Undeclared War Research Articles

America's undeclared war: what's killing our cities and how to stop it

America's undeclared war: what's killing our cities and how to stop it

The Centrality of Kashmir in India-Pakistan Security Dynamics

A bellicose history, religious rivalry and a general sense of antipathy towards each other have put India and Pakistan at loggerheads for the past half-century. After their nuclear showdown in May 1998, very limited opportunities for peace existed between the two. Nonetheless, in an astonishing policy reversal, the nationalist (BJP) government in India agrred to settle the dispute over Kashmir with Pakistan in a peaceful meanner. But, on the first anniversary of their nuclear tests, both India and Pakistan found themselves involved in an undeclared war in Kashmir. This article seeks to explore the internal dynamics of the conflict in Indian-held Kashmir, analyze the security ramifications, and highlight the scope for confidence building measures (CBMs) as a deterrent against any full-scale military confrontation between India and Pakistan. Finally, it throws light on the future of Kashmir following the Indo-Pakistani military encounter in Kargil in 1999.

Presenting Japan: the role of overseas broadcasting by Japan during the Manchurian Incident, 1931–7

Most of the major world powers, including Japan, began experiments in overseas radio broadcasting during the 1920s. For many, such as Britain, the primary motivation was to communicate with their overseas colonies. For others, including Japan, the motivation was to promote cultural awareness, particularly among overseas populations. However, the Japanese occupation of Manchuria (Dongbei) in 1931 changed the course of overseas radio development in Japan. Japan became increasingly isolated, particularly after the League of Nations adopted the Lytton Report on Manchuria and urged Japan to withdraw her troops. Japan withdrew from the League, thus increasing her diplomatic isolation. The Japanese government now turned to overseas radio as a means to present the Japanese case in the absence of a recognized international voice in the League. This paper will trace the development of Japan's overseas broadcasting following this shift in perspective and before the start of the full, undeclared war in China in 1937.

Kosovo, 82 Days of an Undeclared and Unjust War: A Geopolitical Comment

This is an angry and scared comment on the undeclared war in Yugoslavia and its geopolitics, written shortly after its end. Ray Hudson, during his short visit to Athens at the beginning of May 1999, encouraged me to write it, as many of the issues discussed below seem to remain unknown or undiscussed among radical geographers and planners in the West. It is also an invitation for debate, as I still have many unanswered questions. So, what is behind this war? I have some thoughts which I will elaborate below. Before doing this, however, let me position myself. You may blame me because I don’t have a ‘neutral’ and ‘distanced’ position. I can’t, and I have three good reasons for this. First, I was ‘physically’ very close to this war, as I was in Bosnia a few years ago. Pristina and Belgrade are only a few hours from Thessaloniki and I have many friends there. Northern Greece (particularly Makedonia and Thraki) has already suffered war damage to its economy (a decrease of 0.5% in GNP, all routes to central Europe closed and destroyed) and its environment (pollution spread from bombed chemical factories plus unknown effects from ‘soft’ nuclear bombs; see Figure 1). Now that the war is over, the USA still does not provide information about the number and location of soft uranium bombs deployed over the territories of Yugoslavia, Kosovo, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and neighbouring regions of Bulgaria. Soft uranium will have catastrophic effects on the Balkan people and the environment for years to come and remains an important reason for the delay to ground operations (to avoid the ‘Gulf syndrome’ cancers affecting thousands of US and British soldiers). KFOR personnel in Kosovo still wear special clothes and masks in certain regions, while local people and returned refugees remain uninformed. Second, I am ‘culturally and politically’ very close, being part of both the troubled Eastern Mediterranean region and the troubled Balkan peninsula. People in the West, having begun to address their ethnic, religious and state-formation problems in the 17th and 18th centuries (with similar ethnic cleansing, we have to remember), know little about the ‘Eastern Question’, or the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire during the 19th and 20th centuries. The ‘Great Powers’ of the time (the same ones as today but without the USA) introduced the term ‘Balkanization’, the establishment of many, very small and weak nation-states, so that they could control them as protectorates. This is exactly what they do today in the former Yugoslavia. Third, I belong to the first generation of Greeks after the Greek Civil War (1945–9), and memories of foreign interventions (by the British and Americans) using all kind of ‘humanitarian’ and ‘ethical’ arguments are still very much alive, together with their victims. I therefore have difficulty in accepting the NATO arguments of today, because I have suffered from them during seven years of dictatorship in Greece (1967–74), of which NATO and the USA were the prime supporters. This does not mean, however, that I accept Milosevic’s ethnic cleansing policies, nor do I give ‘carte blanche’ to the Serbs, something quite difficult to argue these days, since NATO spokesmen and western media have equated all war critics with Milosevic supporters. I agree with Slvoj Zizeck (1999: 79), who argued: ‘what if one should reject this double blackmail – if you are against NATO strikes, you are for Milosevic’s proto-fascist regime and if you are against Milosevic, you support the global capitalist New World Order?’

