Ukrainian National Movement Research Articles

FAKES AND PROPAGANDA IN THE INFORMATION STRUGGLE OF THE SOVIET AUTHORITIES WITH THE OUN (B)

The purpose of the article is to analyze the content and methods of presenting fakes in the information struggle of the Soviet government against the nationalist movement. Dialectical, systemic, and structural-functional methods were used for the complex study of the research goal. The article analyzes the destructive use of the press as a tool of information warfare. The following components of Soviet propaganda were established: 1) the object of informational influence was the individual and group consciousness of the population of the USSR; 2) the goal was to neutralize the influence of the OUN and the planting of communist ideology; 3) fixed assets – propaganda, misinformation, manipulation, fakes. The content of the main propaganda narratives of the Soviet press is described. The press has become one of the means of manipulating and internally controlling the public opinion of the population of the USSR. In the information confrontation, the Soviet authorities formed a branching infrastructure. The means used by Soviet propaganda ranged from half-truths to outright lies. One of the principal fakes was identifying the Ukrainian nationalist movement with German Nazism, which aimed to create stereotypes in the minds of the Ukrainian population, an attempt to form an image of the internal enemy, which is under external control. This basic narrative was divided into narrower plot lines, including the «kulak» origin of the members of the OUN (b) and, accordingly, the hostile attitude of nationalists to the majority of the population of the USSR. One of the tasks of the Soviet press was to disorganize the OUN (b), which was achieved through the publication in newspapers of numerous appeals and letters from former OUN members, data on the successful activities of Soviet security forces with the nationalist movement. The specificity of Soviet propaganda was the consideration of the religious factor in creating fake information, which was to improve the perception of the population of Western Ukraine of the simplified and distorted information broadcast by the Soviet authorities.

Історія в Українському таємному університеті (1921–1925 рр.)

The article considers and analyzes the origin and the activity of Ukrainian Secret University (USU) in Lviv through 1919–1925 and presents its significance for the development of Ukrainian national culture after the defeat of the Ukrainian liberation struggle in 1917–1921. Special attention focused on the reconstruction of historical studies at this university. General features of the USU history represented today in a number of essays and articles wrote by Ukrainian authors. This article offers new facts about the activities of USU teachers from unpublished materials of historians Myron Korduba and Ivan Krypiakevych, in particular about the organization and conduct the historical studies, conditions of teaching and learning. USU was established in Lviv in 1919 after the capture of the city and Eastern Galicia by Polish troops as a result of the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919 and the Polish administration introduction there. The defeat of the Ukrainian national liberation movement led to a policy of repression and persecution by the Polish authorities. There was a threat of liquidation the Ukrainian national life due to the lack of opportunities for national professionals training. The Ukrainian intelligentsia sought to use the organizational and cultural-scientific potential accumulated in the previous period to preserve and develop national culture and education, contrary to the prohibitions of the Polish administration. In 1919, Ukrainian scientists, united in the Shevchenko Scientific Society and with the support of leading Galician politicians, created “university courses”, which in 1921 were transformed into a Ukrainian university. Under the conditions of bans and persecution by the Polish authorities, the activities of the university took place semi-legally, and the institution itself in journalism and literature was soon called a “secret university”. Despite the persecution and repression USU went down in history as a powerful factor in the consolidation and mobilization of Ukrainian society after the defeats in the struggle for national statehood. During the existence of UTU more than 1,300 students studied there, and 55 professors and associate professors taught them. The Faculty of Philosophy of USU managed to create a “history department”, which in different years studied from 20 to 50 students, and teaching was conducted by famous Ukrainian historians Myron Korduba, Ivan Krypiakevych and some others. The article lists the subjects they taught, as well as the high level of history teaching. In particular, for the first time in Ukrainian historiography, the courses “Methodology of History” by M. Korduba, “Ukrainian Historiography” and “History of the Ukrainian State of the XVII-XVIII centuries” by I. Krypyakevych were read and later published here. The Polish authorities created constant obstacles for the work of USU and historians, used attacks, pogroms and arrests of participants, did not allow the creation of scientific societies, in particular the Ukrainian Historical Society in 1924. Despite the generally modest results of the Ukrainian Secret University in Lviv in 1919–1925, it was noted that what was done by the efforts of USU teachers in the scientific and didactic spheres was worthy of respect. The creation of the national higher school foundations in the conditions of the defeat of the national-state building and in spite of the power of the occupying state was a bright manifestation of the high patriotic consciousness and moral qualities of the Ukrainian Galician intelligentsia. The responsible attitude of the representatives of Ukrainian historical science to the fulfillment of their civic and professional duty deserves special mention. They were able to create the professional historical studies, through which many figures of national science and culture have passed. Historians who have made a great contribution to the preservation of the national consciousness and culture of the Ukrainian population of Galicia in the unfavorable conditions of the defeat of the liberation struggle, have managed to preserve and later increase the historical capital of national history. They continued to build a network of national public scientific, cultural, and educational organizations and societies in Poland, which replaced state institutions and thus ensured the further development of the Ukrainian cause.

