Uncivil War Research Articles

Deeply divided: racial politics and social movements in postwar America

Chapter 1 How Did We Get Into This Mess? Chapter 2 Postwar America: Bipartisan Consensus, the Median Voter, and the Absence of Social Movements Chapter 3 The Center Will Not Hold: The 1960s and the Shifting Racial Geography of American Politics Chapter 4 The Strange, Consequential Seventies Chapter 5 The Reagan Revolution? Chapter 6 The Slow-Release Revolution: 1988-2008 Chapter 7 The Obama Years: Uncivil War Chapter 8 Restoring American Democracy References Notes Index

Uncivil Wars: Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and the Battle for Cultural Memory ‐ by Cypess, Sandra M.

Uncivil Wars: Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and the Battle for Cultural Memory ‐ by Cypess, Sandra M.

Uncivil Wars: Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and the Battle for Cultural Memory

A continuous urge in Sandra Messinger Cypess's work has been both to give Octavio Paz his place and also to put him in it. And it would be fair to say that this has been an enormous effort, mostly because it so clearly goes against the prevailing winds. In her early work, Cypess took to task Paz's powerful and pervasive reading of the figure of La Malinche, the indigenous woman who was Hernán Cortés's interpreter and concubine. La Malinche has a long and controversial place in Mexican national mythology and in the country's attendant sense of identity. Paz cast La Malinche as a rape survivor, literal and metaphorical, and created a subtext of female passivity and victimization that has pervaded the discourse of mexicanidad for the last half century or so. With her groundbreaking first book La Malinche in Mexican Literature (1991), Cypess challenged this powerful reading by following the development of the figure through various periods and genres. She was arguably the first critic to offer the necessary counterreading to Paz's, and this reading stood almost alone as a powerful feminist antidote to Paz's vision of inherited victimization.In her current book, Uncivil Wars, Cypess once again takes Paz on, this time by examining his work and presence in Mexican culture in sharp contrast to those of his ex-wife, the writer Elena Garro. Cypess's disciplinary training is in theater and performance studies, and although her work extends well beyond these, she retains a keen eye for the theatrical: there is nothing more dramatic than a marital war projected upon the national stage, which is essentially the premise behind this book. The facts are simple: this “first couple” of Mexican letters had an acrimonious marriage (p. 9). Paz ultimately overshadowed Garro, arguably “winning,” with a trajectory that culminated in his Nobel Prize in 1990.The resonances between the various “civil wars” invoked in this book are rich. The national civil war is of course the Mexican Revolution of 1910–1920, so fundamental to Mexican modernity. Virtually all intellectuals and artists had to engage with its legacy in one way or another, including both Paz and Garro. War, however, as Cypess notes, is a “‘man's’ theme” (p. 7) — with notable exceptions like Nellie Campobello and Garro herself. That is essentially the story here: one of notable exception, of female emancipation from a man's world, of the ability to fight back and ultimately walk out on a bad relationship on one's own terms.Cypess does not deny Paz's importance or brilliance. But she sees Garro as the almost universal opposition to Paz's mandarin-style, machista, and, in many ways, monolithic energies, which have arguably embodied Mexican culture for almost 60 years. Cypess makes a powerful argument for Garro as a creative innovator in her own right, one who reimagined the national narratives surrounding the revolution from a unique perspective equal in power to Paz's.In a chapter on “cultural memory,” Cypess shows how Garro's complex, high-modernist prose narrative about the revolution sharply differs from the somewhat conventional and linear narrative structure employed by so many artists and writers who dealt with the revolution, including most of the preceding authors of the novela de la revolución. In another chapter, “Love and War Don't Mix,” she recounts Paz's and Garro's difficult engagement with the Spanish Civil War and the shifting political valences that came with that unavoidable conflict, in effect alleging that Paz was a political opportunist whereas Garro was not. A series of chapters hews closer to the theme of marital strife. In “War at Home” Cypess examines betrayal of an initial promise, a familiar theme in many novelas de la revolución, as a projection of the conflict within the Paz-Garro union. In “From Civil War to Gender War: The Battle of the Sexes,” she connects the domestic disappointments of the couple to the dynamics of burgeoning women's movements within Mexico, with which Garro became associated later in her career.Cypess argues convincingly that Garro's feminist stance and her active resistance against an ingrained macho culture corresponded with her open warfare against her husband and her resistance to the cultural, political, and ideological machinery he both headed and represented. It is a delicious and insightful premise, which highlights unavoidable aspects, rarely discussed like any family secret because of its unpleasantness, of Mexican culture of the second half of the twentieth century. Garro remains in the shadow of her more famous ex-husband, but this book goes a long way toward recalibrating that imbalance.

