Ukrainian National Republic Research Articles

City Life of Kamianets-Podilskyi Inhabitants in the Autumn of 1919 under Russian-Ukrainian War (based on the sources of local newspapers)

The article offers an analysis of the city life of Kamianets-Podilskyi inhabitants during the active phase of the Russian-Ukrainian war in the autumn of 1919 based on the local periodicals. The identical situation of today’s Ukrainian society led to an active research search for historical truth. The goal of our paper is to highlight the everyday and public life of the residents of Kamianets-Podilskyi in the fall of 1919 through the prism and analysis of local newspaper publications. It has been established that the increase in the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR) population in Kamianets-Podilskyi, a state center of UNR, led to the exhaustion of the Municipal Economy, in particular, there were problems with power, water supply, and lightning of city dwellings. The inability of local structures to quickly solve public utility problems prompted the townspeople to make frequent use of an additional source of light i. e. kerosene lamps and candles. The quality of nutrition and healthcare has worsened. Food products were not available for many residents either, black-market practices and high prices for staples spread in the city. Cheap food establishments could not provide everyone with a hot lunch, and bakeries that went into operation after the threshing of grain sold their products for funds that were not available to all Kamianets residents. A typhus epidemic spread, which was difficult to stop due to the lack of sanitary conditions. With the cold weather approaching fuel crisis of economic origin became more acute. It has been found that some factors were positive for city dwellers. First, the work of the railway was restored and served the passengers in several directions. Second, the city educational network was extended (primary, secondary, and higher educational institutions, as well as courses for advanced training). Third, the wide cultural leisure for the inhabitants (attending theatre plays, concerts, libraries, etc.) was organized. To some extent, this experience became popular in other cities of the region.

Artist and Art in the Age of Historical Cataclysms: Kateryna Lebedieva’s novel «22. A Mystic Case at Voznesenskyi Descent in Kyiv»

The paper is dedicated to studying the problems of artists and art during climactic events in Ukrainian history. Kateryna Lebedieva’s novel “22. A Mystic Case at Voznesenskyi Descent in Kyiv” has been used to analyse the artistic context of the revolutionary and war events of 1917–1922 in Ukraine, singling out the challenges for art during breaking moments in the history of the country. The research aims to analyse authorial strategies of depicting the response of different artistic environments to global changes happening in the artistic community during turbulent times. The novel’s material shows how crisis periods in history, such as war, occupation, hunger, seizure of power, revolution, influence artistic activities, personal traits and behavioural models of people of art. The novel underscores the problems of forming national identity and its representation in works of art, the evolution of national consciousness which happens to artists during the establishment of the young Ukrainian state. The methodological basis of the study is intermedial studies which help highlight the problem of an artist during moments that are critical for their state through artistic interactions, namely visual art, graphics, theatrical art and literature. The article follows ways by which Lebedieva depicts changes in the environment of the newly created Ukrainian Academy of Arts during the establishment of the Ukrainian National Republic, civil war, and the Soviet regime, while using examples of Heorhii Narbut, Mykhailo Boichuk and the academy students to show transformations in creativity caused by external factors. An essential aspect in the artistic responses to landmark historical events is the reform of theatre demonstrated in the novel through the example of stagings by Les Kurbas.

GENESIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBRARIES IN UKRAINE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: HISTORICAL AND SOCIO-POLITICAL FACTORS OF THEIR ACTIVITY