Transformation of the legal content of the concept unity in the Ukrainian political and legal thought of the XIX – early XX century

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to reveal the peculiarities of the formation and transformation of the concept of «unity» in the Ukrainian state and legal thought of the XIX – XX centuries. The time frame is determined primarily by the intensification of the Ukrainian national movement, its politicization, the formation of the concept of national statehood and its implementation during 1917-1921. Methods. The methodological basis of the study was a set of general scientific, special scientific and philosophical methods. The analytical method and the comparative approach became the key, which allowed to reveal the peculiarities of the formation and evolution of the concept of «unity» in a particular historical period. Results. It is established that the concept of «unity» in the Ukrainian political and legal thought during the XIX – early XX centuries. passed several stages, each of which was characterized by the corresponding content of the concept of «unity», the way to achieve it, as well as the degree of public support. In particular, four stages are distinguished: 1) 1830-1840 – «organizational»; 2) 1860-1880's – «intermediate»; 3) 1890's – the first decade of the twentieth century. («political»); 4) from 1907 to 1919. Scientific novelty. The thesis about the traditional idea of the national-territorial unity of the Ukrainian lands for Ukrainian political and legal thought was argued, which was reflected in the concept of «unity». Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal research, preparation of special courses, in particular in the study of the history of state and law of Ukraine, the history of doctrines of state and law.

ДЕРЖАВОТВОРЕННЯ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ДАЛЕКОСХІДНОЇ РЕСПУБЛІКИ У 1917-1922 РОКАХ: КОНСТИТУЦІЯ НАЦІОНАЛЬНО-КУЛЬТУРНОЇ АВТОНОМІЇ УКРАЇНЦІВ НА ДАЛЕКОМУ СХОДІ

The purpose of the article is to clarify previously known but insufficiently researched facts, to discover new facts, to deepen the study of knowledge about the Green Wedge, to analyze the real state of the subject of research. Methodology. The methodology includes the analysis of the theoretical and source base with further generalization and formulation of relevant conclusions and recommendations. Given the interdisciplinary nature of the problem, the work uses a complex of general scientific, special legal, special historical and philosophical methods and approaches, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematicity and comprehensiveness. The results. In the course of the research, it was determined that on May 30, 1919, the Constitution of the National and Cultural Autonomy of Ukrainians in the Far East was approved at the II session of the Ukrainian Far Eastern Regional Council (with the participation of representatives of the Vladivostok, Mykyl-Usuriy, Iman, Khabarovsk, Svobodnen, Zabaikal and Manchurian Ukrainian District Councils) on May 30, 1919 , in which the structure, principles of formation and functioning, competence of national self-government bodies, as well as the issue of determining the civil-legal status of the Ukrainian population of the Far East are fixed. The Far Eastern Ukrainians sought to secure their freedom for an independent national and cultural life in their new homeland with the aim of preserving and freely developing these natural treasures, national identity and character. The main goal of the Ukrainian national movement in the Far East in 1917-1922 was the national self-determination of the Ukrainian population of the Far East in the form of national-territorial or national-cultural autonomy, the principles of which are contained in Article 6 of the Constitution of the National-Cultural Autonomy of Ukrainians in the Far East. Originality. In the course of the research, it was established that the research and coverage of the issue of the state formation of the Ukrainian people of the last century against the background of the events that took place since 2014, namely: the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, the military invasion of Eastern Ukraine, as well as the full-scale military invasion on February 24, 2022, are quite relevant to the modern sovereign and independent, democratic, social, legal state of Ukraine, which are examples of Russian expansionist ambitions and imperialist policies. As a result, today the Ukrainian people stand in defense of democratic values, the European path of development, territorial integrity and state sovereignty of Ukraine. One of the stages of state formation of the Ukrainian people is the formation of the Ukrainian Far Eastern Republic, which lasted from 1917 to 1922. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used by central, regional and local state authorities in the formation of diaspora policy while addressing cultural, linguistic, legal and educational needs, as well as in the development of programs for the historical development of the Ukrainian people in the environment of the Ukrainian diaspora and on the territory of modern Ukraine.

