UN Chief Research Articles

Maternal health and human rights impacts of Russian drug policy

AbstractThis article describes how Russian drug policy defies international ethical standards in patient care and violates the human rights of pregnant people who use drugs. While the CEDAW Committee previously found Russia to be in violation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) by failing to ensure that pregnant people have access to gender‐sensitive drug dependence treatment, to date the Committee has refused to address the role of drug criminalization in enabling this human rights violation. This article outlines the gendered impacts of Russia's punitive approach to drug use, including its detrimental effects on maternal health, and concludes by urging the CEDAW Committee to follow the approach of the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the UN Chief Executives, the World Health Organization, and UNAIDS, as well as senior UN lawyers and international legal experts to assess drug criminalization critically through the prism of the CEDAW convention.

Addressing the human costs and consequences of the Pakistan flood disaster

Addressing the human costs and consequences of the Pakistan flood disaster

Overdose prevention centres in the UK

Overdose prevention centres in the UK

In the eye of the storm

Students around the world plan to leave classrooms on Sept. 20 and take to the streets, protesting the lack of government action to restrain human-caused climate change. Adults, including some academics, will walk off the job and join them in calling for an end to fossil fuel use. This global climate strike grew from the actions of Greta Thunberg, a 16-year-old climate activist from Sweden who helped stoke a global movement of weekly climate demonstrations by students on Fridays. The protesters are fed up with the lack of action at the scale scientists say is needed to stave off catastrophic climate effects by the end of the century. This week’s global climate strike is aimed at leaders assembling at a Sept. 23 summit convened by United Nations secretary general Antonio Guterres. The UN chief invited Thunberg, who has spoken at climate change negotiations and before parliaments in Europe, to address

“A Force for Peace”: Expanding the Role of the UN Secretary-General Under Trygve Lie, 1946−1953

The UN Charter describes him or her merely as the “chief administrative officer of the organization,” yet today the Secretary-General is widely recognized as the UN's chief political representative. How did this transformation and expansion of the office from administrative to political take place? Existing scholarship tends to emphasize the contribution made by Dag Hammarskjold. This article challenges that story on two accounts: first, by pointing out the importance of institutional factors and not just the officeholder's personality; and second, by examining the contribution made by Trygve Lie, the UN's first Secretary-General. The article establishes a conceptual framework based on institutional theory to understand the role of the Secretary-General and analyzes Lie's contribution in the period 1946–1953.

Africa Watch: Africa’s high hopes for new UN chief

Africa Watch: Africa’s high hopes for new UN chief

UN chief lauds Pfizer’s decision to ban use of its drugs in executions

UN chief lauds Pfizer’s decision to ban use of its drugs in executions

UN chief teams up with World Bank leader to resolve conflict and fight poverty in Congo

As the United Nations intervention brigade takes up positions to confront armed rebels in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, expectations are high among some Congolese that perhaps this time the troops will get the job done, help bring peace and stability to the region and set the stage for economic revival. This optimism is nevertheless tempered with caution: the country has often seen short episodes of peace quickly followed by intense fighting.

The social protection floor and global social governance: Towards policy synergy and cooperation between international organizations

AbstractThis article addresses the influence of the International Labour Organization (ILO) on other international organizations and global agencies which resulted in their endorsement of the Social Protection Floor (SFP) concept. By 2012 the concept had been endorsed by the United Nations in the shape of the UN Chief Executives Board's SPF‐Initiative, the World Bank in its new Social Protection and Labor Strategy and by the G20 at the Cannes Summit. Furthermore the IMF had agreed to work with the ILO to explore the options for creating fiscal space within countries to fund SPFs. Special Rapporteurs for the UN Human Rights Council had also in 2012 called for the setting up of a global fund for social protection to enable poorer countries to develop their floors. By 2012 a new coordinating authority, the Social Protection Inter‐Agency Cooperation Board (SPIAC‐B), had been ushered into existence to facilitate inter‐agency cooperation. This article describes and explains how these developments came about. It asks if the reality of increased global social governance cooperation in the field of social protection is as effective as it seems or whether there are new contradictions, overlapping and competing mandates and policy disagreements at the global level.