Uncivil Wars: Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and the Battle for Cultural Memory by Sandra Messinger Cypress (review)

Reviewed by: Uncivil Wars: Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and the Battle for Cultural Memory by Sandra Messinger Cypress Elena Foulis Sandra Messinger Cypress. Uncivil Wars: Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and the Battle for Cultural Memory. Austin: U of Texas P, 2012. 247p. When we think of the great writers of 20th century Mexico, undeniably Octavio Paz comes to mind. Not only is he a Nobel Prize winner, but, for many, he is one of the key authorities on all Mexican cultural, historical, and identity matters. While it is true that Paz’s works have been infinitely quoted, in particular “Los hijos de la Malinche,” Sandra Messinger Cypress in Uncivil Wars: Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and the Battle for Cultural Memory argues that Elena Garro’s works offer an alternative reading of Malinche focusing on Mexican ethnic identity and gender relations. In this book, Cypress gives a glimpse of Paz and Garro’s marriage and the way they dealt with similar issues such as politics, history, and the ethical role of the artist from their specific gender perspectives. What we find, like many other women of Garro’s time, is that Garro’s voice (personal and artistic) was often muted and overshadowed by the male culture of her time, and by Paz’s persona. In her introduction, Cypress recounts the many works of Paz and the countless praise he has received for them. It is clear that one of his most important works is The Labyrinth of Solitude, in which we find “The sons of la Malinche.” Cypress also contrasts the amount of publication given to male writers and female writers; such disparity offers an incomplete picture of cultural and national identity. Chapter two exposes and questions the popular perspective of Malinche’s role in the formation of national identity. Cypress shows how Paz in a mere two pages of Labyrinth successfully makes Malinche demonized, sexualized, and a sellout. What the author wants us to see are the male-centered forces at play that have both allowed this vision to continue, and have also made alternative representations, such as those offered by women like Elena Garro, inconsequential. Cypress is trying to “reclaim ‘buried’ or marginalized truths by and about women” (18). Throughout this chapter, we can clearly see a historical cycle of women’s oppression dating to the conquest as presented by Paz and other writers. It is clear too that those writers give Malinche negative attributes and fail to mention that she had little or no control of her own body. As a result, many Chicana writers have extensively criticized Paz’s version, but of particular importance in this study is the earlier criticism we find in Garro’s novels. For example, in Recollections of Things to Come, not only does Garro make her female protagonist aware of the misogyny present in her own family and the danger of repeating the same attitudes, but Garro, unlike Paz’s vision of women, suggests that “the past does not have to predict the future, that destiny is not preordained” (38). In contrast to Paz, Garro’s work “reject[s] [End Page 79] the notion of an essential identity that cannot be changed” and suggests that women can “plot their own future” (48-49). Chapters three and four focus on the impact of war in the marriage of Garro and Paz, and their personal growth as artists and individuals. These chapters clearly outline the way each author documents the aftermath of the war. First, the Mexican Revolution influenced both authors’ literary expressions in different ways. Although they didn’t experience the war first hand, their families were clearly marked by whose ideals they followed, or what key revolutionaries they supported. As a result of war and various other philosophical influences, Paz’s work was inspired by his admiration for Emiliano Zapata, which included issues of class and ethnicity. However, it is clear that women’s issues and agency are not present. On the other hand, Garro rescues those themes and areas ignored by Paz. Cypress shows us the way Garro, by way of drama, essay, novel, and short story, chose to speak of the devastation and many betrayals, such as the trial of...