THE INFLUENCE OF THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL ELITE ON SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE OF GALICIA IN THE LATE XIX – EARLY XX CENTUR IES

The article considers the peculiarities of the political situation in Galicia in the late ХІХ – early ХХ centuries and demonstrates main directions and methods of governmental activity of Ukrainian political elites at the parliamentary and local levels, aimed at protecting the national interests of Ukrainians. The authors examine the role of the Ukrainian political elite, determined by the factors that had the impact on the formation of this social group and its influence on the development of the Ukrainian national movement in Galicia. The peculiarities of the evolution of the Austrian electoral system are revealed, as well as the role of political parties and church figures in the formation of Ukrainian parliamentarism. The factors that influenced the formation of the Ukrainian political elite and its influence on the development of the Ukrainian national movement in Galicia are identified. It has been established that correctly chosen goals and perseverance, close connection with the needs of the people allowed Galician Ukrainians to become an important player in the political struggle both in the empire overall and in Galicia in particular. The subject of research is – the influence of elites on public administration in Galicia.

The Greek Catholic Church during the German Occupation of Western Ukraine (1941—1944): Relations with the Occupation Authorities and the Main Areas of Activity

The article considers the position and activities of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) under the German occupation. The authors analyzed the documents by Greek Catholics, German and Soviet authorities, and tried to understand the circumstances of the relationship between the UGCC hierarchy and the occupation regime. The transformation of the position of the Greek Catholics towards the German occupation authorities was studied. The work also highlights the social and socio-political activity of the Greek Catholic clergy in Galicia during this period, church activities to support those in need. In addition, we analyzed the connection of the UGCC with the Ukrainian nationalist movement - the church, on the one hand, supported the idea of independence, on the other, condemned terror. Finally, in the article we examined how, under the conditions of the German occupation, the UGCC tried to expand the union to the East, with the support of the Vatican.

МЕЖДУ УКРАИНСКИМ И ПОЛЬСКИМ НАЦИОНАЛИЗМОМ: ПРАВОСЛАВНАЯ ЦЕРКОВЬ НА ВОЛЫНИ В МЕЖВОЕННЫЙ ПЕРИОД

The article reveals the evolution of Poland’s policy towards the Orthodox Church in the 1920s and 1930s on the example of Orthodoxy in Volynia. This region of Poland had the largest number of Orthodox Christians, and Ukrainians prevailed among them. The Ukrainian national movement that was growing during those years stood for Ukrainization of the Orthodox Church in Volynia. The advocates of Ukrainization put pressure on the religion leadership and declared the need for “derussification” of the church life. They also proclaimed Russian priests as a threat not only to Ukrainians, but also to the Polish state, and called them supporters of the restoration of “one and undivided Russia”. In the early 1920s, the Polish authorities were afraid of the Ukrainian national movement and put up with the continuing influence of the ethnic Russian priests in the Orthodox Church. Polish officials did not want to allow the church to become an additional resource for the political influence of Ukrainian nationalists. After the coup of May 1926, when the supporters of Marshal J. Pilsudski came to power in Poland, state policy began to change in favor of the Ukrainization of the Orthodox Church in Volynia. The Volyn governor Henryk Józewski made an important contribution to the approval of this policy. However, later, under the influence of the international political situation in Europe during the 1930s, the approach of the Polish authorities towards the Orthodox Church in Volynia changed again. The authorities set a course towards the Polonization of the Ukrainians in Volynia together with the strengthening of the position of the Roman Catholic Church in the region. All this led to an increase of inter-ethnic tensions and anti-Polish sentiments there.

Serhii Tymoshenko: Ukrainian Architect and Diplomat

This research is focused on the life and legacy of Serhii Tymoshenko (1881–1950), Ukrainian political emigrant, political activist, statesman, and a member of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in the early 20th century and the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–21. In addition to his political involvement, Mr Tymoshenko was also famous for his achievements in architecture, engineering and arts. The research is based on the documents found in the National Archive of the Czech Republic, several Ukrainian national archives and the Manuscript Institute of the Vernadskyi National Library of Ukraine. Serhii Tymoshenko is considered one of the founders of Ukrainian Art Nouveau architecture in the early 20th century. He took active part in the Ukrainian state-building process as a member of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labour Party, the Central Council of Ukraine, and by holding leadership positions in Ukrainian state institutions in Kharkiv region, as well as being appointed as a Minister of Roads of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and a member of the Council of the Republic in Tarnów. Moreover, he played an important role in the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The research covers Tymoshenko’s artistic, scientific and political legacies in Poland (1921–3) and Czechoslovakia (1924–9), and his life trials and tribulations during World War II and emigration to the United States. Serhii Tymoshenko is presented as a public and political figure, the leader of the Ukrainian political emigration in Volyn, the head of the Volyn Ukrainian Association and the Lutsk Centre of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, a member of the Polish Sejm (since 1935) and Senate (since 1938), and the head of the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation of Volyn. Keywords: Poland, Serhii Tymoshenko, Ukrainian emigration, Ukrainian architecture, Ukrainian People’s Republic.