Understanding Children with War-Zone Traumatic Stress Exposed to the World's Violent Environments

This article discusses the common and unique configurations of stress responses of children to traumatizing experience in the world's warzones like Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Rwanda, Liberia, Mozambique, El Salvador, the Middle East, and other nations caught up in the throes of declared and undeclared wars. Children are the most vulnerable, and suffer the greatest. The new concepts of “warzone traumatic stress” (WZTrS) and “warzone traumatherapy” (WZTrT) are presented to expand the discussion of the treatment of warzone children beyond today's exclusive focus either on intrapsychic factors alone or on material-resource replenishing alone. These terms are an alternative to current approaches to treatment in which a discrete stressor has been identified as the responsible toxic agent that produced the child's symptoms. Most warzone children have experienced a multiplicity of stressors—a virtual matrix of violent war stressors. The WZTrT model recognizes that the mental, social, and cultural needs of traumatized children change over time—from the time they are exposed to raging toxic war stressors to the time when war hostilities end. Thus warzone traumatherapy attempts to address the child's needs on a continuum based upon a time-referenced intervention model. The model presented here acknowledges the child's adaptational strengths, and the multitheoretical employing of psychodynamic, cognitive, and behavioral techniques grounded in cultural/racial sensitivity and indigenous folk medicine as indispensable tools in warzone therapy for children. Additionally, the model takes into account the special features of relevant international policies of the United Nations (UN) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) geared to assist in the recovery and integration of warzone traumatized children. WZTrT embraces Western models of interventions integratively and flexibly employed with the personal, cultural, social, spiritual, and economic factors existing in the world of the traumatized child. Hopefully, the article will contribute to creating innovative ways of conceptualizing the mental, physical, social, cultural, and economic needs of warzone children in order to advance conceptual, technical, scientific, and practical aspects of child-relevant warzone interventions.

The Use and Abuse of Postmodernism

THE NOTOR] ETY that postmodernism has achieved in recent times derives from two things. On the one hand, its arrival as a mode of analysis, undermining the established certainties and analytical frameworks of many disciplines, has earned it the enmity of scholars occupying positions across the political spectrum. On the other hand, it has now become something of a commonplace, both popularly and within the academy, that we stand at the dawn of a new postmodern era, one in which the social, economic, political, and cultural arrangements of the modem era begun in the Enlightenment and the revolutions of the 18 century are being fundamentally transformed. As with the arrival of postmodernist analysis, the passage to a condition of postmodernity is deplored by many. Indeed, it is a hallmark of the political left today to stand in opposition to both postmodernism and postmodernity. Indicative of the left's repudiation of postmodernism is James Laxer's The Undeclared War: Class conflict in the Age of Cyber Capitalism. The central aim of this work is the analysis of what Laxer takes to be a new, postmodem cyber capitalism, where the triumph of the market and market ideology over social democracy is nearly complete and where class conflict has re-emerged as a major fact of contemporary social existence. While this aim dominates, of clearly equal concern to Laxer is the revindication, through its practical application, of an essentially Marxist social theory (which is to say one which takes the analysis of global capitalism and class relations as essential) against a faddish postmodernism whose effect, he argues, is to reinforce the social arrangements of the new capitalism. So while it is the analysis of postmodernity (which is to say contemporary

Putting Privateers in Their Place: The Applicability of the Marque and Reprisal Clause to Undeclared Wars

