council also With the tasks entrusted to it under Article (24) of the Charter, after the members of the organization, pursuant to this article, entrusted the Council to carry out on behalf of the countries of the organization the task of maintaining international peace and security, which is represented by major and important duties, and because achieving this goal is entrusted to the Security Council, the Charter of Nations granted it the United Nations has many powers and powers that the General Assembly does not have. We find the basis of these powers in Chapters (6-7-8-12). The Council’s decisions also have binding force, as member states are committed to implementing its decisions, based on what is stated in Article (25) of the United Nations Charter, all of this comes in order to protect international peace and security. Article 23 of the United Nations Charter came as the basis for the establishment of this important body, after Chapter Five of the United Nations Charter regulated the work of the Security Council, including the functions and powers, formation and management of the Council’s meetings, and the work of its affiliated bodies. The composition of this Security Council has a characteristic that differs from the rest of the United Nations bodies, as the five major member states enjoy an advantage that the rest of the Council’s member states do not enjoy, and this advantage is evident in the right to permanent membership and the right to veto any decision issued by the Council. Finally, we conclude that the UN Security Council is the real institution that it dominates not only the United Nations, but the entire world. In view of the fundamental goal of the United Nations, which is to protect international peace and security.

The legacy of the UN Security Council sanctions on Iraq

The legacy of the UN Security Council sanctions on Iraq

Peran Hukum Internasional Dalam Etnis Rohingya

The failure to prosecute the perpetrators of the Rohingya ethnic genocide crime is the beginning of the blunting of international law. The Rohingya ethnic group must get their Human Rights (HAM) back, as we know that Human Rights are basic rights that are inherent from birth by the grace of God and everyone must protect and respect them. Myanmar has a long history of human rights violations, according to Amnesty International. Suppression of freedom of expression and violations of human rights against underrepresented ethnic groups continue. The research used in this study uses normative juridical research methods with a case and legal history approach. In fact, institutional dogmatism is the result of the failure to protect human rights against ethnic groups. Rohingya, this study concludes that international law is blunt and only applies if there is a large benefit to the UN Security Council, the people of a country like Rohingya only suffer from injustice.

New Nomos of the Earth? Perspectives of the Order in the Age of Chaos

The article “The New Nomos of the Earth? Perspectives of the Order in the age of chaos” by Jan Okoński presents the concept of Nomos and its interpretations against the background of a changing global order. The author presented an analysis of the Nomos as a symbol of justice (similar to such ideas as: ius, maat, and tao) and Carl Schmitt’s analysis of this term, which is important from the point of view of the philosophy of law. Nomos is word derived from ancient Greek, a concept that somehow unites the plane of factuality and the plane of validity of law. In the word Nomos, there is contained, a strange, paradoxical union of violence and justice. The Italian philosopher and researcher of the thought of C. Schmitt, Giorgio Agamben, has pointed out that Hobbes’s sovereign is the only one that remains in a state of nature, retaining his “ius contra omnes”, we may say, perhaps along similar lines to the states in the UN Security Council. These considerations are set against the background of the former China-centred system of international relations in Asia and the current attempts to transform the global order. Nomos is proving to be an ever-present concept that, although not as popular as other ideas from ancient Greece, casts clear light on issues of the validity of law in general and helps to make the evolution of the global order easier to understand. Through the prism of the concept of Nomos, it can be seen that the old world order, crystallised by the Europeans, can be marginalised by the change of the global power relations. This is not a new process, for it has already occurred in history. It is clear from the content of the article that law has appeared, since ancient times, to be paradoxically linked to violence and the possibility of initiating it.

Options and Paths for Breaking the Deadlock over the Veto Power of the Permanent Members of the Security Council

The veto power of the permanent members of the Security Council has always been a topic of intense discussion, and its historical and complex characteristics mean that it cannot be easily resolved. Veto reform proposals for permanent members of the Security Council have been floating around the international community, but no real changes have been made. Based on the background of the veto, the current situation of the veto abuse, the reform of the veto mechanism, the increase of permanent seats, and the establishment of the monitoring mechanism, this paper makes a critical analysis of the Security Council and puts forward suggestions for reform. This paper proposes the second negative, international organizations as individuals to enter the UN Security Council and so on, which provides a new way of thinking for the reform of the Security Council. The purpose is to promote the fairness and justice of the Security Council, meet the vital interests of more countries, and enable the Security Council to better perform its duties and maintain peace and security of the international community.