Uncivil Wars, Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and The Battle for Cultural Memory by Sandra Mesinger Cypess (review)

Uncivil Wars, Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and The Battle for Cultural Memory by Sandra Mesinger Cypess (review)

Bill Schwab: at the cutting edge of trauma care

Bill Schwab: at the cutting edge of trauma care

Weirding the War: Stories from the Civil War’s Ragged Edges ed. by Stephen Berry (review)

Reviewed by: Weirding the War: Stories from the Civil War’s Ragged Edges ed. by Stephen Berry Frances M. Clarke Weirding the War: Stories from the Civil War’s Ragged Edges. Ed. Stephen Berry. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011. ISBN 978-0-8203-4127-9, 352 pp., paper, $24.95. This new collection of unusual tales from the Civil War era originated in Athens, Georgia, with three seasoned Civil War scholars either sitting down to a plate of meatloaf or listening to Bat Out of Hell—I’m not sure which. They got to talking about how their colleagues tend to circle around the same questions (What were the war’s main turning points? What motivated common soldiers? Should Lincoln get credit for freeing the slaves?) and decided that it was time to move away from these tired old debates and explore the byroads of Civil War history, following paths taken by those who weren’t acting as if future generations might be watching: like the war profiteers and coquettes, do-nothings and black deserters, or neglected children and broken men. If we follow the stories of these marginal characters, they reasoned, we might avoid the clichéd version of the war as the dark night of the nation’s soul, when all victims ultimately suffered for a noble end. We might then be able to reimagine subjects living lives full of paradox, happenstance, and chaos, rather than trying to shoehorn them into histories purporting to uncover the one “real war.” So they held a conference at the T. R. R. Cobb house in Athens, once home to the southern fire-eater Thomas Reade Rootes Cobb and now haunted by his ghost, according to more than one online report. What better place to discuss the crooked byways of Civil War history? Thus began “UnCivil Wars,” an annual conference series now in its third year. Participants have delved into the lives of a host of unsavory characters and practices. In the first three essays (among the best in the collection), Michael DeGruccio introduces the copious scavengers who made their way to Civil War battlefields looking for spent shells, buttons, bits of uniforms or trees, even human bones. What did they do with these remnants? Some sold them to relic hunters for profit. Others cherished them as curiosities, talismans, or symbols of conquest. If we paid more attention to material objects and less to the printed word, DeGruccio argues, we would realize that the urge [End Page 99] to preserve the war’s memory began not when veterans started publishing memoirs and setting up organizations, but with this quest to touch and own the debris of battle. This discussion of people dedicated to preserving a piece of the war’s destruction nicely complements Megan Kate Nelson’s essay on the men and women who reveled in causing or dwelling on that destruction: soldiers who experienced a rush of power or satisfaction as they demolished their enemy’s property; illustrators, photographers, and printmakers who interpreted devastated landscapes using the conventions of the sublime or picturesque; and sightseers who found inspiration while wandering among the ruins. As callous as these practices might now seem, they are positively tame when compared to the acts of vicious selfishness displayed by the men in Rodney J. Steward’s fascinating essay on North Carolina’s western Piedmont district. Steward deals with the fallout in this area from the Confederate Act of Sequestration, passed in August 1861, which empowered men known as Receivers to seize property of anyone deemed disloyal to the Confederate cause. With sweeping powers to confiscate and sell property, they often simply stole from their fellow citizens—usually the poorest and least powerful. Having sold off the possessions of widows and children, they enriched themselves rather than sending the proceeds to the Confederate treasury. This collection would be worth buying if only for these first three pieces and Berry’s terrific introduction, which immediately made me want to apply for membership in the “weirdlings,” as he calls his contributors. But there are other standout essays that provide for fascinating, if disturbing, reading as well as ideal material for classroom use. Joan Cashin’s take on...