In the twentieth century Ukrainian libraries were an important link in the chain of development of the Ukrainian state. The short period of the Ukrainian National Republic's existence (1917–1921) showed that libraries were aimed at solving extremely important and urgent tasks of national youth education.Ideological changes took place in the nature, purpose, content, and organization of libraries' cultural and educational work.The purpose of the article is to study the genesis of the development of libraries in Ukraine in the 20th century, to determine the influence of historical and socio-political factors on their activities. The scientific novelty of the proposed work is changing of approaches to the assessment of library activity as a tool of ideological influence on the education of youth and the population of Ukraine in the 20th century as a whole.The library, as a cultural institution, has gone through a difficult path, in which the forms, methods, directions, and functions of its activity have changed due to the relevant social need. As an important component of the social system, the library reflected society's desire to realize its requests and value orientations.The activities of the libraries were aimed at: first, to get acquainted with Ukrainian writers and scientists; secondly, to study the history of the native region, village, city; thirdly, on the development of creative abilities of young people.As you know, the work of libraries was strictly regulated, coordinated by party organizations, subordinated to the national interests of the contemporary society, aimed at solving the tasks of building socialism, communism according to the prevailing ideology of Marxism-Leninism.After the end of the Second World War, one of the main tasks was: first, to analyze the condition of existing collections; second, to determine the ownership of libraries; third, to organize the assessment of losses; and fourth, to record destroyed or damaged library premises.An analysis of the activities of libraries in the 50s and 60s of the twentieth century shows that special attention was paid to the mass-political work of libraries. Excessive attention, in our opinion, was paid to the creation of the thematic bibliographic apparatus, which contributed to the wide coverage of readers in getting acquainted with Marxist-Leninist literature.During the years of development of the Ukrainian state, library workers made a significant contribution to the revival of Ukrainian culture, history, and traditions, the forms of work with visitors to popularize cultural values diversified.Therefore, the study of the genesis of the development of libraries in Ukraine in the 20th century at various stages of the cultural and historical development of society proves that their activity was greatly influenced by historical and socio-political factors, under the influence of which their social role and social purpose changed. The analysis of historical processes taking place in Ukraine shows that they had a direct impact on the nature, directions, forms and methods of library work. The declaration of Ukraine's independence in 1991, the democratization of public life dramatically changed the social role of libraries as cultural institutions, contributed to the restructuring of the forms and methods of their activity, the transition to new conditions for providing services to the population.At all stages of its activity, the library is an important body that accumulates various types and forms of knowledge dissemination, provides a unifying function of information about education, culture, upbringing, art, ensuring the interaction of pedagogical, educational, cultural and self-educational activities of each individual.Thus, the phenomenon of the library as an institution is that during the twentieth century, depending on historical and socio-political factors, it went through several periods of development, changing its status, directions, forms, methods of work, content and principles of activity, social role, and performs an important mission in the revival of Ukrainian culture, development of education and science.This study does not cover all aspects of the identified problem and requires further research into the genesis of the development of libraries and their educational activities.

УКРАЇНСЬКА НАРОДНА РЕСПУБЛІКА В ПЕРІОД ДИРЕКТОРІЇ (ЛИСТОПАД 1918 – ЛИСТОПАД 1920 РОКІВ) ТА ЇЇ МІСЦЕ В БАГАТОВІКОВІЙ ІСТОРІЇ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ДЕРЖАВНОСТІ

The article reveals the preconditions for the formation and development of the Ukrainian National Republic during the Directory (November 1918 – November 1920) and defines its place in the centuries-old history of the Ukrainian statehood. It is noted that the Directory of the UNR replaced the Hetmanate (Ukrainian State). The Directory proclaimed itself the interim supreme power of the revolutionary era and stated that power in the UNR should belong only to the working classes. Peasants, workers and the intelligentsia were invited to elect delegates to the Labor Congress of Ukraine – the temporary legislative body of the UNR. Considerable attention is paid to the characteristics of domestic and foreign policy of the UNR under the Directory, the formation of higher and local government, the judiciary, the army, as well as the legislation of the UNR under the Directory. In the process of forming the highest state power, the UNR and its basic political principles were restored. Legislative power was to belong to the Labor Congress, but it lasted only a week due to the war. The government was the Council of National Ministers. In the UNR, the Directory decided to create a system of so-called «labor councils» – in villages, cities, counties and provinces, and in the center – the Congress of the Working People. On December 26, 1918, this «labor principle» of the organization of power was specified in the «Declaration of the Ukrainian National Republic», stating that the power in the UNR should belong only to the working classes – workers and peasants, those classes who gained power with their blood, and the non-labor, exploitative classes, which fed on the labor of the working classes, and those who destroyed the land, destroyed the economy and marked their rule with cruelty and reaction, did not have the right to vote in the order of the state. By a majority vote, not only the real exploiters – landlords and capitalists, but also the so-called «non-labor» intelligentsia – doctors, high school teachers, university professors, lawyers, writers, clergy, etc. – were deprived of the right to vote. The notion of «labor intelligentsia», which was granted suffrage, included such categories that directly served the «working people» – nurses, paramedics, teachers of public schools, clerks, etc. Due to the ill-considered radicalism (deprivation of the right to vote), the Directory was left without the support of the majority of specialists, industrialists, officials, without whom the normal existence of the state is impossible. The Directory carried out a number of democratic transformations, in particular, the 8-hour working day had been restored, working control over enterprises had been established; assistance was provided to the unemployed and other needy categories of the population. In the UNR under the Directory, the local administrative power was represented by parish, county, provincial commissioners or atamans appointed by the Directory. It was in their hands that the more or less real power in the province was concentrated. In addition, in some provinces the activity of pre-revolutionary bodies of zemstvo and city self-government was resumed – zemstvo assemblies and zemstvo councils as well as city dumas and city councils. In almost all localities and settlements there were councils of workers peasant deputies formed during the revolution, revolutionary committees, peasants, and others. Commissariats were established under the county commissioners, and departments under the provincial commissioners, which were divided into general, administrative, passport, police, and financial departments. The reasons for the collapse of the UNR in the Directory are identified.