Towards a World of Peace and Development: Expansion and Inclusion

This paper analyzes the problems existing in the current UN Security Council mechanism: the mechanism is rigid, the binding force is limited, and the representative is lacking. The authors propose corresponding reforms to better constrain the use of force between states: increase the membership of the Security Council within the existing framework, create new permanent seats, and devolve some of the Council's powers to UN trusteeship bodies. As the topic of our paper says: "Expansion and inclusion" is the core of the whole article and the value we want to convey. After combining the innovative membership expansion proposals put forward by regional powers such as Germany, Italy, Japan and India, we put forward a new set of proposals with our own views. Based on the legal provisions put forward by these countries, we add a point of view: We will give full play to the functions of the Trusteeship Council so that this body will no longer be idle. The successful implementation of these ideas will do more good than harm for countries to restrain the use of force. Countries will be more effectively restrained in the use of force, and the tragedies of Ukraine and Syria will not be repeated again. In the context of globalization, the effective implementation of these proposals will lead the world to peace and development.

UN General Assembly Resolution 76/262 as a strengthening of the collective response to the use of the veto right in the UN Security Council

The article describes the legal nature of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 76/262 (A/76/L.52) entitled "Standing mandate for a General Assembly debate when a veto is cast in the Security Council", adopted on April 26, 2022. We have analyzed this topic due to its relevance and the emergence of a new procedure of the United Nations General Assembly, aimed at increasing of the transparency and accountability of the United Nations Security Council, as a result of the ineffective activity of the Security Council in crisis in which our world finds itself today, in particular due to armed conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, which have led to complex humanitarian consequences. Many states and scientists have been expressing their interest in the issue of Security Council reform for a long time. We deeply researched the Resolution which is the first in a long time and a significant legal instrument that changes the existing mechanism of the functioning of the United Nations and has revived the discussions on the need for a complete reform of the Security Council in accordance with Resolution 62/557 of December 15, 2008. The purpose of the article is an overview of the new Resolution 76/262, namely the reasons and expediency of its adoption, cases of application and its effectiveness in modern conditions. The methodological basis of the study are the following general scientific and special methods of cognition of legal phenomena: the method of the philosophical level – the dialectical method; empirical methods – comparative, observation and description methods; general logical methods – analysis, synthesis; specially-legal method. The article analyzes the main provisions of Resolution 76/262, the reasons for its adoption, examines cases of its application, and draws conclusions about the effectiveness of this resolution. We have differentiated the procedures provided for by Resolution 76/262 "Standing mandate for a General Assembly debate when a veto is cast in the Security Council" and Resolution 377 (V) "Uniting for Peace". We have reviewed the international legal conceptual foundations of the need to apply the resolution. The topic of reforming the United Nations against the backdrop of the current world security crisis is very important and relevant for further research by domestic scientists in order to formulate their own proposals, approaches and scientific justifications in the modern Ukrainian science of international public law, as well as for the scientific enlightenment of society in this of knowledge.

Tantangan Penyelesaian Konflik Internasional yang Dilematik mengenai Hak Veto dalam Dewan Keamanan PBB (Studi kasus Palestina dengan Israel)

This research aims to explore and contribute to the understanding of the misuse of the veto power in resolutions for international conflict resolution. The focus is on describing the challenges arising from the use of the veto power in the UN Security Council, often prolonging conflicts without a definitive resolution. The research methodology employed is juridical normative with descriptive analysis, referring to provisions in the UN Charter and other reliable literature. The findings highlight that the abolition of the veto power in the UN Security Council could serve as a solution for more effective conflict resolution. Prolonged international conflicts result in significant losses, especially for civilians, while the UN, as the largest international organization, frequently fails to resolve these conflicts. The main issue lies in the rejection of resolutions by veto-wielding states, leading to the failure of these resolutions and the continuation of conflicts. Structural reforms within the UN are crucial to enhance its performance in conflict resolution to prevent further casualties. The unbridled use of the veto power, based on the geopolitical considerations of certain states, slows down the conflict resolution process. Additionally, the power disparity between veto-wielding states and other members contradicts the principle of sovereign equality enshrined in the UN Charter. Therefore, clear criteria must be established for the use of the veto power in peace resolutions to ensure that conflict resolution is not hindered by purely geopolitical interests.