ВПЛИВ ПОЛЬСЬКОЇ СУСПІЛЬНОЇ ДУМКИ НА УКРАЇНСЬКИХ ГРОМАДСЬКО-ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ДІЯЧІВ (XIX – ПОЧАТОК XX СТ.)

In the 19th century, Polish public opinion was in a situation similar to that of Ukraine. She tried to get rid of Russian state dictates and free herself from colonial dependence. The difference was that Polish culture, unlike Ukrainian culture, was marked by development, and society completely welcomed the ideas of the national liberation struggle. Polish society was not deprived of the imperialism of the «Historical Commonwealth» and wanted to use Ukrainians as building material for the creation of a supra-ethnic Polish state nation. What drove a wedge between Ukrainian and Polish national figures. At the same time, the Polish movement provided Ukrainians with rich material for a conceptual historiosophical understanding of the ideas of Ukrainian national liberation. Ukrainian figures of Polish origin fell less under the spell of federal theories, and were more independent in their approach to the independence of Ukraine. It is not by chance that the founder of national populism in the form of a hrodavi was a nobleman of Polish origin – Volodymyr Antonovych, and of Ukrainian modern conservatism – also a right-bank nobleman Vyacheslav Lypynskyi. The article discusses the conceptual positives from the influence of Polish society and its liberation struggles of the 19th century. on the development of the Ukrainian national liberation movement at the beginning of the modern era of history. Objectively, the Polish movement gave the Ukrainian elite more promising ideas to follow than Russian liberalism. The author draws attention to the presence of figures in the Ukrainian movement who had Polish cultural and national roots. Moreover, it was in the midst of Polish society that politicians appeared who raised the question of the cultural and political separation of Ukrainians from Russians. First of all, we are talking about the «hustlers» of V. Antonovych, the Rylskyi brothers, K. Mikhalchuk and O. Yurkevich. Intellectuals of Polish culture radicalized the anti-Russian orientation of the activities of the Kyiv community (V. Antonovych and others). They created a council policy for the unification of the sub-Austrian and sub-Russian Ukraine, and pursued the policy of the «New Era» in Galicia. Independent horse movement. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, the leaders of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party also had in their ranks descendants of the Polish cultural nobility (V. Lypynskyi, O. Skoropis-Yoltukhovskyi, L. Yurkevych, etc.). Socio-political Ukrainian conservatism of the pre-revolutionary era was built on the activities of Roman Catholic Ukrainians (V. Lypynskyi, L. Sidletskyi, B. Yaroshevskyi, F. Volska), who at the time manifested the Ukrainianness of the descendants of the right-bank gentry in Ukraine.

Competition, Conflict, Repression

Putin’s talk about the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians serves to justify the war ideologically. This thinking is not new. It goes back to the 17th century. It is based on the idea of the “all-Russian nation”, to which “Great Russians”, “Little Russians”, and “Belarusians” belonged. The tsarist government and the bulk of Russian society congregated around this idea in the late 19th century. Even members of the liberal intelligentsia denied Ukrainians the right to form their own nation. Russia suppressed every flicker of Ukrainian linguistic and cultural autonomy. These repressions and the suppression of the Ukrainian national movement are part of today’s Ukrainian collective memory.

Events in Ukraine 1914–1922 their importance and historical background (Part 4)

The editorial board continues to publish the most important documents that characterize the state and progress of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, the attitude of other states towards this movement in the early twentieth century. The publication of the selected documents from the first three volumes of the collection of documents “Events in Ukraine 1914-1922 their Importance and Historical Background” was carried out in the 39th, 40th and 41th volumes of the Collection. Currently we are publishing our research from the fourth volume. The compilers selected 27 documents or fragments, which chronologically cover the period from October 19, 1918 to November 14, 1922. They represent the vision of the Ukrainian problem of that time by the ruling circles of Austria and Germany, reflect the final stage of Pavlo Skoropadskyʼs activity at the head of the Ukrainian State. Most of them reveal the historical background and efforts of the Directory, prominent figures of Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic and Western Region of the Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic in the development and preservation of Ukraine, establishing relations with the victorious states and neighbors, resistance to aggressors. Published documents shed light on the following issues: the military, political, and economic situation in Ukraine before and during the Directoryʼs uprising against Hetman P. Skoropadsky (999, 1019, 1021, 1029, 1030); preconditions and formation of the Western Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic, difficulties of its existence at the initial stage (1003, 1004, 1005); preconditions and principles of unification of the Ukrainian States (1011, 1013); protest of Ukrainian politicians against the decision of the Paris Conference on the occupation of part of the Ukrainian lands by Poland (1015); position and first foreign policy steps of the Directory (1033); unification of the Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic and the Western Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic, their representations abroad (1049, 1050, 1059); problems of the Directoryʼs relations with the Entente and the Ukrainоphobic regime of A. Denikin, the war with the Soviet-Russian troops in 1919-1920 (1060, 1061, 1064, 1067, 1068); international political recognition of the Ukrainian Peopleʼs Republic and the possibility of restoring Ukrainian statehood in 1920-1921 (1072, 1073, 1082, 1086, 1995); the political situation in Ukraine in 1922 (1109, 1115). We hope that these documents will be insightful and informative for both students and experts of international relations and the history of Ukraine in the early twentieth century. Having selected the documents from different parts of the book, we preserved their serial and page numbers, the style of the titles and captions. We also present a list of abbreviations in the original.