Консолідаційні процеси в українській діяспорі: діяльність Панамериканської Української Конференції (1947–1967 рр.)

The Ukrainians were politically active in emigration, but for a long time there existed only a well-branched chain of local organizations. They lacked organizational superstructure. In the end, the hierarchy of the Ukrainian diaspora’s organizations was built completely in 1967 with the institution – World Congress of Free Ukrainians. Though the idea of calling up a Congress originated among Ukrainian emigrants in the 1930s, it was realized only in 1967 by the PAUC. Despite the significant role the PAUC played in the process of Ukrainian diaspora consolidation, the institution was not the object of individual research in modern historiography. Dmytro Reshetchenko, Roman Kostyshyn, Ruslan Siromskyi, Andriy Yatsiv partly investigated a few sessions of the PAUC and its other activities. The function of the PAUC must be meticulously examined and clarified, as our study aims to analyze activity of PAUC in 1947–1967 and determine its contribution to the unification processes of the Ukrainian diaspora. The American Ukrainians established the PAUC in 1947 and delegated to it the task of holding the World Congress of Free Ukrainians. We may perceive that after unsuccessful attempts of organizing congress in 1930 the Ukrainians were persistent in bringing the idea to life. To the contrary, the ambition to hold the congress gained even more popularity and relevance after ІІ World War. The first obstacle the PAUC faced in the process of consolidation was the existence of several political centers which held opposite views. Every center wanted to dominate in political life and take its lead in establishing the superstructure. The reason why the activities of the PAUC were limited only to declamatory documents and manifesto іn 1947–1957 was the lack of unity and conflicts among political bodies. The colonel Andriy Melnyk emphasized the necessity of convening the All-Ukrainian congress and establishing a unifying organization for Ukrainian diaspora in his speech in 1957. He asked the Canadian Ukrainians to lead this process. They initiated the 4th session of PAUK, which again announced the World Congress of Free Ukrainians in autumn 1961. They established the Preparatory Committee, including two commissions – Organizational and Program to realize this declaration. The committee worked very intensively according to chairmen Organizational and Program commission reports, announced on the 4th session of the PAUC. Despite this, they were unable to fully perform their duties and organize the congress. The reasons were the same – the rivalry among political centers. On the Preparative Committee conference held in 1966 the date of the World Congress of Free Ukrainians was announced – November, 1967, which was dedicated to the anniversary of proclamation of the Ukrainian National Republic. They also reported about the preparatory state to congress. After that, on January 22, 1967 Manifesto on holding the World Congress of Free Ukrainians was declared. The preparations for the congress was the most hotly discussed topic in the Ukrainian newspapers. To sum up, the PAUC was acting during 1947–1967 with the aim to hold the World Congress of Free Ukrainians and establish the superstructure for the Ukrainian diaspora. Despite a lot of failures, the PAUC did not stop its activities and fulfilled its duty. The most prominent achievement of the PAUC was successful negotiations with the representatives of the leading organizations and the involvement into the work of congress, which gave the World Congress of Free Ukrainians an opportunity to represent all the Ukrainian nation. The World Congress of Free Ukrainians was a permanently active institution, defended rights Ukrainians, and cherished Ukrainian identity.

Реукраїнізація авангардного мистецтва як процес ідентифікації української культурної спадщини