‘Wolf Warriors’ in the UN Security Council? Investigating power shifts through blaming

AbstractWhat shifts in the extent and patterns of China's blaming are observable at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)? This article employs automated content analysis to measure the frequency of blaming by China and other permanent UNSC member states based on a dataset of all speeches (19,623 overall) in the UNSC from January 1995 to May 2022. Furthermore, it uses qualitative text analysis and network analysis to examine the targets of blaming in three different case studies of UN security governance—UN peacekeeping in former Yugoslavia (1998–2008), the UN sanctions regime against North Korea (2007–2017) and the broader peace and security discourse at the UNSC (2008–2018). The study conceptualizes Chinese blaming as a previously unexamined discursive strategy of compulsory power with potential long‐term effects on shifts in productive power. However, the results indicate the absence of blaming‐related shifts in the discursive space of the UNSC: China's rhetoric in the UNSC, compared with other UNSC members, has remained restrained over time. Variance in blaming behaviour between actors and across bilateral and multilateral settings seems to depend on strategic considerations that assess how to exert power most effectively.

THE IMPACT SANCTION ON IRAQ

The paper discusses the Gulf War and its economic repercussions, among other things, the article addresses the disastrous effects of the UN Security Council embargo on Iraq. It draws attention to Iraq's strained resources, heightened susceptibility to outside forces, and long-term impacts of the conflict. The study delves into the intricate mechanisms that contribute to Iraq's economic woes as well as the sanctions imposed by the international community. Main Results: The extensive embargo imposed on Iraq by the UN Security Council had disastrous effects on the country's population and economy. The main causes of Iraq's current situation were determined to be the severity and arbitrary character of the sanctions system. The Gulf War that followed Iraq's invasion of Kuwait resulted in heightened international isolation and a tightening of the sanctions system. The Sanctions Committee also arranged for Iraq to receive financial assistance every six months to cover the cost of importing food, medical supplies, and other necessities for humanitarian relief.

MANDATE AND ACTIVITIES OF THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR ON THE NEGATIVE IMPACT OF UNILATERAL COERCIVE MEASURES ON THE ENJOYMENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS

The article discusses issues related to the mandate and activities of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on the enjoyment of human rights, sanctions.It is obvious that since the establishment of the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures, there remains a need to extend the activities of this Special Procedure, since further work is required to assess the impact of unilateral coercive measures imposed bypassing the UN Security Council and their consequences on human rights and the achievement of sustainable development goals.

On Some Aspects of European Security and Defence in the Context Of War in Ukraine

The European security environment is currently significantly affected by Russian aggression against Ukraine. However, right from the start of the war, the European Union and its member states acted decisively, they unequivocally condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine and began to help it politically, economically, humanitarianly and by supplying military equipment, weapons, ammunition, and training members of the Ukrainian armed forces. And although no European member state of the European Union or the North Atlantic Alliance has been attacked, the ongoing conflict negatively affects European stability and disrupts the European security and defence system. That is also why the authors, using relevant scientific methods and approaches within the framework of interdisciplinary research, deal in the article with some selected aspects of European security and defence in the context of the conflict in Ukraine. They point out how Russian aggression has influenced discussions about the roles of the European Union in ensuring security and defence on the European continent, shed light on the Union's security and defence policy, deal with issues of European strategic autonomy and related relations between the EU and NATO, and at the end of the article indicate challenges, which are closely related to European security and defence in the context of the war in Ukraine.