Putting Privateers in Their Place: The Applicability of the Marque and Reprisal Clause to Undeclared Wars

Opening Pandora's Box: The Genesis and Evolution of the 1964 Congressional Resolution on Vietnam

On 7 August 1964, the Tonkin Gulf Resolution swept through Con gress, signalling the beginning of a new era in the American commit ment to Southeast Asia. Within a year, Lyndon B. Johnson used the broad and ill-defined grant of authority to significantly escalate the U.S. military presence in Vietnam with the introduction of combat troops. Historians consider the Tonkin Gulf Resolution to be a water shed event in the American Vietnam saga, the turning point that al lowed Johnson to conduct an undeclared war without direct congressional sanction. What many scholars have failed to recognize, however, is that the resolution itself was less a turning point than a culmination of months of planning and preparation by an administra tion which anticipated the necessity of escalating the conflict in order to save South Vietnam from communism.

Family Therapy: Concepts and Methods

Each chapter concludes with Readings and References. Foreword, by Salvador Minuchin, M.D. Preface. I.THE CONTEXT OF FAMILY THERAPY. 1.The Foundations of Family Therapy. The Myths of the Hero. Psychotherapeutic Sanctuary. Family versus Individual Therapy. Psychology and Social Context. The Power of Family Therapy. Contemporary Cultural Influences. Thinking in Lines: Thinking in Circles. 2.The Evolution of Family Therapy. The Undeclared War. Small Group Dynamics. The Child Guidance Movement. The Influence of Social Work. Research on Family Dynamics and the Etiology of Schizophrenia. Marriage Counseling. From Research to Treatment: The Pioneers of Family Therapy. The Golden Age of Family Therapy. Summary. 3.Early Models and Basic Techniques: Group Process and Communications Analysis. Sketches of Leading Figures. Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions for Behavior Change. Techniques. Lessons from the Early Models. System's Anxiety. The Stages of Family Therapy. Family Assessment. Working with Managed Care. 4.The Fundamental Concepts of Family Therapy. Systems Theory. Functionalism. Structuralism. The Legacy of Cybernetics and Structural-Functionalism. General Systems Theory. Satir's Humanizing Influence. Bowen and Differentiation of Self. The Road Not Taken. Enduring Concepts and Methods. Conclusions. II.THE CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF FAMILY THERAPY. 5.Bowen Family Systems Therapy. Sketches of Leading Figures. Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions of Behavior Change. Techniques. Evaluating Therapy Theory and Results. Summary. 6.Experiential Family Therapy. Sketches of Leading Figures. Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions of Behavior Change. Techniques. Evaluating Therapy Theory and Results. Summary. 7.Psychoanalytic Family Therapy. Sketches of Leading Figures. Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions of Behavior Change. Techniques. Evaluating Therapy Theory and Results. Summary. 8.Structural Family Therapy. Sketches of Leading Figures. Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions of Behavior Change. Techniques. Evaluating Therapy Theory and Results. Summary. 9.Cognitive-Behavioral Family Therapy. Sketches of Leading Figures. Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions of Behavior Change. Techniques. Evaluating Therapy Theory and Results. Summary. III.RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN FAMILY THERAPY. 10.Family Therapy Enters the Twenty-First Century. Erosion Boundaries. Postmodernism. Constructivism. Collaborative, Conversational Approaches. The Hermeneutic Tradition. Social Constructionism. The Narrative Revolution. Family Therapy's Answer to Managed Care: Solution-Focused Therapy. Feminism and Family Therapy. Family Violence. Multiculturalism. Race. Poverty and Social Class. Gay and Lesbian Issues. Spirituality. Tailoring Treatments to Populations and Problems. Empirically Based Treatment Programs. Medical Family Therapy and Psychoeducation. The Self in the System. Managed Care. Conclusions. 11.From Strategic to Solution-Focused: The Evolution of Brief Therapy. The MRI, Strategic, and Milan Systemic Models. Sketches of Leading Figures. Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions of Behavior Change. Techniques. Evaluating Therapy Theory and Results. Summary. 12.Narrative Therapy. Sketches of Leading Figures. Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions of Behavior Change. Techniques. Evaluating Therapy Theory and Results. Summary. 13.Integrative Models. Eclecticism. Selective Borrowing. Specially Designed Integrative Models. The Internal Family Systems Model. Summary. IV.THE EVALUATION OF FAMILY THERAPY. 14.Comparative Analysis. Theoretical Purity and Technical Eclecticism. Family Therapist - Artist or Scientist? Theoretical Formulations. Normal Family Development. Development of Behavior Disorders. Goals of Therapy. Conditions of Behavior Change. Techniques. Context and Applicability of the Schools of Family Therapy. Selection of a Theoretical Position: Rational and Irrational Factors. Summary. 15.Family Therapy Research: Science into Practice, Practice into Science. How Effective Is Family Therapy? What Makes Family Therapy Effective? Practice into Science. Appendix A: Recommended Readings. Appendix B: Glossary. Appendix C: Careers and Training. Name Index. Subject Index.