Метою статтіє простежити процес деколонізації українського мистецького модернізму 1910-х –1930-х рр. від відкриття в мистецтвознавчій критиці феномену «українського авангарду» до його історико-культурної ідентифікації як самодостатнього явища європейської культури. Прикладне завдання полягає у сприянні популяризації відомих імен і пам’яток українського авангарду як актуальної культурної спадщини України. Методологія дослідженняґрунтується на поєднанні загальнонаукових та спеціально-історичних методів з принципами об’єктивності, історизму, системності, науковості та верифікації. Наукова новизнароботи полягає у тому, що на основі мистецтвознавчої, культурологічної, історичної літератури і документів проаналізовано виникнення та розвиток російського і європейського авангарду першої третини ХХ ст.На цій основі здійснено спробурозкрити феномен «українського авангарду» не тільки в художній сфері, а й осмислити його через історичну площину деколонізації. Процес реукраїнізації включає, по-перше, повернення ряду імен всесвітньо відомих майстрів (О.Архипенко, О.Богомазов, Д.Бурлюк, О.Екстер, В.Єрмилов, К.Малевич, В.Меллер, А.Петрицький тощо) на карту української культури; по-друге, визнання їх непересічної ролі в зародженні, становленні російського і радянського авангарду; по-третє, реінтеграціюукраїнського складника в європейському модернізмі і переосмислення впливовості української мистецької мови на європейську художню культуру. Висновки.Український авангард є самодостатнім оригінальним історичним явищем в європейській культурі. Його виключність зумовлена поєднанням європейських інноваційних мистецьких тенденцій з етичними нормами й естетичними ідеалами української народної культури. Поліетнічністьі демократичність українського авангарду визначили і активно вплинули на постання російського авангарду. Відтак останній не слід характеризувати як суто здобуток російської культури.

Польський національний рух у Галичині під час Першої світової війни

Метою статті є дослідження розвитку польського національного руху в Галичині під час Першої світової війни. Методи дослідження: аналіз, синтез, узагальнення, проблемно-хронологічний, історико-системний. Наукова новизна: вперше у вітчизняній історіографії комплексно досліджено ґенезу польської національної ідеї в Галичині в 1914–1918 рр. та діяльність місцевих польських політиків задля її реалізації. Висновки: Завдяки ліберальному політичному режиму Австро-Угорщини польський національний рух Галичини наприкінці ХІХ ст. – на початку ХХ ст. досяг значних результатів. Тому польська політична еліта бачила (у початку І світової війни) шанс для звільнення від Російської імперії польських земель та відновлення своєї національної держави. На думку більшості представників польського національного руху, досягнення цієї мети мало базуватись на підтримці та тісному союзі з Габсбурзькою монархією. Унаслідок усі польські партії Галичини та їхні представники у Віденському парламенті урочисто стали на сторону Австрії та Четверного союзу у світовому конфлікті. На першому етапі світової війни польське суспільство краю з ентузіазмом підтримувало Австро-Угорщину та допомагало формувати національні підрозділи у складі австрійської армії – польські легіони. Ситуація зазнала кардинальної зміни після підписання Четверним союзом договору з Українською народною республікою. Таємний додаток до цього документу передбачав поділ Галичини за національною ознакою. Це підірвало довір’я польського політикуму та суспільства до Відня. Крім цього, американський президент В. Вільсон у січні 1918 р. у своїх «14 тезах» гарантував відновлення польської держави з виходом до моря. Зі вступом у війну США на стороні Антанти Четверний союз практично втратив шанси на мілітарну перемогу. Тому наприкінці 1918 р. польська політична еліта Галичини усвідомила потребу об’єднання задля відбудови Польської держави в кордонах 1772 р. без підтримки Четверного союзу.

Mercenaries in the Galician Army of the Western Ukrainian National Republic

Mercenaries in the Galician Army of the Western Ukrainian National Republic

Польско-украинский договор 1920 г.

The article dwells on the history of the treaty concluded on April 21, 1920 in Warsaw between the governments of Republic of Poland and the newly formed Ukrainian National Republic. Amid the anarchy and chaos of the Civil War in Russia, an agreement with Symon Petliura’a Ukrainian government was considered by the Polish leadership as an important step in implementing an extensive plan to “buffer” Eastern Europe. The emergence of a newly formed Ukrainian state was to be a key element in the Polish Republic’s “security belt” to the east. The failure of J. Pilsudski’s “Kiev offensive” in the spring of 1920 revealed Poland’s vulnerabilities in the strategically important Ukrainian borderlands and led to the development of the policy of Polish “Prometheism” in the interwar period.