Military actions and activities of the Russian and Austrian administrations in Pokuttya in 1914-1915

The run of military operations on the one of the strips of the Eastern front – Pokuttya as a part of the Western Ukrainian land territory is studied in the article. The preconditions of the war are shown by the author; the characteristic features of the military mobilization of the Austrian and Hungarian army on the territory of Pokuttya on the eve and at the beginning of the war are defined; the peculiarities of the Russian regime formation on the land are revealed; not simple relations between the occupying authority and the local population are traced.The eve and beginning of the World War I showed the escalation of mass political hysteria on the part of the Austro-Hungarian authorities. The official authorities were prejudiced against the population of the region, accusing it of Russophilia. At the same time, local authorities tried to demonstrate their loyalty to the Austrian emperor by holding a series of «patriotic» events.The capture of Pokuttya by the Russians in the autumn of 1914 was accompanied by the requisition of inventory and property, the persecution of representatives of the Ukrainian national movement and residents of Jewish nationality, and the brutality of Russian Cossack units. The hostilities of 1915 showed the weakness of the positions of Russian troops in Pokuttya. In some parts of the front, the positions of the warring parties often changed, which, in turn, depleted the material resources of the inhabitants of the region. In the early summer of 1915, Austrian troops liberated Pokuttya for a time. However, the events of 1916 will show that the front in the territory of Eastern Galicia will «come to life» and this will lead to a brutal, but short-lived, occupation of Pokuttya by Russian troops.The problem of Russian occupation in the current foreign policy situation is more important for our country than ever, and the occupation practice used on the Crimean peninsula and in Eastern Ukraine has its historical analogies with the period 1914-1915. That is why from the standpoint of protection of state sovereignty, national security, the study of this problem becomes especially relevant.

“Director of Ukraine”. Behavioral mechanisms and specifics of professional relations of Petro Shelest, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine

Based on a detailed study and analysis of archival sources and testimonies of contemporaries, the characteristics of Petro Shelest’s methods and principles of personnel selection for key positions in the Ukrainian SSR, his relations with subordinates in the process of work, formation of the closest circle of colleagues are presented. The analysis of the personnel of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in 1963-1972 has been made. Based on memoir sources, character traits have been studied; personal qualities, as well as originality of relations of the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party both with subordinates and the top leadership of the Soviet state and family members have been de- scribed. The author of the article clarifies the main trends in the development of the system of privileges and the privileges of the Soviet nomenklatura in the period of “stagnation”. The pro-Ukrainian course of the leader of the republican party organization was reflected in the author’s book OUR SOVIET UKRAINE, which was published in 1970. At first glance, the openly ideological propaganda work of Petro Shelest clearly demonstrated the attention of the republican party-state elite to the social economic problems of Ukraine, and the interest in its history and culture. Sometimes Shelest defended individual Ukrainian cultural figures who were subjected to ideological persecution. At the same time, Petro Shelest remained a typical expression of the Soviet command-administrative system. It was during his leadership of the republic that mass punitive operations against the Ukrainian national movement took place. In August 1968, Shelest was one of the initiators of the suppression of the “Prague Spring” which, in his opinion, contributed to the spread of anti-Soviet sentiment in Ukraine.However, P. Shelest’s pursuit of an autonomist course, his independence in resolving issues, and “localism and manifestations of nationalism” could not please the allied leadership. In April 1973, a campaign was inspired against his book OUR SOVIET UKRAINE. The book, which had a circulation of 100,000 copies, was withdrawn from sale and libraries. Shelest was removed from the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee “for health reasons” and was forced to take retirement.