The Politics of Gender, Language and Hierarchy in Mamet's “Oleanna”

Ever since it was first staged in May 1992, Mamet's Oleanna seems, on both sides of the Atlantic, to have been perceived, publicised and reviewed almost exclusively as a manifestation of backlash sexual politics — that is, as a work characterised by outrage and hostility towards the agenda of contemporary feminism. Although the play entered the public arena too late to be addressed in Susan Faludi's 1992 study Backlash: The Undeclared War Against Women, its attitudes have typically been read as symptomatic of the same aggrieved and aggressive masculinity which Faludi diagnoses in such exemplary texts as Allan Bloom's The Closing of the American Mind (1987) and Roger Kimball's Tenured Radicals: How Politics Has Corrupted Our Higher Education (1990). The play also lends itself with deceptive ease to a comparison with one of Faludi's most alarming paradigms of backlash popular culture, the Hollywood blockbuster Fatal Attraction. Both narratives depict a fundamentally decent man, loyal to wife and family, who becomes the target of and is almost destroyed by the machinations of a vengeful single woman. In both cases the action culminates in an explosive physical assault on the offending female character. And, in performance, the violence of both denouements releases and apparently sanctions a similar surge of vicarious male aggression. Howls of “Kick her ass!” and “Kill the bitch!” were a regular occurrence at screenings of Fatal Attraction, and audience reaction to Oleanna has often followed the same pattern: Elaine Showalter reports a male acquaintance saying “I nearly climbed up on the stage to kick the shit out of the little bitch myself.”

Political Violence in South Africa

In recent years the conflict in Natal has been described as a low-intensity civil war while on the Reef (the PWV region) it has been called an undeclared war and there have even been references to `ethnic cleansing'. But in both cases it is more complex than any of these definitions since there are a number of different elements to the violence. This study shows how it is not simply a struggle between the forces opposing the undemocratic system as represented by apartheid and those governmental structures upholding the status quo. It goes further than that; it is not only a reflection of the changing political situation in South Africa but also stems from demographic and other social conditions (rapid urbanization, proliferation of squatter settlements and competition for resources).

The Politics of Rural Life: Political Mobilization in the French Countryside, 1846-1852.

The social history of politics rural France in the 1840s the crisis of the July Monarchy - 1846-1848 the liberation of political life - February-June 1848 the polarization of rural France - June 1848-May 1849 the political geography of France under the Second Republic the battle for the countryside - May 1848-May 1850 an undeclared civil war - May 1850-December 1851 rural revolt and state terror the Second Republic in rural perspective.

Rehearsal for Cold War: United States anti-interventionists and the Soviet Union, 1939–1941