PARTICIPATION OF SIDOR HOLUBOVYCH IN SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESSES IN THE GALICIAN LANDS DURING THE WORLD WAR I

The civic-political activity of Sydor Golubovych during the World War I was analyzed in the article based on the complex study of archive sources, periodicals and scientific literature. His role in the political organizations in Vienna during his emigration period in 1914-1915-s and after his return to L’viv in 1915-1918-s was determined. Namely, the prerequisites of reorganization of the Main Ukrainian Council into the Common Ukrainian Council, problem of political struggle among different party groups within the political circles in Galicia and Bukovina were highlighted. The main aspects of Golubovych’s activity in the Common Ukrainian Council (CUC) were revealed, within the council his main attention was drawn to the issues of the “Military bank” creation, issues related to the Ukrainian refugees, migrant workers, internees from Galicia and Bukovina, who according to the official data were 90 thou in different parts of Austria, Germany and Czech Republic. Moreover, it is mentioned that S. Golubovych was a participant of the political actions for autonomy of Ukrainian schooling, separate Ukrainian university opening in L’viv, transformation of the STC into the Ukrainian academy of science, etc. It was found that after his return to L’viv in August 1915, S. Golubovych as a member of the L’viv’s delegation of the CUC and member of the Regional Credit Union (RCU) was predominantly responsible for the problems of region’s restoration after the military actions. Simultaneously, the main attention was drawn to the busy social activity, namely he was included into the senior council at Stavropigijskyi institute – former Moscow-oriented institution transferred to the Ukrainians by the Austrian governor general Kollard, and was a founder and editor of the newspaper “Ukrayinsʹke slovo” that was the main media source in Galicia. Furthermore, during 1917-1918-s the politician frequently visited Ternopol’s region where he endeavored to keep close contacts with his electorate.A role of S. Golubovych was described before the November events of 1918, where he as a figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party (UNDP) and member of the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation (UPR) participated in meetings and demonstrations’ organization devoted to the independence proclamation of the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR), peace treaty agreement in Brest-Lytovsk, was actively involved in implementation of so called “viche week” organized to support the autonomy demands of the Eastern Galicia as a separate Ukrainian territory within the Austrian monarchy, etc.

Ukrainian Central Council as Revolutionary Parliament of Ukraine

The revolution of 1917-1921 is a bright page in the centuries-old history of the Ukrainian state. The special place in it belongs to Ukrainian Central Council (CCU), under the leadership of which Ukraine went through the difficult path of building its own state from autonomy to the proclamation of Ukrainian National Republic and its full state independence and sovereignty. Therewith, the CCU attempted to introduce democratic institutions and parliamentary forms of government. The relevance of the study is explained by the fact that this experience left a noticeable mark on the legal consciousness of Ukrainians and the attempt to build a parliamentary model has a considerable impact on the solution of modern problems of state creation. The purpose of the study is to analyse the organisation of Ukrainian Central Council as a parliamentary institution in the conditions of the revolution. A retrospective study of the CCU experience reflects the political interests of different groups of society, is useful for understanding modern problems of parliamentarism, the interaction of civil society and the state. The methodological basis for studying the structure, composition of the CCU, its legal forms of activity is based on philosophical, general scientific, and historical-legal methods of scientific knowledge. These methods allowed determining the main task of the CCU – the revival of Ukraine. It is concluded that state revival, as a constituent task which could be carried out only by a representative body that would be established on democratic principles, its composition would express the will of the people, and, if it had sufficient organisational and legal resources to fulfil this task (a stable structure, organisational and legal forms of activity, an effective auxiliary apparatus, the corresponding status of the deputies, the optimal work schedule)

Representation of cinematographic postmemory about Symon Petlura on the example of the movie «PKP»

The proposed study focuses on the problem of the conflict of memories of Symon Petliura in modern Ukraine. Looking for reasons for the ambiguous perception of the figure of the Chief Otaman, the author draws readers’ views on ways to construct the image of «alien / enemy» in the Soviet Union.
 One example of this ideological mechanism of influencing public consciousness has been and remains the way to visualize the memory of the past with the help of films. The construction of memory in the cultural space has concentrated all possible mechanisms of influence on the social consciousness, especially cinema. The Bolsheviks realized very early on the huge role of cinema as a means of influencing mass culture. With the help of cinema, the party leadership sought to form a «correct» view of reality, thus educating the people in the spirit of «communism and internationalism».
 The film «P.K.P» became a vivid embodiment of the Soviet propaganda machine and contributed to the formation of the image of «Petliura-enemy». The film has long been out of research attention and only at the beginning of the 21st century became available to the mass public. An important role in the creation of the film was played by the figure of Yurii Tiutiunnyk – General of the Army of the Ukrainian National Republic. Based on his memory, we can reconstruct in details the historical background of the film.
 The Chief Otaman continues to be the embodiment of controversy in the cultural memory of Ukrainians – a hero of the Ukrainian revolution and a traitor.