The role of the UN institutional mechanism in ensuring ecological energy

The UN occupies a key place in the system of international organizations, coordinating international cooperation on a wide range of issues of international life. Accordingly, it is not surprising that its role is also important in the regulation of ecological energy.
 The ecological energy sector has become one of the relatively new spheres of international law development. It covers the aspects of renewable energy sources, alternative fuels, ecologically safe mechanisms of using fossil fuels that do not cause excessive damage to the environment.
 Since the 1950s, the UN Economic and Social Council was the first to raise the issue of «new energy sources» in its documents, among which renewable sources were also distinguished. It also initiated the first scientific conference on RES.
 Later, the General Assembly and the UN Security Council joined the process, the first of which initiated the annual holding of UN international conferences on renewable energy sources, and annually adopted resolutions to support RES in the world. In the future, by creating auxiliary bodies, they promoted ecological energy within the framework of sustainable development, such as the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development. The UN Security Council mainly considers energy issues in their connection with aspects of peace and security, for example, in the field of energy security, or bodies responsible for violations.
 Specialized institutions of the UN system also take an active part in the implementation of the concept of ecologically oriented energy. Suffice it to mention that the Kyoto Protocol of 1997 authorized the International Maritime Organization (IMO) and ICAO to establish sectoral requirements for countering greenhouse gas emissions in accordance with their competence. For ten years, UNESCO acted as the head of the World Solar Program, contributing to the implementation of Kharar Declaration on Solar Energy and Sustainable Development of 1996.
 FAO, as an organization dealing with issues of food and agriculture, has focused its attention on such a segment of renewable energy as the implementation of bioenergy programs. UNIDO focused on energy issues as the basis of sustainable industrial development. It prioritizes three aspects of energy: rural energy for production purposes with an emphasis on the use of RES, energy efficiency and climate change.
 Accordingly, within the framework of the UN, a rather extensive system of bodies and organizations has been created, which are engaged in the implementation of the tasks of ecologically oriented energy. Unfortunately, all these bodies do not have the corresponding specialized competences; they solve these tasks only within the limits of their own competence. Also, currently there is no single body for coordinating the tasks of EOE within the framework of the UN system.

The Path of Their Own towards Multipolarity

For the current Indian leadership, multipolarity is a naturally established world order in which the global agenda should be determined by the voices of many actors who are now "middle powers" like India. Both "unipolarity" and "new bipolarity" are unacceptable, including in Asia with the ascendance of China. It is perceived as a rival and a threat due to India's painful defeat in the 1962 war, the growing Chinese presence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, and the confrontation on the Himalayan border. India is opting for a large-scale expansion of cooperation with the United States, which uses it to "contain" the PRC, but she is doing that without assuming additional obligations and without getting involved in the confrontation of these powers. Simultaneous membership in the SCO, BRICS and the RIC, and relations of a "particularly privileged strategic partnership" with Russia hedge the risks of Washington's assertiveness and keep Beijing from taking drastic steps in competition with New Delhi. India's active "multi-accession" is de-signed not to antagonize anyone unnecessarily, ensuring that through the promotion of national interests it occupies the position of a great power in the status of a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Her efforts to consolidate her role as the main voice of the "Global South" strengthen the basis for cooperation between the diplomacies of Russia and India in establishing a multipolar world order.

Accepting responsibility? Institutions and the security implications of climate change

Who has responsibility for addressing the security implications of climate change? States and the United Nations justify their existence on the promise of providing security. Yet, although the national and international security implications of climate change are increasingly acknowledged, incorporation of climate change in national security planning or institutional arrangements is far from universal, while debates in the UN Security Council about its role in addressing climate change have been characterized by contestation. This article examines key debates about the responsibilities these institutions have for providing security in the face of the threats posed by climate change, examining the extent to which these institutions accept responsibility for providing security in these contexts. Drawing on Toni Erskine’s notion of institutional moral agency, the article examines a 2017 inquiry into the national security implications of climate change in Australia, and the September 2021 UN Security Council debate on the international security implications of climate change. These two case studies explicitly focus on the question of institutional responsibility – of the Australian Government and the UN Security Council respectively – for addressing the threat of climate change. In both cases these institutions stop short of accepting responsibility for providing security in the face of climate change, with limited policy responses or institutionalization as the result. With the security implications of climate change increasingly apparent, and increasingly recognized by these (and other) actors, the failure to accept responsibility raises potentially significant questions about the legitimacy of these institutions themselves.

The Declining Role of Nigeria As Africa’s Peacekeeper in the UN Security Council

ABSTRACT Africa is the epicenter of conflict in the world. Seven of the 12 current United Nations peacekeeping operations are in Africa, and 80% of its peacekeepers are deployed on the continent. Nigeria is one of the largest troops contributing countries to the UN. This article interrogates Nigeria’s peacekeeping role in Africa and its voting pattern at the Council. Founded on unstructured interviews, it offers deep insight into Nigeria’s leadership role in conflict resolution and peacekeeping during the 2010/2011 and 2014/2015 tenures. Nigeria has declined in influence and is unable to provide the robust conflict resolution that Africa needs.

