Ukrainian Liberation Movement Research Articles

«Коли не зберемо що найменше 10000 підписів, то весь наш розмах проти москаля піде на марно…» (участь полонених українців табору Раштат у загальноросійському революційному русі навесні 1917 р.)

У статті йдеться про проведення збору підписів полонених вояків-українців з табору Раштат (Німеччина) для уповноваження О. Скорописа-Йолтуховського представляти їх права та інтереси перед російським Тимчасовим урядом. З метою роз’яснення цього у таборовій газеті «Розсвіт» був опублікований заклик до полонених внести своє ім’я та прізвище до спеціальних підписних листів, які прикладались до кожного примірника цього випуску часопису. З табору до робітничих команд виїхали українські активісти, завданням яких стало проведення агітаційної акції у середовищі таборян. Їх заходами уповноваження О. Скоропису-Йолтуховському підписали 8829 полонених, що засвідчило їх достатньо високий рівень національно-громадської освіченості.

STRUGGLE FOR PROVISIONS BETWEEN SOVIET PARTISANS AND UKRAINIAN INSURGENTS IN 1943 – 1944 IN VOLYN REGION

Summary. The aim of the research – on the basis of the source base and the historiographic work to highlight the reasons the struggle process for provisions between the Soviet partisans and Ukrainian insurgents in 1943 – 1944 in Volyn region. The principles of a scientific objectivity and historicism are the methodological basis of the study. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is determined by the fact that for the first time in a domestic and foreign historiography the struggle for provisions between the Soviet partisans and the Ukrainian insurgents in Volyn during the specified period has been analyzed, as well as the unpublished archival documents and the materials have been introduced into the scientific circulation. Conclusions. The struggle for the provisions between the Soviet partisans and the units of the Ukrainian Insurgents Army was the result of their confrontation aggravation over the range of influence. The unsettled rear support of the Soviet partisans pushed them into carrying out the preplanned «provisions» («food») operations of the peaceful and armed character, a forced alienation of food from the population, loyal to the Ukrainian nationalists. Acting this way, the Soviet partisans tried to deprive the latter of their food supplies and level off the Ukrainian insurgents' main advantage in Volyn region – the support from a part of the local residents, who became the members of Ukrainian Insurgents Army (UPA), and to cause the significant economic losses to the insurgent rear. An effective way of depriving the UPA and the OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) underground of the provisions and property was the requisition of their food warehouses. The Soviet Union partisans had a significant distribution of the provisions in this way since the end of 1943, and especially in the first half of 1944, when the number of the partisan associations increased in connection with the approaching of the front in Volyn. Under such conditions, the Ukrainian nationalist underground lowered its activity, and the insurgents divisions, in order to avoid losses, crashed into the smaller groups. Thus, the local population turned out to be the hostage of the situation, having fallen under the pressure of both «the forest armies», since both the Soviet partisans and the members of UPA put their back and food on it. The replenishment of the food stocks by the hostile forces often turned into the military operations.

Legal Basis Of The Organization And Investigation Of Oun’s Security Activities

The article defines the legal basis for the organization and conduct of investigative activities of the Security Service of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. Attention is drawn to the content of the constituent documents (instructions and resolutions) that governed the procedure for detention, questioning, analysis and systematization of the information received. It was established that according to the internal procedure for organizing the activities of the SB OUN, investigative activity was considered the second after intelligence, a component of counterintelligence protection. For example, in one of the instructions for the Volyn referendum of the OUN SB «Fighting Sexuality and Provocation» it was pointed out the need for purposeful counteraction to the NKVD-NKDB agent. Two dominant areas of work were clearly identified - the prevention and disruption of shares of Soviet special services; conducting their own ideological work in order to raise revolutionary sentiment among the population. The instructions «What a SB officer should know in the fight against an agent» outlined the procedural aspects of investigative actions during the interrogation of Soviet agents. A mandatory requirement was to find out the location of the military units, their command staff, the location and plans of recruiting military recruits and other strategic military facilities, including those under construction. It was found that the organizational forms of conducting investigative actions by Ukrainian nationalists were borrowed from the Soviet NKVD-NKDB bodies, but were modified in accordance with the requirements set by the leaders of the UN Security Council. The practice of investigative activity has led to the separation of two specific types of interrogation: with the «head» (the use of persuasion, logical techniques); with a «hand» (force interrogation with the use of physical coercion, torture). The ideological component was an important part of the interrogation process. The interrogation of the suspect was to be carried out exclusively by the investigator, who had previously been interested in the case, collected operational materials and more. It was a natural rule that allowed the results of the investigation to be achieved. Most of the instructions given were based on Soviet counterparts and were modified to effectively counter the detained NKVD-NKDB staff.
 The decisive attitude towards physical and moral means of coercion was a significant lack of investigative actions of the OUN SB. Physical torture became natural, as evidenced by the transcripts of the suspects’ interrogations, and most of these cases ended in death.