Ukrainianization of national opera theater

The purpose of the article is to single out artistic and organizational peculiarities of opera art of the period from the Ukrainian National Republic in the 1930s. To illuminate the role and importance of prerequisites and formation of Ukrainianization as a factor of formation of national opera culture in the first half of XX century. The methodology lies in the application of comparativist and comparative-historical methods, which allowed to highlight and compare the period, researched, from its beginning to the extreme years. Allowed to characterize historical events with a retrospective distance of a century. The scientific novelty consists of incomprehension of the influence of Ukrainianization on opera art in Ukraine. For the first time, the Ukrainianization of the culture of the population from the time of the UPR to the appearance of the very concept of "Ukrainianization", which appeared after the formation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, is considered in detail. Conclusions. Through the analysis of scientific publications, monographs, and archival sources we can determine the approaches and formation of the policy of "Ukrainianization" of opera art in the first half of the twentieth century. There is a possibility to compare the "Ukrainization" of the national opera art in the period of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic.

Propaganda in Revolutionary Ukraine: Leaflets, Pamphlets, and Cartoons, 1917–1922 by Stephen Velychenko

Reviewed by: Propaganda in Revolutionary Ukraine: Leaflets, Pamphlets, and Cartoons, 1917–1922 by Stephen Velychenko Mollie Arbuthnot (bio) Stephen Velychenko, Propaganda in Revolutionary Ukraine: Leaflets, Pamphlets, and Cartoons, 1917–1922 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019). 292 pp., ill. Index. ISBN: 978-1-4875-0468-7. The years of revolution and violence that immediately followed the collapse of the Russian Empire have beguiled historians for decades, and yet some angles remain underexplored. Foremost among these are what we might term the revolutionary peripheries: spaces that for reasons of both geography and politics have been marginalized in established narratives of revolution, civil war, and Bolshevik conquest. Propaganda in Revolutionary Ukraine sheds light on one such neglected area and introduces a swathe of hitherto underused primary sources to an Anglophone readership. The book focuses on propaganda texts that circulated across the territory of Ukraine in the form of leaflets and pamphlets, and the ways in which they were produced and disseminated by various actors (although the subtitle also refers to cartoons, these receive less attention in the text). It is, therefore, a study of the tactics and rhetoric employed by rival elites and political parties to sway opinion in revolutionary Ukraine, and the difficult conditions in which they operated. It may be regarded as a companion work to Stephen Velychenko's previous publications on the bureaucracy and the processes of state building in Ukraine in the same period, and the development of national and anti-imperial thought among Ukrainian Marxist intellectuals.1 Propaganda in Revolutionary Ukraine foregrounds its primary material: it is a survey text that aims to summarize and categorize the governmental and party-printed materials that appeared and circulated in Ukraine in the years 1917 to 1922, and to describe the organizational infrastructure that underpinned their dissemination. The main reason for focusing on leaflets and pamphlets, as outlined in the introduction, is that they were a true mass medium, intended for all and enjoying a wide reach in wartime conditions: "The impact of printed text on mobilizing, democratizing, socializing, and nationalizing populations should not be underestimated in societies in which few people had a telephone or a radio or a daily newspaper" (P. [End Page 275] 6).2 The author notes that since many of these ephemeral publications have not been located or cataloged, his sample is illustrative rather than representative, but it is nonetheless a large and extraordinarily rich source base. Some of the pamphlets are reproduced in the book itself, and many more are included in an online supplement, which is a most welcome resource.3 This book and its online companion undoubtedly provide the fullest account yet published of political media in Ukraine in the civil war period. The first chapter, "Message and Medium," begins with a discussion of commercial advertising and governmental propaganda in Europe, especially during World War I. It then gives an overview of the production capacities and distribution networks for printed texts in prerevolutionary Ukraine; the journalists, admen, and printers who powered the industry; and public consumption of printed texts in the context of widespread semiliteracy. The three subsequent chapters present a vast array of archival material with minimal added commentary. They are organized broadly chronologically, addressing in turn the propaganda texts published by the Central Rada and the Ukrainian state (chapter 2), the Ukrainian National Republic, radical socialist groups (comprising the left-SR/Borotbisty, left-SD/Independentist/Ukrainian Communist Party, and the Ukrainian Bolsheviks/Communist Party of Ukraine), and anti-Bolshevik warlords (chapter 3), and finally, the Bolsheviks (chapter 4). There are some notable omissions from this list – the monarchist Whites, for instance, are not included – but it is nonetheless refreshing to see the propaganda publications of such a range of groups, governments, and movements presented side by side in this way, extending our view beyond the Bolsheviks. Each chapter is divided into sections discussing "message" and "medium," and the messages are arranged around various themes, allowing Velychenko to illustrate the similarities and differences in both the content and the reach of each group's publications. Removing the Bolsheviks from center stage thus achieves two important things: first it enables this comparative perspective, and second, it adjusts our sense of centrality and...