Uncivil wars: Elena Garro, Octavio Paz, and the battle for cultural memory

Runner-up, PROSE Award, Media and Cultural Studies, 2013 The first English-language book to place the works of Elena Garro (1916-1998) and Octavio Paz (1914-1998) in dialogue with each other, Uncivil Wars evokes the lives of two celebrated literary figures who wrote about many of the same experiences and contributed to the formation of Mexican national identity but were judged quite differently, primarily because of gender. While Paz's privileged, prize-winning legacy has endured worldwide, Garro's literary gifts garnered no international prizes and received less attention in Latin American literary circles. Restoring a dual perspective on these two dynamic writers and their world, Uncivil Wars chronicles a collective memory of wars that shaped Mexico, and in turn shaped Garro and Paz, from the Conquest period to the Mexican Revolution; the Spanish Civil War, which the couple witnessed while traveling abroad; and the student massacre at Tlatelolco Plaza in 1968, which brought about social and political changes and further tensions in the battle of the sexes. The cultural contexts of machismo and ethnicity provide an equally rich ground for Sandra Cypess's exploration of the tandem between the writers' personal lives and their literary production. Uncivil Wars illuminates the complexities of Mexican society as seen through a tense marriage of two talented, often oppositional writers. The result is an alternative interpretation of the myths and realities that have shaped Mexican identity, and its literary soul, well into the twenty-first century.

Somebody's children: the politics of transracial and transnational adoption

Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 Part I. Transracial Adoption in the United States 1. African American Children and Adoption, 1950-1975 27 2. The Making of the Indian Child Welfare Act, 1922-1978 59 3. Crack Babies, Race, and Adoption Reform, 1975-2000 94 Part II. Transnational Adoption and Latin America 4. From Refugees to Madonnas of the Cold War 129 5. Uncivil Wars 160 6. Latin American Family Values 197 Part III. Emerging Fights Over the Politics of Adoption 7. Gay and Lesbian Adoption in the United States 241 Epilogue. U.S. Immigrants: The Next Fight over Race, Adoption, and Foster Care? 269 Notes 285 Bibliography 319 Index 353

STEPHEN BERRY, editor. Weirding the War: Stories from the Civil War's Ragged Edges. (Uncivil Wars.) Foreword by Emory M. Thomas. Athens: University of Georgia Press. 2011. Pp. xiii, 385. Cloth $69.95, paper $24.95

STEPHEN BERRY, editor. Weirding the War: Stories from the Civil War's Ragged Edges. (Uncivil Wars.) Foreword by Emory M. Thomas. Athens: University of Georgia Press. 2011. Pp. xiii, 385. Cloth $69.95, paper $24.95

A Cause Not Lost

Historians sometimes transform obscure events into oft-told stories almost overnight. Such is the case with the 1873 Colfax Massacre, which Eric Foner labeled the “bloodiest single instance of racial carnage in the Reconstruction era.”1 Nicholas Lemann used Colfax as a prologue to his Redemption (2006), and James Hogue carefully contextualized the massacre in his examination of counterrevolutionary vigilantism in Uncivil War (2007). Now, historian LeeAnna Keith and journalist Charles Lane have contributed nearly simultaneous book-length accounts of a white posse’s murder of black prisoners in Central Louisiana. Neither book aims to significantly revise scholarly understanding of Reconstruction or even the Colfax Massacre itself; instead, both Keith and Lane offer contextualized accounts of the gruesome story designed to reach a wide audience. On that limited basis, Keith and Lane deliver compelling and largely congruent accounts of the massacre. In a state renowned for disputed elections, the contested 1872 Louisiana vote created two would-be governors, each of whom appointed a slate of local officials for Grant Parish. At first, exclusively white officials appointed by the Fusionist governor (supported both by white supremacist Democrats and disaffected Republicans) occupied a makeshift courthouse in Colfax, the parish seat. A group of Republicans, however, snuck into the building at night and installed officials—black and white—appointed by the Republican claimant to the governorship. Vigilantes, including members of the Knights of the White Camelia and the “Old Time Ku Klux Klan,” began filtering into Grant Parish, preparing to attack the Republicans. Those vigilantes—a posse, mob, or army, depending on one’s perspective—were loosely led by C. C. Nash, a Confederate veteran hardened by almost two years