Українська преса у Великій Британії: витоки, етапи становлення, джерела живлення, перші часописи

Уперше предметом дослідження стали витоки української преси і книги, передумови їх виникнення та етапи розвою у Великій Британії. Джерельною базою дослідження слугували фонди: бібліотеки-архіву ім. Тараса Шевченка Союзу Українців у Великій Британії; Української Видавничої Спілки; Архіву Українського пресового бюро, що знаходиться в Польському Інституту Лондона та Британської Національної Бібліотеки (British Library) в Лондоні, опрацьовані автором під час наукового стажування в Лондоні 2016 року.Обґрунтувано специфіку української еміграції у Великій Британії і на цій основі подана авторська концепція періодизації основних етапів появи та розвою головних українських осередків у цій країні. За хронологією виділена такі етапи. 1902–1908: діяльність першої української колонії в Мачестері. 1919–1921: діяльність Української дипломатичної місії в Лондоні. 1930–1939 — діяльність Українського пресового бюро в Лондоні. 1940–1945: прибуття тисяч вояків українського походження з канадських та польських військових формувань країн антигітлерівської коаліції. Травень-червень 1947: прибуття колишніх вояків-військовополонених дивізії СС «Галичина» з італійських таборів військовополонених «Ріміні» та «Белярія». 1941–1949: прибуття українських скитальників-переселенців з так званих таборів Ді-Пі.Доведено, що першим друкованим періодичним виданням українців на теренах Великої Британії був англомовний бюлетень Української дипломатичної місії в Лондоні «The Ukraine». Другим англомовним періодичним друкованим органом із чітко вираженим українським слідом був «The Bulletin» Українського пресового Бюро.Детально йдеться про першу українськомовну газету в Лондоні «Наш Клич». У січні 1947 року ця газета була перейменована в «Українську Думку», що стала органом Союзу Українців у Великій Британії.Обґрунтовано появу у серпні 1947 року альтернативної «Нашому Кличу» та «Українській Думці» газети українців Великої Британії «Український Клич». Її головним завданням стала пропаганда ідей українського національно-визвольного руху.Проаналізовано організаційні засади становлення, програмні засади та проблематику цих перших та теренах Великої Британії українськомовних газет.

Delegitimizing the Communist Past and Building a New Sense of Community: The Politics of Transitional Justice and Memory in Ukraine

This article studies the way in which the crimes of the communist regime have been dealt with since the late Soviet period, and the way the legacies of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) have been subject to reevaluation. During the Soviet period, policies such as the rehabilitation of victims of mass repression were initiated from above, while the documentation of human rights violations and revelations of mass repressions and death by hunger were undertaken by the dissident movement from below. Since the late perestroika period, the focus on the crimes of the communist regime has been used by the opposition in Ukraine in the struggle for the restitution of group rights. Affirmative action concerning the Ukrainian language, culture and history was seen as the restoration of historical justice. This resulted most recently in the adoption of so-called ‘decommunization’ laws, which has been a controversial and contested issue in Ukraine. The article discusses the factors that shaped the way Ukraine has handled the communist past and constructed new narratives, and reflects on the reason why a ‘politics of regret’ has not resonated yet with political actors involved in the state legitimization struggle.