The concept of human rights in the political and legal doctrine of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries of 1917-1921

The genesis of rights and freedoms in the history of Ukrainian state-building is closely linked to the activities of Ukrainian political parties and their leaders. Today, in the face of the global economic crisis and the coronavirus epidemic, the concept of human and citizen rights and freedoms is subject to skepticism and criticism. Reassessing the experiences of previous generations can help find ways to overcome a crisis. The concept of the human rights of the UPSR can be characterized as a collectivist, which, in accordance with the idea of prioritizing the interests of the dominant class of workers over the interests of the individual, significantly limited the political and economic rights and freedoms of a large part of the population. At the same time, the concept contained, at the time, quite advanced provisions on equal rights between men and women and national minorities, the provision of equal suffrage, the right to free education and the use of cultural and economic institutions, etc. The concept did not contain a clear division of human rights and citizens into their types. In particular, some economic, social and cultural rights were included in the list of political rights. A significant influence on the formation of the list of rights and freedoms and their content was made by the model of the future socialist Ukrainian state M. Hrushevsky, who was in fact the ideological inspirer of the leadership of the UPSR throughout the party's existence. The basic principles of the concept of human rights of the UPSR were reflected in the Constitution of the UNR in 1918. Keywords: Ukrainian Party of Revolutionary Socialists, Human Rights and Freedoms, M. Hrushevsky, Ukrainian National Republic (UNR), Constitution of the UNR in 1918.

Information Activities of the Ukrainian Diaspora in the Czechoslovak Republic (1930-1931)

The article deals with the informational component of the attempt to unite Ukrainian emigration in Czechoslovakia in the period of collision of the old political concepts of the Ukrainian National Republic and the hetmanate with the young nationalist movement of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The purpose of the article is to find out the nature of information activities of the Ukrainian Diaspora in Czechoslovakia in the period of active attempts of its ideological and political consolidation on a democratic basis in the Union of Ukrainian Emigrant Organizations. An analysis of the content of the press body of this association – the Bulletin Vistnyk – will help to understand the reasons for the defeat of the integration project in the environment of Ukrainian emigration in Czechoslovakia. The chronological boundaries are due to the period of active publishing of the Union. The subject of the study is the Ukrainian diaspora in Czechoslovakia, and the subject matter is its informational activity within the framework of the mentioned edition. The main sources of this article include the materials of the Central State Archives of Foreign Ukrainians, documents of the Central State Archives of higher authorities and governments of Ukraine as well as the articles published in the Tryzub Weekly, Memorandum to the League of Nations. The research implements structural and problematic methods for its analysis. The results suggest that in the Bulletin Vistnyk, the Union of Ukrainian Emigrant Organizations tried to promote the idea of uniting different organizations around a certain goal – the fight for their own statehood.

He Was Anxious about Ukraine till His Last Breath

These new memoirs about unforgettable episodes in my long-term diplomatic service, and there were many of such moments, the author dedicates to the memory of Ivan Samilenko, a well known public and political figure, the last Head of Government of the Ukrainian National Republic in exile, whose activities abroad lasted for over 70 years. Keywords: Ivan Samilenko, memoirs, Ukrainian National Republic.

Діяльність уряду ДЦ УНР в екзилі в Лізі Націй (1920-ті – початок 1930-х рр.)

