Habits: Remaking Addiction is a fascinating and intelligent piece of research by Suzanne Fraser, David Moore (both of the National Drug Research Institute, Curtin University, Australia), and Helen Keane (of the School of Sociology, Australia National University). The book is partly based on three research projects funded by the Australian Research Council and the National Health and Medical Research Council, and has many aims. These include contributing to the debate which followed the controversial revision of addiction and dependence criteria in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-5 (DSM-5) in 2013, an examination of the usefulness of the contribution neuroscience has made to understanding addiction and an analysis of definition criteria for process addictions. The book also seeks to answer many questions, including what is addiction, what does it say about us and our political preoccupations, how are ideas about and responses to addiction changing, and what is at stake in these developments? The researchers used science and technology studies theory and analysed international empirical data, policy documents, media texts and expert scientific literature. Additionally, they examined survey interviews in order to explore how addiction is understood in laymen's terms compared to the experts. The analysis used an emerging tool, collateral realities (Law 2011), alongside a more traditional theoretical tool of assemblage, and the authors comprehensively show how these tools have produced the findings, which in itself, provides an opportunity to learn more about the said techniques in practice. The book focuses on three key areas. Firstly, the realities of methamphetamine abuse and fears of a meth abuse epidemic are examined. Secondly, the researchers look at alcohol and new concerns over youth binge drinking. Finally, process addictions are explored using the example of food addiction, and concerns and assumptions about obesity. Throughout these areas, the book demonstrates the changing meanings of addiction, how addiction is remade over time and how defining addiction is flexible according to the agency concerned (substance, body, consumer, process, intervention). The debates that arose from the publication of DSM -5 are summarised early on in the book, helping to provide the reader with an understanding of the complexities of defining addiction and dependence. The book also includes some fascinating theoretical background and a historical and political context to the changing ways that addictive substances, addicted people and addicted processes have been constructed. For example, Foucauldian perspectives conceptualise addiction as a regulatory biopolitical discourse while a more contemporary neoliberal and late consumer capitalism posits ‘the addict is a subject who fails to consume prudently or rationally’ (pp. 14–15). Also mentioned is addiction sociologist Robin Room's social constructionist work on alcohol addiction (and the acknowledgement that alcohol has long attracted the interest of sociologists, historians and anthropologists). On examining process addictions, the book explores emerging Western world concerns and critics of these concerns about food addiction and obesity. This section highlights the existence of a war on fat, with questions raised about the validity of statistics used to demonstrate a growing problem of universally harmful obesity. It also highlights the differences in understanding treatments for addiction; in that support for abstinence from drugs offers addiction recovery but is not a valid response to food addiction. In this case, as with drugs, it is said that different foods offer addicts different effects (here sugar, caffeine, fats and carbohydrates are noted in particular) but also differentiating between food needs and food wants. However, as the book shows, the starting point for assumptions made about food addiction is that drug addiction is thoroughly understood and stable. Expect and create sciences, including social sciences, of proliferating differences, to resist the premature unification of the various kinds of consumption into a certain reality of addiction, to ask for and expect more epistemological politeness. (p. 242) I would recommend this book to researchers and practitioners of many disciplines, including those working in the field of addiction. I would also suggest that it be read by writers, and in particular, journalists, who would benefit from understanding how they contribute to some of the stigma-creating moral panic that burdens people affected by drugs (including alcohol) and obesity. Overall, this book is well researched, and well written and is a valid contribution to increasing our understanding of the complexities of addiction and of our need to remain aware of the dominance and acceptance of sometimes weak scientific evidence.