ВІДОБРАЖЕННЯ АКТА 30 ЧЕРВНЯ 1941 РОКУ В ІСТОРИЧНИХ ПРАЦЯХ І МЕМУАРАХ УЧАСНИКІВ УКРАЇНСЬКОГО ВИЗВОЛЬНОГО РУХУ

Due to the source of study analysis and synthesis, the authors found out the materials in the historical works and memoirs of the participants in Ukrainian liberation movement. The following materials are connected with the Act of June 30, 1941 about the restoration of the Ukrainian state. They are reviewed and compared with other sources, including the importance of these sources, the authors subjective opinions, the influence of the social-politic situation on their writings, political and party affiliations, the possibility of wrong coverage of the events and the limit of human memory ability. Through the prism of historical works and memoirs, the current activity of The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists was explained in the article. It was guided by the principle of relying on its own forces in its struggling for the Ukrainian statehood, and at the same time, to gain strong support of the external factors. After working out these sources we can conclude that the leaders of the OUN until July 1941 had mostly abstract, general and controversial ideas of the real Nazis intentions towards Ukraine. Historical works and memories of the participants of the Ukrainian liberation movement during the war period indicated that: The Act of restoration of the Ukrainian state was prepared by the leaders of Bandera 's OUN, proclaimed on June 30, 1941 in Lviv, and caused great enthusiasm among the Ukrainians and became the beginning of state-building processes in Western Ukraine. After analyzing the reaction of Berlin to these events, the banderites realized that their alliance with the Nazis was broken. Since then, Bandera 's OUN had begun their preparations for the opening of a new front against German.

Ukrainian liberation movement in 1940-1950 : institutionalization of researches (chosen aspects)

The institutionalization processes of subjects researches of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the period of 1940–1950-ies in the context of the state policy of comorbidity and in particular the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (created in 2006) are analyzed.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SOVIET ADMINISTRATION IN THE CARPATHIAN REGION THROUGH THE USE OF THE OPEN FORMS OF PUNISHMENT (1944 – 1954)

Summary. The publication’s purpose. The purpose of this article is to reveal the peculiarities of the use of the public forms of the punishment and the intimidation (open trials and executions, exposing of the victim bodies to the general survey, the rebel graves destruction) of the nationalists and local residents who supported the Ukrainian liberation movement in the Carpathian region (1945 – 1954) by the Soviet repressive and punitive bodies. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematic, scientific approaches, verification, the author’s objectivity, as well as the use of general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-system) methods. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that for the first time on the basis of the unknown and less-known archival documents, the forms of conducting the open trial processes and the executions, exposing of the victim bodies to the general review, and the destruction of the rebel graves have been considered comprehensively. Conclusions. Consequently, the Stalin’s regime used the most brutal measures to overcome the opposition to its policy. The terror against the liberation movement and the local population was encouraged by the supreme leadership of the state. One of the forms of the establishment of the Soviet administration and the struggle against the Ukrainian liberation movement was the policy of intimidating members of the OUN and the UPA and the local population: the open trials and the executions, the exposition of the victims’ bodies to the public, and destroying the rebellious graves. A special importance of the Soviet administration was give to the open trials of the OUN members and the UPA members and the executions aimed at discrediting the activities of the OUN, to form a negative attitude towards the nationalists. However, neither the public executions nor other force and propaganda forms were able to deprive the nationalists of the support and the population assistance, to keep them in fear, as the regime sought for, but it did not contribute to the formation of the pro-Soviet mood. The perspectives of the research is the studythe peculiarities of conducting the open court trials in Volyn region.

VASYL KUK: TO THE BIOGRAPHY OF THE UPA COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF (1941–1954)

The research problem for this study is to describe the figure of Vasyl Kuk (1913–2007), a leading person in the Ukrainian liberation movement of the mid-20th century, Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), an active member of the social and political life of independent Ukraine. Based on various published and unpublished sources, recreated Vasyl Kuk's participation in the anti-Nazi and anti-Bolshevik struggle from the time of the transition to the illegal position in the autumn of 1941 until the treacherous capture by the false underground KGB intelligence-fighting group of the USSR in May 1954 as one of the main activists of the Ukrainian liberation movement. The specifics of his activities in Eastern Ukraine as the head of the regional leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) of the South-Eastern lands of Ukraine are revealed. V. Kuk's contribution to the creation and activities of the UPA, the leadership of the UPA-South General District, and the particular participation of the leader in the famous UPA Gurben battle against the prevailing internal forces of the Soviet occupation power are analyzed. The author considers V. Kuk's place in the OUN's armed underground as deputy Roman Shukhevych (1947–1950) and, then, the leader of the OUN underground in Ukrainian lands (1950–1954) and his functional responsibilities in these positions. Special attention was paid to the issue of the intelligence-operational worked on the UPA Commander-in-Chief by the Ministry for State Security (MGB) bodies, attempts to discredit him, the place of the family in the plans of the repressive-punitive bodies and the types of repressive measures against it. The KGB special operation for the capture of V. Kuk in the insurrectionary "kryivka" in the forest near the village Kruhiv of Zolochiv district in the Lviv region was investigated. Keywords: Vasyl Kuk, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), Ukrainian General Liberation Council, UPA Commander-in-Chief, MGB, KGB, intelligence.