Повсякденне життя подільських селян у період нацистської окупації (за матеріалами села Мельниківець, що на Вінниччині)

The aim of the article is to cover the Podillia peasants daily life during the Nazi occupation on the basis of Melnykivtsi village,Vinnytsia region. The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific, special-historical and interdisciplinary methods of microhistorical research, taking into account the principles of systematicity, historicism, human-centeredness, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty lies in the authors' attempt, from the standpoint of a specific microhistorical study, to characterize the life and way of life of the Podillia peasantry during the Nazi occupation. A wide range of unpublished sources are involved in the analysis, the vast majority of which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time Conclusions. From the first days of the Nazi-occupation, on the instructions of the authorities, the peasants actively participated in the formation of local authorities, delegating to their composition the most authoritative fellow villagers. Archival documents and eyewitness accounts show that the vast majority of the elected officials did not serve the occupiers, although they were forced to perform their duties. In order to save the lives of their fellow villagers, many of them tried to prevent provocations and avoid conflicts with the occupying authorities, as well as to provide assistance in case of food shortages. In the initial period, the repression of the occupying power was directed exclusively against the communist-Komsomol activists of the village. The vast majority of residents, including former prisoners of war, were able to engage in agriculture by paying taxes. However, with the defeats on the fronts and the intensification of the anti-Nazi resistance, the policy of the occupying authorities changed: repression against the Ukrainian national movement intensified; the activity of educational institutions is prohibited; the use of forced labor has been intensified, etc. At this time, hopes for the loyalty of the occupation regime were finally dashed among the local population. After the liberation of the Nazi-occupied territory, Soviet law enforcement agencies began repressing the peasantry, accusing them of collaborating with the Nazis. All those who held any position during the occupation were prosecuted, regardless of the nature and results of their activities.

Лідери українського руху на Буковині. Порівняння ідейних переконань та діяльності С. Смаль-Стоцького і М. Василька

Purpose and objectives of research – to analyze the ideological beliefs, methods of political activity and relations of leaders of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko, has been made. Methodological basis of the study is made by prosopographic approaches to the study of the past as the history of individuals who have their own individual qualities and interact with the environment. Scientific novelty consists in the fact that for the first time at the scientific level, a comparison of the life path, ideological beliefs and activities of two prominent figures of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century, S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko, has been made. Conclusions. The conducted research makes it possible to unquestioningly state that S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko were people of different social and cultural origins. Both of them had a good education and spoke several foreign languages. Their ideological and national beliefs were also formed in different ways. If S. Smal-Stotskyi already showed a high level of national consciousness and a desire to protect the interests of Ukrainians while studying at the gymnasium, then M. Wasylko, who initially had a Romanian-German upbringing, could not decide for a long time which camp he should join. He had the opportunity to take an active part in both the Romanian and Ukrainian movement. In the end, under the influence of certain circumstances, the choice was made in favour of the Ukrainian one. Both politicians had done a lot to unite Ukrainians and turn the Ukrainian movement into a powerful political force. However, S. Smal-Stotskyi pinned more hopes on democratic forces, attracting broad segments of the population to the movement, and mass actions to solve na- tional issues. While M. Wasylko considered it appropriate to search for levers of influence through power structures, conclude various behind-the-scenes agreements with individual political forces to solve the pressing problems of the Ukrainian movement. During 1902-1912, both politicians acted smoothly, complementing each other and strengthening the Ukrainian movement. But at a certain stage, they became cramped in one political force, each of them wanted to be the sole leader. This inevitably led to a conflict that naturally occurred in 1912 and led to a split in the Ukrainian movement. After that, the political forces led by S. Smal-Stotskyi and M. Wasylko actively fought each other, which weakened the Ukrainians as a whole. Before World War I, mutual understanding had never come. In the future, they did not contact each other. Nevertheless, the contribution of both politicians to the development of the Ukrainian movement cannot be overestimated. They are deservedly considered the most influential leaders of the Ukrainian national movement in Bukovyna in the early 20th century.

Evolution of the health-related activity of the trade unions of Galicia in the early-XIX XX centuries