Sudan's uncivil war: the global–historical constitution of political violence

It is commonplace to characterise political violence and war in Africa as ‘internal’, encapsulated in the apparently neutral term ‘civil war’. As such, accounts of political violence tend to focus narrowly on the combatants or insurrectionary forces, failing to recognise or address the extent to which political violence is historically and globally constituted. The article addresses this problematic core assumption through examination of the case of Sudan, seeking to contribute to a rethinking of protracted political violence and social crisis in post-colonial Africa. The article interjects in such debates through the use and detailed exposition of a distinct methodological and analytical approach. It interrogates three related dimensions of explanation which are ignored by orthodox framings of ‘civil war’: (1) the technologies of colonial rule which (re)produced and politicised multiple fractures in social relations, bequeathing a fissiparous legacy of racial, religious and ethnic ‘identities’ that have been mobilised in the context of post-colonial struggles over power and resources; (2) the major role of geopolitics in fuelling and exacerbating conflicts within Sudan and the region, particularly through the cold war and the ‘war on terror’; and (3) Sudan's terms of incorporation within the capitalist global economy, which have given rise to a specific character and dynamics of accumulation, based on primitive accumulation and dependent primary commodity production. The article concludes that political violence and crisis are neither new nor extraordinary nor internal, but rather, crucial and constitutive dimensions of Sudan's neo-colonial condition. As such, to claim that political violence in Sudan is ‘civil’ is to countenance the triumph of ideology over history.

Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction (review)

Reviewed by: Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction Andrew L. Slap Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction. By James K. Hogue. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006. Pp. 288. Cloth, $45.00.) James K. Hogue tackles an important and timely subject in his book on violence in New Orleans during Reconstruction. While concentrating on “reappraising the nature of violent politics of Reconstruction,” Hogue ambitiously has many other goals. For instance, he argues that “not coincidentally, this era of state government backed by federal military occupation preceded one of the longest periods of unbroken one-party dominance in American history” (8). Unfortunately, he offers no support for this hypothesis, with only a few pages on post-Reconstruction politics and nothing past 1900. This failure is unfortunately symptomatic of the entire work. Uncivil War is a traditional political history of Reconstruction in Louisiana that mostly uses government records and secondary sources to cover well-trod ground. Given the title, surprisingly less than 10 percent of the book deals directly with the street battles. This limited treatment makes it impossible for Hogue to meet his goals of beginning “to rethink the meaning and nature of ‘battle’ itself” and “to reconceptualize both the fighting and the roles that different types of military forces played in its [Reconstruction] origins, development, and outcome” (4, 11). While finding sources for street battles can be hard, [End Page 209] Hogue does not employ all of the primary and secondary sources available. For instance, he visited the U.S. Military Academy Library but did not use its James Fornance Papers, which include the letters of an army lieutenant writing home about his participation in one of the book’s street battles. Hogue also never mentions several articles on the street battles, such as Donald E. Reynolds’s “The New Orleans Riot of 1866 Reconsidered,” Louisiana History 5 (Winter 1964): 5–27. Most of Uncivil War covers the political events in between the street battles. A failure to engage the relevant historiography dooms Hogue’s efforts to reappraise Reconstruction politics. He regularly creates straw men, referring to the positions of “many historians” or “modern scholars” while offering few, and many times no, examples or citations (14, 45, 52, 59, 113, 125, 169). At one point he refers to the interpretations of “recent scholars” and cites two books published in 1967 and 1982 (183). Hogue’s major straw man is the New Political History (NPH), as he repeatedly argues that “historians have all too often mistakenly tried to make Reconstruction’s origins, development, and outcome fit a model of stable, competitive party politics, articulated by the study of political parties, interest groups, voter mobilization, and election returns” (7, 9, 186). First, Hogue only cites Michael Perman’s work to assert the NPH’s dominance, never mentioning scholars like Joel Silbey, Michael F. Holt, or Richard McCormick. Second, historians have been attacking the NPH for over a decade—in the late 1990s the Journal of American History sponsored two roundtables challenging its paradigms. Finally, Hogue ignores the work dealing with Reconstruction political history outside the NPH, such as Heather Cox Richardson’s The Death of Reconstruction: Race, Labor, and Politics in the Post–Civil War North, 1865–1901 (2001). Hogue regularly fails to mention prominent works that bear directly on his study. While repeatedly discussing Ulysses S. Grant during Reconstruction, he never uses Brooks D. Simpson’s Let Us Have Peace: Ulysses S. Grant and the Politics of War and Reconstruction, 1861–1868 (1991). Hogue spends several pages trying to place Louisiana’s Reconstruction political corruption in the broader context of nineteenth-century America without mentioning Mark W. Summer’s The Era of Good Stealings (1993). William L. Richter’s Army in Texas during Reconstruction, 1865–1870 (1987) would have provided a nice comparison with events in Louisiana. Lack of a firm historiographical grounding leads to significant interpretive errors. For example, Hogue asserts that “white militia officers of northern origin tended to have demonstrated an ideological devotion to the radical [End Page 210] wing of the Republican Party . . . by their service with black...