Transformation of the media system of Afghanistan in the context of the formation of statehood

The object of the study is the media of Afghanistan. The subject of the study is the genesis of methods for regulating the media system in Afghanistan. The article pays special attention to the formation of the media system of the modern period, which the authors have been defining since the end of 2021. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the media system of Afghanistan has been formed under the influence of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF, acted in accordance with resolution No. 1386[39] The UN Security Council of December 20, 2001) and the desire to create a liberal democratic state in the understanding of the ISAF leadership. Freedom of speech, expression and the media, which were achieved during this period, has been under the control of the Interim Government of Afghanistan since August 2021. This article defines the methods used by the current government of Afghanistan to regulate the media system. The main method of research is the content analysis of documents and information on the practice of law enforcement, compliance with current legislation. Naturally, he could not be divorced from the method of systematization of information - the study of information objects. For the first time in the scientific literature, an empirical study is presented, which represents important material on the history of the media system of Afghanistan, its current state, and the analysis of legislative changes. The study seems to be significant and expands knowledge about the media in this region. For 20 years, the media system of Afghanistan has been formed under the influence of an international coalition led by the United States, which tried to create a liberal democratic state. It was based on a compromise of Western "democratic" and Islamic values, more pluralistic and free than before and after this period. In August 2021, another political force came to power, forming a state based on other principles, which began to exercise control over all spheres, including the media, taking Sharia norms as a basis. One of the conclusions of the study was the strengthening of the traditional identity of the state by the new political power, which was "shaken" by Western reforms. After coming to power, the interim Government of Afghanistan repealed the 2004 Constitution and the 2009 Media Law. The Law on Access to Information in 2019 has not been officially repealed, but it is not respected in the country. Thus, the transformation of the state's media system has begun in the country.

Militarisation of the Arctic and Problems of Strengthening the Security of the Russian North

The relevance is due to the fact that the main rea¬sons and prerequisites for the expansion of military activity of the Arctic countries are caused by the aggravation of the international situation in the world, the emergence of a new architecture of international relations. It is emphasised that the increasing role of the Russian Federation in the global energy and food markets, as well as in the global maritime logistics, blocks the United States and its NATO allies, forcing them to pursue an aggressive course and militarize the Arctic. Russia is forced to retaliate by strengthening its defence in this region. The article is aimed at the author's assessment of the processes of militarisation of the Arctic, the authors use the following research methods: structural-functional logistic, historical-comparative. The task of the research is to study the strengthening of the role of the Arctic in modern conditions. The article uses elements of expertise. Strengthening the Arctic security of the Russian Federation hopes for a sensible approach and independent from the U.S. Arctic policy of small states members of the Arctic Council, such as Iceland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, which Washington tries to “twist arms” and forces to strengthen military presence in the region. Moscow also counts on the support of such friendly countries as India and China to develop the Arctic and strengthen regional security in this emerging region. A good dialogue and joint practical activities in the Arctic have already been built with China. Its economy, economic power, and growing political weight as a nuclear power and as a permanent member of the UN Security Council are indisputable. China is increasingly becoming a global superpower capable of really confronting the United States.

A Forgotten Mission, An Unrealized Referendum

This article delves into the ongoing conflict in Western Sahara, emphasizing the recent rise in hostilities and the breakdown of the ceasefire between Morocco and the Frente POLISARIO. It analyzes the historical origins of the conflict and the establishment of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) in 1991. Through a comprehensive analysis of the challenges faced by MINURSO, particularly regarding voting eligibility and human rights, the article underscores the detrimental impacts of the mission’s compromised impartiality, particularly focusing on the implications of the United States’ biased foreign policy. In proposing policy recommendations, the article advocates for renewed UN Security Council involvement and neutrality, to reignite negotiations towards a referendum for self-determination. It warns of escalating tensions and the risk of full-scale conflict, emphasizing the importance of immediate action to maintain peace in Western Sahara and uphold the region’s stability within the broader Maghreb context.

Disarming the Women, Peace and Security agenda: the case for centring the United Nations General Assembly

Abstract After over two decades of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda at the UN Security Council, involving the adoption of 10 thematic resolutions, there is now increasing momentum towards the de-centring of the Council from feminist engagement and from broader institutional activity on WPS. Against this backdrop, this article lays out arguments for centring the WPS agenda instead in the UN General Assembly. Given its broader membership and mandate, its role in international law-making, and critically, its leadership on disarmament, the article argues that the General Assembly offers more propitious opportunities for the institutionalization of a feminist peace agenda.