THE ORGANIZATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONALISTS AND THE UKRAINIAN INSURGENT ARMY IN THE CONTEXT OF LIBERATION MOVEMENTS: AN ATTEMPT OF COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

The article examines the activities of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) through the prism of anti-colonialism theory with the application of the historical-comparative method. Despite the obvious influences of fascism and national-socialism on the OUN ideology and program in the 1930s – early 1940s, the Ukrainian nationalist movement typologically is closer to the category of anti-colonial and national liberation rather than fascist movement. The OUN ideology and program had not been static and dynamically evolved from admiring authoritarian and totalitarian models to the democratic turn in 1943. While on all stages of its activities, the organization pursued one strategic goal and tasks – to fight for Ukraine's independence, to overcome the legacy of foreign rule and colonialism, and to establish a nation-state. The OUN and UPA phenomenon was inherent against the backdrop of similar national liberation and anti-colonial movements in Europe, Asia, and Africa. The article comprises a comparative analysis of ideologies, programs, and the political toolbox of various liberation movements that operates from the common comparative base – the stateless status of the respective nations and their desire to exercise their right to self-determination and to liberate from national subjugation. Most of the liberation movements were radical and practiced violence against their political opponents, and almost all developed a rigid internal discipline and hierarchy. At the same time, such typology does not eliminate all controversial issues surrounding Ukrainian nationalists' history, including the involvement of OUN/UPA members in war crimes and crimes against humanity. Keywords: the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), liberation movements, colonialism, comparative studies

THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE DEATH OF A LEADER OF TRANSCARPATHIAN OUN COUNTY PROVID DMYTRO BANDUSIAK

The article reveals D. Bandusiak's role and place in the Ukrainian liberation movement 1930–1940s. The leadership positions he held and his contribution to the deployment of the struggle are defined. The structure of the Transcarpathian regional and district provid of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) was reconstructed. The research is based on newly found documents (the report of the Major Popov of Guards Task Force, a report on Chekist-military operation, a protocol of interrogation of the OUN SS Ivan Terelia and the testimonies of the arrested Alexander Golyak, Vasily Chizhevsky), which helped to reconstruct the time and circumstances of the death of Dmytro Bandusiak-"Lopata." It was also possible to identify the persons who helped to identify and physically destroy D. Bandusiak. This specific example shows the role and importance of intelligence in anti-nationalist operations. It is confirmed that because of intelligence, the need for large-scale operations was eliminated. In contrast, operations with small maneuver units against specific insurgent formations or individuals, especially district, supra-district, and regional OUN provids, which were located by the agents, became more effective. Such a change allowed special services, acting in small groups, cover a larger area. The functional responsibilities of the authorities were to provide the credible identification of a body, to remove all the registers and search cases of the underground. Keywords: Dmytro Bandusiak, Ukrainian liberation movement, Soviet repressive-punitive organs, Chekist-military operation Keywords: Dmytro Bandusiak, Ukrainian liberation movement, Soviet repressive-punitive bodies, Chekist-military operation.

POLITICAL SENTIMENTS OF WESTERN UKRAINIANS DURING ELECTION CAMPAIGNS OF THE POST-WAR PERIOD

The article considers the main manifestations of political sentiments of the population of Western oblasts of Ukraine concerning election campaigns of the post-war period. The factors determining the voting behavior of voters and causes of social deviations are analyzed. It is emphasized that the attitude of the Western Ukrainians to the Soviet election campaigns was primarily determined by the electoral experience they gained while participating in parliamentary structures of Austria-Hungary, interwar Poland, Romania, and Czechoslovakia. The scheme of stratification of electoral sentiments of the local population by quantitative, social, and political, gender, and other indicators are presented. The dominant anti-Soviet views that were caused by the rejection of Soviet totalitarianism by Western Ukrainians, the predatory economic policy of the government, and activities of the national liberation movement are noted. The specific facts of dissatisfaction of the population with the Soviet electoral legislation, forms and methods of its implementation as well as some measures of the Soviet government aimed at the forced Sovietization of the region are stated. It is determined that the largest group of protest voters was the peasantry, which in the postwar period was in difficult material and living conditions and actively supported the participants of OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army). The geography of critical rhetoric suggests the similarity of electoral sentiments in different regions of the republic. However, if Western Ukrainians were not afraid to protest in public, the residents of Greater Ukraine hid their true attitude towards Soviet democracy because of fear of repression. It is claimed that the study of political attitudes of the population in regions where the Soviet regime has not yet been established, and peoplе’s consciousness was free of the Soviet ideological stamps allows reflecting their real state. Keywords: Western regions of the Ukrainian SSR, post-war period, Sovietization, elections to the Supreme Soviets of the USSR and the Ukrainian SSR, political behavior of the population.