James K. Hogue.Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction.:Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

James K. Hogue.<i>Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction</i>.:Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

James K. Hogue, Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

James K. Hogue, <i>Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction</i>

Nation-Building Begins at Home

Historians of the Civil War commonly presume the war's conclusion to have occurred when Confederate military leaders decided to lay down their arms in the spring of 1865. The story goes that, rather than resort to a desperate and prolonged in which their forces might have been dispersed into autonomous militias operating in the backwoods and mountains of the South and ambushing occupying Union forces for years to come, the Confederate leadership followed the example of their esteemed commander General Robert E. Lee and dutifully laid down their arms in an honorable and dignified surrender received with gratitude by their Union adversaries. Not only does this moment provide a tidy closure to any narrative of the Civil War; it inevitably becomes the occasion for historians to reflect upon the mutual admiration grudgingly earned over four years of hard fighting, with the implication that this moment laid the groundwork for the restoration of a peaceful, civil society. Appomattox was a grand and poignant moment, to be sure, but it is perhaps not worthy of the inflated significance with which it has been so often imbued. Peace did not come with the official surrender, as James K. Hogue's new book demonstrates. Once home, the shattered pieces of the Confederate Army began to re-form into new units and-like some horror film's trick ending-the Civil War sprang back to life in a new form that in some ways resembled the grisly guerilla war that the history books assured us never happened. Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction is a story of how the Civil War did not end with the dissolution of the Confederate Army in the months after Appomattox. In fact, Hogue's novel approach to the Reconstruction period is to use the analytical framework of military history to understand why the Federal government failed to achieve its objectives from 1865 to 1877. Historians have erred in their approach to the politics of Reconstruction, he insists, because they have forced events into an interpretive paradigm better fitted for peacetime, consensual politics. Party

Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

Uncivil War: Five New Orleans Street Battles and the Rise and Fall of Radical Reconstruction

Seeing high &amp; low: representing social conflict in American visual culture

Acknowledgments Introduction Patricia Johnston 1. Educating for Distinction? Art, Hierarchy, and Charles Willson Peale's Staircase Group David Steinberg 2. Samuel F.B. Morse's Gallery of the Louvre: Social Tensions in an Ideal World Patricia Johnston 3. Cartoons in Color: David Gilmour Blythe's Very Uncivil War Sarah Burns 4. Ain't I a Woman?: Anne Whitney, Edmonia Lewis, and the Iconography of Emancipation Melissa Dabakis 5. Cultural Racism: Resistance and Accommodation in the Civil War Art of Eastman Johnson and Thomas Nast Patricia Hills 6. Custer's Last Stand: High-Low on Old and New Frontiers Patricia M. Burnham 7. Reenvisioning This Well-Wooded Land Janice Simon 8. At Home with Mona Lisa: Consumers and Commercial Visual Culture, 1880--1920 Katharine Martinez 9. Gustav Stickley's Designs for the Home: An Activist Aesthetic for the Upwardly Mobile Arlette Klaric 10. Handicraft, Native American Art, and Modern Indian Identity Elizabeth Hutchinson 11. Alone on the Sidewalks of New York: Alfred Stieglitz's Photography, 1892--1913 Joanne Lukitsh 12. The Colors of Modernism: Georgia O'Keeffe, Cheney Brothers, and the Relationship between Art and Industry in the 1920s Regina Lee Blaszczyk 13. The Invisibility of Race in Modernist Representation: Marsden Hartley's North Atlantic Folk Donna M. Cassidy 14. Caricaturing the Gringo Tourist: Diego Rivera's Folkloric and Touristic Mexico and Miguel Covarrubias's Sunday Afternoon in Xochimilco Jeffrey Belnap 15. The Norman Rockwell Museum and the Representation of Social Conflict Alan Wallach Contributors List of Illustrations Index