To most Americans World War II was, in the words of columnist Studs Terkel, "the good war," fundamentally a positive experience in American life in which a united people triumphed magnificently over the forces of oppression and barbarism. It is hardly recalled that in the two years before the Japanese struck at Pearl Harbor, the debates over the degree and nature of American participation were embittered, arousing passions seldom equaled until the Vietnam War. A sizable minority of the population saw no national interest in the survival of such powers as Great Britain and China. Indeed, even after the United States entered the war, some people always maintained that intervention was at best a tragic mis? take, at worst a criminal blunder. And in the light of the vast expansion of Soviet power in the immediate wake of the conflict, and the later vic? tories of communism in China and Cuba, this minority continued to argue that the United States should have stayed out of the war. To these Ameri? cans, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt needlessly provoked Germany and Japan, making inevitable the undeclared naval war in the Atlantic and Admiral Yamamoto Isokoru's strike at Hawaii.1 Many critics of American participation in World War II had vehe? mently opposed Roosevelt's policies at the time?in particular the president's efforts to aid the Allies by such measures as cash-and-carry, lend-lease, and convoying of these measures to Britain.2 The foes of the president represented a variety of elements in American society: conserva? tive members of Congress, isolationist and pacifist organizations, Protestant and Roman Catholic leaders, the Socialist party, urban newspapers and journals, fascist sympathizers, and independent intellectuals. The anti-interventionists of 1939-1941 made their arguments on sev? eral grounds: the impregnability of a thoroughly armed hemisphere; the

Faces in the Revolution: The Psychological Effects of Violence on Township Youth in South Africa

One of South Africa's most serious problems is the large number of youths in the black townships who have been exposed to an incredible depth and complexity of trauma. Not only have they lived through severe poverty, the deterioration of family and social structures, and an inferior education system, but they have also been involved in catastrophic levels of violence, both as victims and as perpetrators. What are the effects of the milieu? What future is there for this generation? Above all, who are they? In the mid-1980s Gill Straker, Professor of Psychology at the University of the Witwatersrand, was called in by the South African Council of Churches as part of a counseling team to provide therapeutic services for a group of young blacks who had been driven out of their township by vigilantes. Their lives had been threatened, and many had participated in various forms of violence - stoning of vehicles, burning of houses belonging to local counselors, some even taking part in “necklacing.” This counseling experience, together with a follow-up study of the same group three years later, is the basis of Gill Straker's book, Faces in the Revolution, a fascinating psychological profile of the youngsters involved. In her moving and highly readable account, she penetrates beyond the media-generated stereotype of township youth as a brutalized generation, showing instead the processes that motivate the leaders, the conformists and the psychological casualties of the civil war that has raged in South Africa's townships. Faces in the Revolution will bring a great deal of clarity to concerned readers seeking informed insight into the lives of the young black people at the forefront of this undeclared war.

Men Dreaming of Men: Using Mitch Walker's “Double Animus” in Pastoral Care

In her recent book Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women, Susan Faludi pointed out the violence endemic to the Wild Man paradigm set forth in Robert Bly's Iron John:For months, Bly has refused requests for an interview—his media interviews are largely with men—but today he accedes to a brief conversation over lunch. Between man-size bites of a sandwich, the poet says he bars women from most of his events because men need a sanctuary from a female-dominated world. “There's no place for the warrior in this country. The feminists have taken over from the Catholic priests.” And this is only the start of the female incursion. “I just see it getting worse and worse. Men will become more and more insecure, farther from their own manhood. Men will become more like women.…” What evidence does he have that all this is happening, or that feminism is actually turning men “soft”? The venerable poet flies into a sudden rage. “I don't need evidence. I have brains, that's how I know.”

Backlash: The Undeclared War against Women

What has made women unhappy in the last decade? Faludi writes 'is not their equality' - which they don't yet have - but the rising pressure to halt, even worse, women's quest for that equality.

Law and Morality in Israel's War with the PLO (review)