ON THE QUESTION OF THE RELEVANCE OF THE STATE FORMING PROGRAM OF THE ORGANIZATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONALISTS

Implementation of the national idea of Ukrainians into life is the development of the Ukrainian independent unite state. It is based on principles of democracy, law, equity, in the distribution of welfare, a proper level of life, the successful development of the Ukrainian culture and national achievements, the adequate reaction on global challenges and threats in the protection of national and state interests, etc. All this was worked out in the ideological and political postulates during the interwar period and tried to implement the state-forming program of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in the years of World War II. If the leading states, war participants listened to these principles concerning the building of the world under the motto: "Freedom to Peoples - Freedom to Man!" it would be possible to avoid millions of human victims, mass destruction, and many years of confrontation of the West and East. Theoretical and practical gains of the Ukrainian nationalists are actual at present-day as well and underline their importance in the development of Ukraine as an independent state. It facilitates the successful struggle against Russia's aggression, becoming the specific protection in saving of the gains of Euro –Atlantic civilization. Progressive countries have to take the Ukrainian factor into consideration in the further progress of humanity in guaranteeing its stability and prosperity. Keywords: Ukrainian Independent Unite State, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, national idea, state forming program, World War II, Ukrainian nationalists, liberation struggle, totalitarian regime.

UKRAINE AND IRELAND: ARE POST-COLONIAL COUNTRIES, AREN`T THEY?

The issue of the membership of Ukraine and Ireland in the post-colonial countries is investigated. The arguments of opponents of the definition of Ukraine as part of the Russian Empire / USSR and Ireland as part of Great Britain as colonies are analyzed: an insufficiently clear definition of empire in modern political science, which allows not at least recognizing the USSR as an empire; absence of official colony status in Ukraine and Ireland; the presence of developed industry in the late USSR, which contradicts colonial status. Each of the arguments is consistently recognized as insufficiently important. The definition of an empire is given, which corresponds to both the British Empire and the Russian / USSR. The typologies of these empires were carried out: Great Britain was recognized as a liberal modern (disciplinary) empire, and the Russian Empire / USSR as an autocratic / authoritarian modern (disciplinary) empire. The key differences of these empires are highlighted. Thanks to the definition of a colony as a territory that has sovereignty limited in favor of the metropolis and is an object of specific colonial policy, as well as the identification of the types of colonies (colonies that are socioculturally close to the metropolis, colonies that are socioculturally different from the metropolis, internal colonies), it is proved that Ukraine as part of the Russian Empire/USSR and Ireland as part of Great Britain correspond to such a variety of colonies as territories dependent on the metropolis, populated socioculturally close to the metropolis in settlement, but not identical to it. An attempt was made to compare the colonial policy of Great Britain in relation to Ireland and the Russian Empire / USSR to Ukraine. Despite the difference in these empires, a significant number of parallels were found: the redistribution of resources in favor of a socioculturally distinct metropolis; cultural and linguistic colonization policies; the spread of specific self-identification of the population («Soviet person» and «British»); resettlement of residents of the metropolis in the colony; the emergence of famine as a result of the colonial policy (Irish potato famine of 1845-1849 and the Holodomor of 1932-1933 in Ukraine). The similarity (goal, struggle methodology, etc.) between the national liberation movements of Ireland (Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Republican Army) and Ukraine (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Ukrainian Insurgent Army) is analyzed. As a conclusion, an affirmative answer was provided to the question posed in the title of the article – yes, at this point in time Ukraine is a post-colonial country, and Ireland has been such for at least the first decades after independence.