Abstract. Introduction. The loss of its own territory by the government of the Ukrainian National Republic and the getting the status of “government in exile” led to the restructuring of all spheres of activity, including such important ones as foreign policy. New realities forced the Foreign Ministry to look for new forms of activity, the League of Nations included, an international structure the function of which was to solve the problems that arose as a result of the creation of the Versailles-Washington system. The article considers the work of the State Center of the UNR for emigration (SC UNR) in the League of Nations and its affiliated structures. In particular, the article studies the incomplete process of accepting the UNR as a member of this organization and the reasons that prevented the full membership of the UNR in the League of Nations due to Bolshevik aggression against Ukraine. Purpose. The aim of this article is to determine the main directions of work of the UNR emigration government in the League of Nations in the context of limited institutional, human and financial influences on international policy during this period. Results. There has been analyzed the views of the heads of the State Center of the UNR, primarily Symon Petlura, onto the development of a new strategy of the Ukrainian emigration government in international relations. The gradual recognition of the USSR by European countries reduced their interest for the struggle of the DC UPR for the restoration of Ukraine’s independence. Therefore, it was decided that under these conditions, the activities of the UNR government abroad should be primarily informational in nature, explaining the essence of the Ukrainian state problem and possible preferences for influential or decisive factors of European policy in case of its positive solution. A separate storyline is the attempts of the exiled government to influence the process of recognition of the Soviet Union by the United States of America. As a result of negotiations between the UNR Government factors and a group of US senators, Senator R. Copeland, the Senate of the United States began discussing the possibility of recognizing the Ukrainian National Republic. Conclusion. Deprived of full participation in the work of the League of Nations of the UNR, in order to familiarize the world community with the position of the emigrant government, it entered in 1922, through the Ukrainian society of supporters of the League of Nations, into the International Union of society-supporters of the League of Nations, which at that time united representatives from more than 50 countries of the world. As part of the work of this Union, the Ukrainian emigration government has consistently defended its pro-Ukrainian and anti-Soviet position. It consisted in limiting the military cooperation of the USSR with other countries, protecting the population in the occupied territory from forced labor and hunger. In addition, Ukrainian society protested against the Polish policy of “pacification”.

Український аматорський театр у таборі інтернованих військ УНР Стшалково, Польща, очима театральних критиків, серпень 1921 — липень 1922 рр. (за матеріалами часопису «Промінь»)

The aim of the study is the understanding of the theatre role for formation of spiritual and ideological ideals of interned soldiers. This involves analysis of the amateur circle repertoire and critical reception of plays as well as reconstruction of value motivation of Ukrainian military groups. The historical method, source analysis and synthesis have been used for this purpose. The results of the study showed that the theatrical performances were prepared by several artistic and actor groups (repertory companies), and the informal competition took place between them. Such situation formed the tradition of critical appraisal of the theatrical plays and their publication on the pages of the camp “live” newspaper “Promin”. It is worth mentioning that critics did not miss the opportunity to show the negative sides or, contrarily, praise the actors’ training and stagecraft during the performances. Theatrical stage performances of camp drama and art groups had a significant importance in boosting morale of the interned soldiers as well as satisfying their nostalgic feelings for their homes and native land. The majority of theatrical plays were nationally aspired by the context and spirit (all the dramas were prepared for the stage production in Ukrainian), which thus promoted the spiritual consolidation of the interned warriors. Importantly, camp residents were seeking and finding their own creative ways for the representation of their art pursuits, contributing to the treasury of the Ukrainian and global culture. The significance of the Ukrainian theatre in Strzałkowo is based on the notion that thanks to the mastery performance of amateur actors as well as the Ukrainian songs as supporting music for the theatrical plays, Polish society gradually became to acknowledge positively the Ukrainian National Republic and Ukrainians as the integral part of the European political, national and cultural environment. The article novelty is connected with introducing the information about amateur theatre circles of internal soldiers and critical reception of their activities. The practical significance of the research is that its results prove the longevity of the Ukrainian dramatic tradition.

100 Years of Ukraine’s Cultural Diplomacy: The European Mission of the Ukrainian Republican Capella (1919–1921)

The article deals with the reputational, cultural, and informational resonance of the Ukrainian Republican Capella’s tours conducted by Oleksandr Koshyts in Western Europe from 1919 to 1921. The Ukrainian Republican Capella was created on the initiative of Symon Petliura, Head of the Directorate, Chief Otaman of the Army and Navy of the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR), to promote international recognition of Ukraine’s independence and the image of Ukrainian culture in the world. It gave 208 concerts in 74 of the most prestigious concert halls of 45 European cities. More than 600 reviews complimentary of Ukraine, Ukrainian state institutions, and Ukrainian culture appeared on the pages of the leading Western European press, and Ukrainian diplomatic missions abroad as well as the Capella’s office received hundreds of letters from leading European artists and politicians with enthusiastic reviews on its musical art and UNR aspirations for independence. The author provides little-known archival documents of the Ukrainian Republican Capella Foundation at the Central State Archives of the Supreme Bodies of the Government of Ukraine (CSASB of Ukraine), covering institutional, legal, financial and diplomatic support of the Capella abroad as part of Symon Petliura’s and the UNR Directory’s policy of cultural diplomacy, and suggests that foreign tours of the Capella should be considered as the first project of cultural diplomacy in the history of modern Ukraine.