1. Introduction In the 2000s and the 2010s, migration to the CEE countries (Central and East European countries) gained a special significance. There exists an observable pattern of East-West migration, on the one hand from New Member States (NMS) of the EU to Western Europe, on the other hand from Newly Independent Countries (NIS) to NMS of the EU. Leon-Ledesma, Piracha (2001) characterized the migration from CEE as temporary and short-term. The Czech Republic is, due to its advantageous geographical location in the heart of Europe, a very important country for European migrants--either as a final destination or a transitive point. From all post-Communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe, the Czech Republic receives the largest part of foreign labour force, with Ukrainian workers as a most important group (Figure 1). In 2009 Ukrainians comprised 21% of all immigrants and in 2006 their share was even larger--over 30 thousands of immigrants from Ukraine constituted 46% of overall immigration (CZSO 2011). Generally immigrants from non-EU countries comprise 68% of all foreigners in the Czech Republic, from which 43% are originally from Ukraine. The process of transformation in Ukraine that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union is still on-going and the country faces high unemployment, corruption, slow economic development and high inflation. The economic development of the country is slowed down by political environment and situation of dependency on Russian energy sources and struggles for power. The discontent with the situation in the country reached the point where people started the socalled Orange revolution as a response to 2004 parliament election (see e.g. Chaban and Vernygora 2010). However, pro-Western policy of the new government was not successful and new elections brought pro-Russian forces back to power (Wilson 2005, Strielkowski and Glazar 2012). The collapse of the Soviet Union triggered migration movement from Ukraine to the West (Malynovska 2008, Duvell 2006). There was also change in the type of migration--people did not migrate due to the ethical and political reasons, but mainly due to the economic ones (see e.g. Mendes 2009, or Jelinkova et al. 2011). Ukraine became an essential supply of labour for member states of the EU since more than half of migrants enter EU's labour markets (Siar 2008, Malynovska 2008, or Mendes 2009). Ukrainian migration is typically circular (i.e. with intention to return back regularly or for good), 80% of emigrants long to come back to Ukraine eventually, they maintain relationships with families, stay in direct contact, quite often are able to come home and they also realize investments in Ukraine (Markov et al. 2009). [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Currently more than 10% of Ukrainian population (1/5 of working age population) work abroad, typically on temporary basis (Duvell 2006). According to Siar (2008) 15.7% of households have at least one or more members with experience of working abroad. Most often Ukrainians are engaged in secondary labour market and usually they do not constitute competitive counterparts to local workers (Markov et al. 2009). They are usually working in the building and construction sector, in housekeeping and agricultural industry (Vollmer et al. 2010). For the whole decade the GDP growth was negative and economy started to recover at the beginning of the new century. That did not automatically mean that the recovery completely helped the soundness of economy. The GDP of the country in 2006 resulted in 63% and in 2007 in 68% of the level in 1989. The world economic crisis caused further shock for the economy when in 2009 GDP shrank by 15% (Kowalski and Polowczyk 2012). The evolvement of GDP per capita in Ukraine and in the Czech Republic is depicted in Figure 2. The striking difference between values of GDP per capita is one of the evidence of better standards of living in the Czech Republic and thus these values can be understood as an important motivation for Ukrainian migrant workers at the time of their choice of destination country. …
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