THE IDEOLOGICAL CONFRONTATION OF UKRAINIAN FOREIGN AND SOVIET RESEARCHERS IN THE ASSESSMENT OF THE OUN ACTIVITIES

The article analyzes the level and features of research of OUN activities in the 1930–1940s by Ukrainian foreign and Soviet historiography. A historiographical reflection and comparative analysis of works on this problem are carried out, the methodological and ideological confrontation of Ukrainian foreign and Soviet authors is described. The author describes the debatable, the least researched issues and concludes that in the Soviet historiography regarding the Ukrainian nationalist movement, an "image of the enemy" was formed, events were falsified. It was summed up that the generally accepted statements among Soviet historians were charges of the OUN leadership in collaboration with the German intelligence and the Polish government, as well as allegations of leading influence on the OUN of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC). It is emphasized that the Soviet authors introduced the documentary sources of the Soviet special services into scientific circulation, in which many facts of the population's cooperation with the OUN and information about its activity in Western Ukraine were presented. A large number of historical works on this issue underscore its significance and relevance in the 1950-1980s. The author finds that the first in-depth study of various aspects of the activities of the OUN and the creation of a significant scientific heritage are the main achievements of the Ukrainian foreign historiography on this issue. At the same time, she notes that, from a methodological point of view, these researches were on the border between memoirs and historical studies since they were influenced by authors' affiliation with a particular group of the Ukrainian nationalist movement. It is pointed out that the specifics of a significant part of Ukrainian foreign publications was the material politicization, the deliberate concealment of unfavorable problems, and facts. However, Ukrainian foreign historians proved that in the 1930-1950s, the Ukrainian nationalist movement, which gained unprecedented development and popularity, was a significant political force in Western Ukraine. The memoirs of participants of the liberation movement, which became an important achievement of Ukrainian foreign historiography, are analyzed. The author concludes that both Ukrainian foreign and Soviet historiography were active representatives of the confrontation of competing political systems, and their research do not meet the criteria of science. Keywords: foreign historiography, Soviet historiography, modern Ukrainian historiography, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Ukrainian nationalist movement.

Ukrainian liberation movement of the 1940s-1950s: The institutionalization of researches (selected aspects) (continuation)

The institutionalization processes of research of the Ukrainian liberation movement subjects in the period of 1940-1950-s are analyzed in the context of the state policy of commemoration. Many measures were provided in order to legally regulate their fight against totalitarian regimes. It is established that during the period from 1991 to 2004 there were careful attempts to study and evaluate the activities of the OUN and of the UPA. The OUN and the UPA problems contained a set of socio-political, ideological and value elements. On December 6, 2018, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine amended the law, giving the UPA soldiers the status of combat veterans and providing them with social protection. Non-governmental, scientific and public institutions played a significant role in the development and popularization of the Ukrainian liberation movement, particularly, very important work was done by the Centre of liberation movement researches. The Centre provided not only the researches, but also conducted educational campaign in order to objectively highlight the national liberation struggle of Ukrainians for freedom and independence during the first half of the XX century.

Problem-thematic spectra of the magazine «Rozbudova natsii» (1928-1934)

The study is devoted to the problem-thematic spectrum of the program body of the OUN «Rozbudova Natsii» - a magazine that became one of the main print bodies of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in the interwar period. The study considers the magazine «Rozbudova Natsii» as a nationalist publication in the international light, since the journal was added by publicists from different parts of the world. Information about the format and content is collected. The author analyzes the features of the publication's structure, thematic ranges, as well as genre and stylistic specifics. The content role of «Rozbudova Natsii» in the organization of the Congress of Ukrainian nationalists is investigated. It is shown that most of the important socio-political situations that occurred in the 20-30s and related to the Ukrainian issue were considered in «Rozbudova Natsii». In the end, it was concluded that the «Rozbudova Natsii» program is the idea of nationalism, the idea of freeing the native country from the invaders and the development of an independent Ukrainian state. The struggle for independence, which must be carried out by any means, including revolutionary ones, is decisive in this context.