Based on the prin­ciple of historicism, systematic analysis, scientific and objective approach, the article analyzes the evolution and shows the activities of the Galician trade unions in health-related activity. The current state and development of historiography of the issue is shown, the history of the medical and trade union movement is studied, it is proved that common problems for all segments of the population became the main event among the trade unions of the early-XIX XX centuries. These issues provide significant material for the scientific study of other key issues of the complex history of Galicia in the Austro-Hungarian period, in particular: the organization of health care, medical education, governance, economic and social development, the rise of the Ukrainian national movement and the like. In the conditions of building democratic institutions of independent Ukraine, the analysis and accumulation of historical experience have not only scientific, but also cognitive, ideological-political and especially applied, practical significance. Almost any professional organization has tried to protect its members in some way. In early 1867, doctors in Lviv recognized the need to create their own professional association to organize social protection, to create a fund to support sick, infirm and impoverished colleagues, as well as their widows and orphans. Thus, it was decided to establish a separate Medical Society. In accordance with the provisions of the statute, the purpose of the Society of Galician Physicians was to work together on the development of medicine, primarily in the direction of its practical application, taking into account the relations of the population as a whole; promoting a spirit of cohesion and friendship between health professionals to jointly oversee medical affairs; providing material assistance to impoverished colleagues, families of deceased colleagues. Similar tasks were set by the societies of printers, weavers, and oil refiners. All of them were united by the medical and health-improving activity.

The Initial Period of Activity of the Central Council of Ukraine: Since March 3 (16) till the National Congress in April 1917

Among many issues related to the phenomenon of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the specifics of the development of the earliest stage of its history attracts special attention of the researchers. It is no accident, because during this period the Ukrainian national movement in the Russian Empire, which was in fact totally banned with the outbreak of the First World War, proved its strength and its ability to become a real factor in mobilizing the masses. The logic of historical events initiated almost immediately by the appearance in early March 1917 in Kyiv of the organizational center of Ukrainians led to a revolutionary transformation of public consciousness in terms of moderate demands made in pre-revolutionary times by a relatively small group of public figures, as well as to a strong assertion of the sovereign will of the Ukrainian people, who had irreversibly embarked on the path of state formation. The demands mainly concerned schooling, basic opportunities for development of national culture and extremely limited forms of local self-government.In view of this, the article considers both the historical context, circumstances and conditions of the establishment of the Central Council of Ukraine, and the peculiarities of positioning the representatives of various political currents during the least documented period: from the end of February 1917 to the All-Ukrainian National Congress (April 6-8, 1917). Based on the analysis of the recollections of participants and witnesses of the process, periodicals and official publications of the Central Council of Ukraine, the names of the Ukrainian figures who were its founding members, were clarified. It was emphasized that, despite the dissatisfaction of the older Ukrainian activists associated with the Society of Ukrainian Progressives, this revolutionary parliament began to form as a broad union of groups, parties and organizations representing the full range of Ukrainian political forces at the time. Particular attention is paid to the fact that at the initial stage of formation of the Central Council of Ukraine the problem of consolidation has become one of the most pressing on the agenda of national life.

Wolff , Larry Disunion within the Union: The Uniate Church and the Partitions of Poland (review)

SEER, 99, 3, JULY 2021 570 Chapter four, the last in the book, ‘A Case of Infanticide and Witchcraft in Szczurowczyky’, is a detailed and fascinating account of a case in 1753 conducted under Magdeburg Law in the town of Kremenets, in which a young woman was accused of infanticide by taking a magic potion from a witch. She confessed, and under torture also incriminated the witch who gave her the potion, described the coven to which she allegedly belonged, and even claimed she had flown on a broomstick! An ‘Afterword’ briefly describes the presence of witches and witchcraft in later literature and popular culture. Warburg Institute W. F. Ryan School of Advanced Study, University of London Wolff, Larry. Disunion within the Union: The Uniate Church and the Partitions of Poland. Harvard Papers in Ukrainian Studies. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 2019. 152 pp. Notes. Index. $18.95: £15.95: €17.00 (paperback). The eighteenth century, especially for the territories not annexed during the partition of Poland by the Habsburgs in 1772, has generally been neglected in the history of the Uniate Church and in Ukrainian national history. Unlike the renamed Greek Catholic Church of Habsburg Galicia that played a leading role among the Ruthenians of that crownland in their development as a national community, the eighteenth-century Uniates represented the highpoint of Polonization and Latinization of the church, hardly positions to be admired by the Ukrainian national movement and the present-day Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. Yet the disappearance of the Uniate Church under Russian persecution in the nineteenth century and the rejection by its former adherents of Polish identity except for the Chełm (Kholm) region and certain areas of Belarus in time left the eighteenth-century Uniates outside the narrative of Polish history and to a degree outside the history of Catholicism in Eastern Europe. Still, an institution that encompassed the majority of the Ukrainian and Belarusian population and that left an imposing documentary and artisticliterary legacy could hardly be ignored, however few its modern claimants. Nevertheless, after World War Two and the outlawing of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the Soviet Union, scholarship faced major problems. While Polish historians of the Catholic Church such as Ludwik Bieńkowski examined the structures of the Uniate Church and scholars centred in Rome such as Izydor Patrylo mined the Vatican archives for documents, especially on the Basilian order, it was only the fall of the Soviet bloc and the opening of archives in the former Soviet Union that permitted a more comprehensive REVIEWS 571 examination of the church, devoid of the confessional and national optics that had long dominated in the field. The works by Barbara Skinner, David Frick, Richard Butterwick, Ihor Skochylas and a whole new generation of church historians in Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania joined by Polish colleagues that Wolff cites have broadened our understanding of the multifaceted nature of the Uniate Church of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. It was a church that with the Polish partitions found itself divided among the Russian and Habsburg empires and the rump Commonwealth that embarked on substantial reforms, including in its treatment of the until then discriminated against Uniate Church, just before the state was to be dismembered. Larry Wolff’s short monograph brings a new vision to the study of the eighteenth-century Uniate Church. It constitutes a rethinking of a long piece that he wrote over thirty years ago for a compendium on Ukrainian church history published in 2002–03 in Harvard Ukrainian Studies. That article had represented largely the view from Rome and by the papal nuncios on Ukrainian and Belarusian church affairs. The monograph broadens the discussion of these events based on the research that has been conducted by others since then, but also by Wolff’s engagement in other topics such as his monograph on inventing Galicia and his explorations of the eighteenth-century conceptualization of Eastern Europe. He divides his new monograph into two very distinct parts. The first part demonstrates how concepts of Enlightenment and the goals of states and rulers affected both the Habsburgs and the Russian monarchs in dealing with the Uniate Church. In so doing Wolff revises the usual...