A Hunger Strike - The Ecology of a Protest: The Case of Bahraini Activist Abdulhad al-Khawaja

This article uses the case of a Bahraini activist to explore the twin interrelated ecologies of a hunger strike. The first ecology is the ethical framing of a prison hunger strike as a corporeal-environmental act of (self) destruction intended to achieve political ends. The second ecology is the operation of global media where international inaction inadvertently foregrounds the political struggles that larger events and discourses surrounding Egypt, Libya and Syria overshadow. What connects these two ecologies is the body of the hunger striker, turned into a spectacle and mediated via a politics of affect that invites a global public to empathize and so enter into his suffering. The connection between the two lies in the emaciated body of the hunger striker in this case, Abdulhadi al-Khawaja

Bosom Buddies?

surfaced that rocked the traditionally calm corridors of the United Nations secretariat, while at the same time highlighting the depths of the problems faced by the UN secretary-general. Spineless, ineffectual, lacking in charisma and above all “conspicuous in [his] absence at critical moments,” the memo from the distinguished deputy chief of mission of Norway only highlighted publicly what many had known for some time: Ban Ki-moon is in deep trouble. At the same time that Obama appears to have his own problems with Congress and America’s worsening economic problems, the UN chief is faced with having to find his own way out of a wilderness. It is now almost axiomatic to say that the election of Barack Obama inspired hopes for a new American relationship with the United Nations. Not only did Obama campaign for the White House on a platform of renewed American multilateralism, but in his first year in office, he pressed for dramatic changes in U.S. policy at the United Nations and sought a deepening American involvement in the world’s only universal security organization. But, after the initial engagement period, the close U.S.-UN partnership, which many observers had expected and hoped for after the contentious relationship of the George W. Bush presidency, has not developed. In fact, though Washington has arranged its priorities more along the lines of the UN’s own agendas, there is now an unacknowledged but discordant note in the Obama administration’s dealings with the United Nations. In his recent speeches, Obama rarely mentions the organization. While he has met the secretary-general in a few private get-togethers, the relationship is cordial but not personal. Furthermore, in the White House’s pursuit of its overseas policies, especially on the critical issues of Afghanistan and Pakistan, as well as Iran and North Korea (except for sanctions), and on other matters like global warming and terrorism, the administration has, for the most part, sidelined the United Nations. Admittedly, President Obama has been preoccupied by a series of domestic issues— above all, the economic crisis and health care reform, not to mention his sagging popularity. But beyond those priorities, American disenchantment with the United Nations seems to stem from a more general feeling that the body is simply not acting as forcefully as it should be in the global arena. Obama clearly desires a UN leadership he can work with, along the lines of President Stephen Schlesinger is a fellow at the Century Foundation and the former director of the World Policy Institute. He is the author of Bitter Fruit (Doubleday, 1982), about the U.S. coup in Guatemala; Act of Creation (Westview, 2003) about the founding of the United Nations; and coeditor of Journals 1952–2000, Arthur Schlesinger Jr. (Penguin, 2007).