Book Reviews 117 incomplete. In sum, Katriel's book has interest and merit but lacks the depth and power of solid theoretical analysis. Rohn Eloul Committee on Judaic Studies University of Arizona law and Morality in Israel's War with the PLO, by William V. O'Brien. New York & London: Routledge, 1991. 342 pp. William O'Brien, a government professor at Georgetown University, acknowledgeably differs with the international consensus about the legality and morality in some ofIsrael's most controversial policies and actions visa -vis its Arab neighbors and those in the occupied territories. The major theme of his study is that in large part these policies are justified because of the state of war between Israel and the PlO. Although an undeclared war, the violent struggle between Israel and the Palestinians has the attributes of a major international conflict; therefore, Israel is justified in using the various tactics and strategies it has employed against the Palestinians during the war in lebanon and in fighting the Intifada. Without using these methods, many ofwhich have been condemned by the United Nations as well as by Israel's closest friends such as the U.S., the country's very existence would be in jeopardy, O'Brien argues. The public at large, the media, and much of the international community including the U.S. have failed to recognize that Israel's conflict with the PlO "is not a series of violent episodes, to be judged individually, but a continuous war that varies in intensity but never stops" (p. 2). Because the Palestinians' objective has been the destruction of Israel by '''armed struggle'-which has meant mainly terrorism" (p. 3), O'Brien asserts, Israel has had no alternative but to resist by using the methods for which it has acquired so much opprobrium. He discounts such major changes in PlO policy as those during the 1970s and more recently resulting from the Intifada, in which it appeared that the mainstream of the Palestinian national movement has changed its objectives from elimination of the Jewish State to acceptance of a two-state solution, i.e., coexistence between Israel and a Palestine state. While the PlO mainstream may have changed its rhetoric, there remain a number of factions affiliated with the national movement that continue to use terrorist methods. Such attacks on Israel need not occur only on the territory of the 118 SHOFAR Fall 1992 Vol. 11, No. 1 state to warrant Israel's counter-measures, but even those outside the Middle East justify use of "anti-terrorist" strategies. The study reviews in detail the policies of Israel defense ministers from David Ben-Gurion, the first, through Ariel Sharon in 1982. The "strategy of counterforce deterrence by demonstration" targets not only the perpetrators of terrorist attacks on Israel, but the local populations among which the PlO maintains bases and the governments of territory (lebanon-1982) from which attacks occur. One chapter analyzes Israeli actions during the 1982 war in lebanon, such as the siege and bombardment of Beirut, Israel's response to the Maalot attack, and the Entebbe operation, concluding that, generallyspeaking, Israel acted with reasonable restraint, "proportionality," and "discriminate" counter attacks. Although the international community may have been critical of many such actions, O'Brien, through his interpretation of international law, disagrees. Only occasionally did local officers over-step the bounds, and then they were reprimanded, he states. The injury done to Israel's standing by the Sabra and Shatilla affair, although serious, was "somewhat mitigated by the fact that Israel did constitute the Kahan Commission, which produced afair set of judgements and recommendations that acknowledged the indirect responsibility of Israel and· its top officials and commanders for the massacres" (p. 208). The author reviews a number of the methods used by Israel in the West Bank and Gaza to repress the Intifada, including beatings, tear gas, plastic bullets, destruction of homes, curfews, and deadly force; he concludes that "properly used," they "may be justified by military/security necessity" (p. 258). Even the use of deadly force by the settlers and other civilians "in immediate self-defense may be legally permissible" (p. 259). O'Brien's differences with the international community and his overall...

Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women

Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women

Children and childhoods. Hidden casualties of war and civil unrest

We have grown accustomed to wars and to measuring the casualties of wars as body counts of soldiers or tabulations of strategic buildings, military installations, or targets that have been destroyed. But there are other hidden casualties that are rarely considered: children and childhoods. Articles in recent editions ofTHE JOURNALand American Medical Association (AMA) specialty journals document the threats of domestic and societal violence to children growing up in peaceful countries such as the United States. 1-4 A number of articles in this issue ofThe JOURNALconsider another form of violence—war. The consequences of war have changed since World War I, when the estimated number of civilians killed by direct warfare ranged from 5% to 19%. 5-9 By World War II, estimations of the proportion of civilians killed during war had risen to 48% to 50%. 5-9 In the more than 150 declared and undeclared wars since

Children and Childhoods

We have grown accustomed to wars and to measuring the casualties of wars as body counts of soldiers or tabulations of strategic buildings, military installations, or targets that have been destroyed. But there are other hidden casualties that are rarely considered: children and childhoods. Articles in recent editions ofTHE JOURNALand American Medical Association (AMA) specialty journals document the threats of domestic and societal violence to children growing up in "peaceful" countries such as the United States.^1-4A number of articles in this issue ofThe JOURNALconsider another form of violence—war. The consequences of war have changed since World War I, when the estimated number of civilians killed by direct warfare ranged from 5% to 19%.^5-9By World War II, estimations of the proportion of civilians killed during war had risen to 48% to 50%.^5-9In the more than 150 declared and undeclared wars since