The First Case Against a Ukrainian Party (From the History of the National Movement in the Imperial Era)

The article analyzes the materials of the case “On the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries,” opened in 1901 by the Poltava Provincial Gendarmerie. The incorrect name of the organization aside, it was indeed the first case of its kind, in that its participants and key episodes were associated with a Ukrainian political party (the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, RUP). The case of 1901 has never been a subject of special academic attention. Only some of its aspects found reflection in a broader 1928 work by A. Duchynsky. It is not represented in modern studies on the operations of tsarist law enforcement agencies against Ukrainian parties. This article is based mainly on archival documents from the Poltava Provincial Gendarmerie collection (Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Kyiv, f. 320), additionally drawing on published imperial laws and regulations. The materials obtained are verified through the latest scholarship on the history of the Ukrainian national movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The 1901 case conforms to the patterns in the work of imperial law enforcement that can be seen as characteristic for that period: better results in the initial, simplest stages (the tracing of connections, searches, arrests) and rather helpless, ineffective performance in investigation and interrogation. Furthermore, the case demonstrates the unpreparedness of the political police in the face of the intensification and radicalization of the national movement and its complete incompetence in the matter of Ukrainian organizations, their structure, personnel, ideology, etc. On the other hand, the case materials show that Ukrainian activists, despite the young age and inexperience of most of them, showed confidence and courage in confronting the tsarist gendarmes. Due to this, the investigation failed not only to obtain any significant information about the RUP, but even to establish the fact of its existence, which gave the party the opportunity to develop further and soon play a prominent role in the peasant uprising of 1902 in the Poltava and Kharkiv regions.

Владимир Менчиц (1837–1916) на фоне эпохи

Purpose of the article is to broaden the knowledge about the Ukrainian national movement, problems of the creation of a nation in 19th – beginning of the 20th century through the prism of life and activities of an individual person – Volodymyr Amvrosiiovych Menchyts, as a cultural and educational figure. The methodology of research is based on a combination of general scientific and special historical methods with the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency. The application of these methods made it possible to conduct a systematic analysis of the sources that helped to personify the figure of V. Menchyts. Scientific novelty. The role of V. Menchyts against the backdrop of the epoch of the second half of the 19th – early 20th century has been highlighted on the basis of published and archival documents. His role was marked by the intensification of the national movement, the formation of the idea of state formation of Ukraine. Conclusions. Research into the biography of Volodymyr Amvrosiyovych Menchyts and its reproduction showed that he was an outstanding personality, a bright representative of the Ukrainian national movement of the second half of the 19th – beginning 20th century. He entered Ukrainian history as an educator and philosopher, a collector of Ukrainian folklore, and a specialist in literature and publishing. V. Menchyts was a representative of the spiritual elite of the society of that time. Those people contributed to the formation of moral and ethical foundations of the social worldview, national idea and state formation of Ukraine. A significant constellation of figures that developed and acted in this period in society, in particular Volodymyr Menchyts and his company, clearly defined the outlines of the Ukrainophil movement. Along with a cohort of less known but, undoubtedly, sincere patriots, the famous representatives of this movement were able to lay the ideological foundation for the development of the Ukrainian state at the beginning of 20th century.