Conference Statement: Summary of the Expert Segment

SummaryIn the 21st Century, the peoples of the world are facing multi-faceted challenges of climate variability and climate change, which requires wise and well-informed decision-making at every level from households, communities, countries and regions, to international fora, including the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Those decisions will require, directly or indirectly, access to the best possible climate science and information, and effective application of this information through climate services.The first two World Climate Conferences in 1979 and 1990 laid the foundation for building research and observational activities to understand the nature of the climate challenges and to provide the scientific bases for developing the comprehensive and sound climate services that are now being sought by all countries and in virtually every sector of society. The World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and its partners convened World Climate Conference-3 (WCC-3) to provide nations with the opportunity to jointly consider an appropriate global framework for climate services over the coming decades that would help ensure that every country and every climate-sensitive sector of society is well equipped to access and apply the growing array of climate prediction and information services made possible by recent and emerging developments in international climate science and technology.The purpose of the Expert Segment of WCC-3 was to engage a wide cross-section of climate scientists, expert providers of climate information and the users of climate information and services in a wide-ranging discussion on the essential elements of a new Global Framework for Climate Services for consideration by the High-level Segment of the Conference.The 200 speakers and 1500 participants in the Expert Segment:• reviewed the various elements of the shared challenge facing the climate service provider and user communities;• considered the needs and capabilities for applying climate information in key climate-sensitive sectors, as well as for – social and economic benefits;• examined the scientific basis for climate information and prediction services;• were advised on the needs and perspectives of a number of scientific, environmental and socioeconomic groups and organisations;• were informed of the experience of a wide range of countries and climate-sensitive sectors in the implementation of climate services;• concluded that:– Great scientific progress has been made especially through the World Climate Programme and its associated activities over the past 30 years, which provides already a firm basis for the delivery of a wide range of climate services; but that– Present capabilities to provide effective climate services fall far short of meeting present and future needs and of delivering the full potential benefits, particularly in developing countries;– The most urgent need is for much closer partnerships between the providers and users of climate services; and– Major new and strengthened research efforts are required to increase the time-range and skill of climate prediction through new research and modelling initiatives; and to improve the observational basis for climate prediction and services, and the availability and quality control of climate data;• called for major strengthening of the essential elements of a global framework for climate services:– The Global Climate Observing System and all its components and associated activities; and provision of free and unrestricted exchange and access to climate data;– The World Climate Research Programme, underpinned by adequate computing resources and increased interaction with other global climate relevant research initiatives.– Climate services information systems taking advantage of enhanced existing national and international climate service arrangements in the delivery of products, including sector-oriented information to support adaptation activities;– Climate user interface mechanisms focussed on building linkages and integrating information, at all levels, between the providers and users of climate services; and– Efficient and enduring capacity building through education, training, and strengthened outreach and communication.• supported the development of the proposed Global Framework for Climate Services.– The WCC-3 Sponsoring Agencies agreed, therefore, that the essential findings of the Expert Segment, as summarised in this Statement, should be transmitted to the High-level Segment of the Conference for the information of delegates and other Conference participants; and referred to their individual and joint executive and co-ordination bodies for follow-up action, in particular, in the context of the UN Chief Executives’ Board (CEB) initiative on the UN System Delivering as One on Climate Knowledge.

THE GAMBIA–GHANA: UN Chief Hails Agreement

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 46, Issue 7 p. 18030B-18030C THE GAMBIA–GHANA: UN Chief Hails Agreement First published: 20 August 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2009.02454.xCitations: 2Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article.Citing Literature Volume46, Issue7August 2009Pages 18030B-18030C RelatedInformation

UN chief says domestic politics may undermine climate fight

UN chief says domestic politics may undermine climate fight

WORLD FOOD CRISIS: CAUSES, TRENDS AND STRATEGY

The world is in the midst of a food crisis. The UN Chief Mr. Ban has rightly opined that the steeply rising price of food has developed into a real global crisis. Local manifestations in the shape of food riots and political protests should not obscure the global cause of the problem. Soaring food prices have created inflationary risks not seen in years. Food prices have risen 83 per cent in the last three years, bio-fuels accounting for a 30 per cent price hike. One hundred million live are endangered and 30 million have been dragged down into poverty by bio-fuel prices. Agricultural economists say that unless and until aggressive farm reforms are initiated in developing nations, especially emerging countries, the crisis could get much worse. But the future looks food with better prospects. India may lift restrictions on wheat and rice exports. Good output of rice is expected from India, Thailand and Vietnam. Bumper wheat output from India, Australia, the US and Canada. The United Nations must take immediate action in a concerted manner. Hence, there has been an urgent need to evolve a sound and effective strategy to overcome the crisis.

Ambiguities Of mourning law, custom, literature and women before South Africa's truth and reconciliation commission

Currently winding down its work of hearing testimony to human rights abuses of the apartheid era, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is an ambitious undertaking. A counterpart to the Reconstruction and Development Programme, a long-term scheme for the creation of housing, infrastructure and jobs, the Truth Commission is part of a vast effort at nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa. By asking South Africans to remember, the Truth Commission seeks to come to terms, not only with the crimes of the apartheid era, but with a 350-year history of white domination. In the words of Justice Richard Goldstone, former UN Chief Prosecutor for War Crimes Tribunals in Yugoslavia and Rwanda, (One of the most important advantages of the TRC [is] that it w[ill] write the past forever into South Africa's history' (Pretoria News August 18 1997). The Truth Commission aims at what no program of reconstruction and development could achieve by material means alone. In the minds of its proponents, it aims at nothing less than the 'deans[ing], and 'moral and cultural reconstruction' of a society (Chikane 1995: 99, Sachs 1995: 106). It has as its goal the 'healing of a nation' socially and psychically sundered into fragments by apartheid (see Boraine and Levy 1995).