Polish army and polish national policy in the Lwow, Stanisławow and Tarnopol voivodships in 1921–1926

Of all the citizens of the Second Polish Republic, 30 % were representatives of various national minorities. The Polish authorities, realizing that such a large percentage of national minorities concentrated in specific regions, can threaten the security of the state, are trying to pursue an appropriate national domestic policy. Its goal was to reduce this danger. The Polish army was one of the instruments that were used to varying degrees by the authorities. The purpose of the article is to show the place, role and tasks that the Polish army had to fulfill in relation to the national policy pursued in the southeastern voivodships of the Second Polish Republic in 1921–1926. The sources for publication is the then civil-military legal acts, archival materials collected in archives on the territory of Poland and Ukraine, as well as scientific research. The author paid considerable attention to the measures of the military administration to neutralize the actions of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the Communist Party of Western Ukraine, the foreign intelligence agents (primarily from the USSR) in the military and civilian population of the Lviv, Stanislaviv and Ternopil voivodships which were under the control of the military structures of the District Corps Command No. VI «Lviv» and No. X «Przemysl». Almost 5.5 million people lived in these voivodships, of which 45.1% were Poles, 47.9% were Ukrainians, 6.4% were Jews, 0.65 were Germans, 0.1% were other nationalities. The author claims that the military authorities were vigilant about the security and strengthening of the Polish state. Keywords Polish Army, the Second Polish Republic, national policy, Lwow Voivodeship, Stanisławow Voivodeship, Tarnopol Voivodeship.

ІНФОРМАЦІЙНО-ПРОПАГАНДИСТСЬКА ДІЯЛЬНІСТЬ ОУН(Б) І УПАСЕРЕД НАСЕЛЕННЯ ОКУПОВАНОЇ ТЕРИТОРІЇ УКРАЇНИ

The article deals with the issues of the anti-German information and propaganda activities of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera) (further OUN (B) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (hereinafter — UIA) among the Ukrainian population during the Second World War (June 1941–1944). Responding to archival documents, the author notes the three main periods in the deployment of the anti-German information and propaganda activities of the OUN and the UIA. The first period — from June 1941 to the September conference of the OUN in 1941. The second period — from September 1941 to February 1943, in particular, to the third conference of UNO. The third period — from February 1943 until the final liberation of Ukraine from German invaders in 1944.The author highlights the main tasks of the anti-German information and propaganda activities of the OUN (B) and the UIA among the population of the occupied Ukraine. He concludes that, aspiring to oppose the German occupation regime, the underground of the OUN (B) and the UIA during the war created their own propaganda network, established a mass production of printed publications, solved the problem of propagandists, conducted active verbal propaganda, and introduced a new type of mass campaign — propaganda raids of the UIA.However, the anti-German propaganda of the OUN (b) and the UIA during all the time of its management had its own peculiarities that distinguished it from other propagandistic directions of Ukrainian nationalists.Despite the tangible advantage of the enemy in propaganda, OUN (B) and UIA persistently and consistently propagandised their ideas. The content of their propaganda activities was consistent with each specific stage of the OUN and UIA struggles, taking into account the peculiarities of national environments that were disseminated through informational and propaganda activities.

Relationships Between SB OUN and Volyn Czechs

The article analyzes the relationship between the Security Service (hereinafter – SB) of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (hereinafter – OUN) and the Volyn Czechs. The attitudes of the both parts are clarified and their cooperation establishment preconditions are examined. It was confirmed that the Volyn Czechs had enduring friendly relationships with the local Ukrainian population and supported Ukrainian aspirations for national liberation. Many of the Czechs assisted the OUN, and some of the SB OUN leaders were connected with the Czechs by family ties. Since the summer of 1943, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (hereinafter – UPA) leadership attempted to establish a cooperation with the Czech underground organization «Blanik». That task was entrusted to the intelligence unit of the UPA-South. The negotiations on the matter were held during October – December of 1943. Both sides agreed on neutrality and mutual assistance in their resistance to the Germans. At the same time, the Czechs stated that they would adhere to the instructions given by their government in exile. It was a reason why, the Czechs could not oppose the Soviet partisans. A small part of the Volyn Czechs was aimed at the cooperation with the Poles or Germans. Those were the only ones who were the objects of persecution by the SB, due to the fact that, they were considered as a hostile agents. With the Red Army approach to the Volyn territories the Czechs took the clear pro-Soviet position. They actively supported the «red» partisans, and subsequently joined massively the brigade of Ludwika Svoboda. Thus they tried to contribute to the liberation of the Czechoslovakia from the Germans. Despite their position, the Czechs managed to maintain a friendly relationship with the OUN underground. The Volyn Czechs had not undergone any particular persecutions in the large-scale SB action on the extermination of the Soviet agents. During the population exchange between Soviet Ukraine and Czechoslovakia in 1947, the Czechs helped many of the OUN members to legalize themselves and immigrate to the West. The SB employees were among those who received their help. The most part of them managed to hide their past and start a new life.