Types Of Minorities Research Articles

Minority service providers serving majority group customers: The relations between power attribution, empathy and emotional labor

This study examines the service relationships between minority service providers and their majority-group customers, focusing on power attribution, empathy, and emotional labor strategies. An online survey tapped the perceptions of service providers belonging to two different ethnic and national minorities (N = 511; of the sample, 301 respondents were FSU immigrants (59%), and 210 were members of the Arab minority (41%). Age ranged from 18 to 65 (Mage = 37); the total sample included 63% females. All service providers were from the “Service Shop” sector).Minority service providers' responses were affected significantly by the power they attributed to majority-group customers, activating higher emotional efforts to please customers. Testing moderated mediation model revealed that the mediation effect of minority service providers' empathy on the relationship between power attributed to majority-group customers and minority-group service providers’ emotional labor found to be significantly stronger for national minority service employees (in compare to ethnic minorities).The study emphasizes the importance of service relationships in a diverse environment and their practical implications. Additional theoretical contribution is related to the distinction between two types of minorities: national and ethnic minorities (service provider origin) in order to explore their attribution of power towards majority group customers, which effect the mechanism of empathy and in turn minorities provider's emotional mechanism (emotional labor).

Language (re)vitalization

Abstract Many small languages are in danger of extinction. How to stop and reverse this process is an important topic in the sociolinguistic literature. In addition to the revitalization of languages, there are also some examples of vitalizing (bringing to use) “new” languages, for example the introduction of Ivrit (modern Hebrew) in Palestine/Israel. Generally speaking, for a language to be used, no matter which language, the users must find it attractive and useful. At least two factors are important here: the value attributed to the language by its users as a means of communication and as a carrier of culture and identity. It is assumed that these factors can be influenced by language-policy measures. The impact of various measures on the vitality of the language is an empirical matter. However, one can draw some general conclusions regarding which measures are sensible in order to vitalize or revitalize which languages when the financial resources of the policy-maker are limited. In this introductory text to the theme issue, we apply the methodology of cost-effectiveness analysis to discuss the connection between the types of the policy measures employed and characteristics of the language communities addressed, such as size, social status, and residential patterns. The cost-effectiveness ratio of street signs in a minority language might, for instance, be higher for a community spread over a whole country than for a community of the same size concentrated in one geographically limited jurisdiction. On the other hand, a decision to publish the texts of laws and decrees of a country in a minority language will have approximately the same effect for both types of minorities. The articles in this special issue of LPLP address and evaluate different types of policy measures for different linguistic minorities and illustrate important aspects of the main questions in this paper.

Social Mobility among Indian Religious Minorities: Structural Support versus Internal Barriers

India is a plural society comprising of different types of religious, ethnic and linguistic minorities. There is an urgent need to study the social mobility among minority groups for many reasons. In some countries, specifically theocratic states and dictatorship and communist states minorities have been subjected to a lot of discrimination in many walks of life. However, India since her political emancipation from the colonial powers adopted secularism as the bedrock of governance. Hence, many constitutional safeguards and welfare measures have been designed and implemented to improve the living conditions of minorities. Our constitution shows a great concern for minorities. Ours is a biggest democracy in the world. Naturally, all national level and regional parties have resorted to appeasement politics. Appeasement of minorities and majorities are equally bad. However, it indirectly has helped the minorities to get some legitimate share in the fruits of development. The present paper seeks to examine the role of “external support provided by state” and “internal obstacles inherent among minorities” in moving up in social ladder.

Uncanny Babushka: Migration, aging and the search for a new sexual Self

Geographical mobility may have a powerful influence on sexual change. The sexual dimension of migration has mostly been studied in reference to its role in shaping aspiration for mobility. It has been documented how the promise of an erotically desirable future plays often an important role in many migration subcultures. Mobility, moreover, has been recognized as one of the ways in which many types of sexual minorities have escaped repression or pursued greater autonomy. In this paper, we argue that the same phenomena may be observed in the migration of older people. For some mature persons, particularly women, migration provides an alternative to de-sexualization and stigmatization. In many of these cases, however, the subjective process of sexual change is triggered indirectly, and sometimes serendipitously, by the experience of geographical dislocation. In fact, the experience of re-sexualization may be utterly independent from any pre-emigration aspiration to change one’s sexual Self. The paper – on the basis of two longitudinal research projects on the women pioneers of the Eastern European migration to Italy – explores the role played in their settlement by the discovery that, in the new environment, their age did not disqualify them from romance. The different reactions to these opportunities have created a strong differentiation among migratory trajectories. For the women pioneers who have decided to explore it, this unexpected lovescape has made possible to draw some crucial social boundaries and to trigger the birth of a distinctive sexual field.

Выразительное цветообозначение в англоязычных массмедийных текстах

The article examines the functioning of basic colour terms as an expressive means in the modern English-language mass media texts. The conducted research allowed the author to identify the main spheres of expressive colour terms functioning: designation of newly appeared political, economic, financial concepts, nomination of phenomena associated with ecology, employment, different types of minorities, etc. The role of colouratives as expressive means in the realization of the journalist’s intention and in the formation of the reader’s emotional response is revealed.

Using Web Probing to Elucidate Respondents' Understanding of 'Minorities' in Cross-Cultural Comparative Research

Due to the growing significance of international studies, the need for tools to assess the equivalence of items is pressing. Web probing, which is implementing verbal probing techniques traditionally used in cognitive interviewing in online surveys, is a method to complement quantitative techniques to establish equivalence of items in crosscultural research. We illustrate this approach by assessing the question of ‘how important it is that government authorities respect and protect the rights of minorities’, which was originally used in the International Social Survey Program, for respondents in five countries (Germany, Britain, the U.S., Mexico, and Spain). First, participants answered this question using a 7-point Likert scale. Then they wrote freely what types of minorities they had thought of. Whether country differences in the response patterns can be interpreted substantially depends partially on how similarly the term ‘minorities’ is understood across these five contexts. Our results show that people in the participating countries have slightly different kinds of ‘minorities’ in mind.

Understanding Cultural Differences and School Learning

Paper presented to the Special Libraries Association, 83rd Annual Conference, San Francisco, CA., on June 9 1992. Focuses on understanding cultural differences and school learning in minority groups from a comparative perspective. Looks at conventional explanations as to why some groups adapt better than others. Defines and emphasizes the need to recognize the different types of minorities, i.e. autonomous, immigrant or voluntary minorities and non-immigrant or involuntary minorities. Explores primary cultural differences existing before immigrants arrived in United States and secondary cultural differences arising after a group has become a minority. Concludes that, generally, immigrant minorities tend to be more successful in school than involuntary minorities but that both types of minorities can benefit from additional help in school to manage their different cultural problems. Recognizing these differences is the key to better school adjustment and performance.

Issues of Reservation and Affirmative Action for Minorities in Nepal: An Anthropological Review

There are mainly six types of minorities in Nepal. It is categorized not only numerically but also on the basis of access in ruling process of the state. The caste, gender, region, religion, inhabitation and language, which have no access in the governing process is also categorized under minorities. Dalit is a caste which are being discriminated as an untouchable group since the beginning of Muluki Ain of Nepal. Women are marginalized politically, socially and financially and treated as the weak individuals. Western and far western regions of the country are very much backward in terms of infrastructure development, human resource, education and in all sectors in comparison to other regions of the country. All religions are discriminated by the state excluding Hindu religion. Madhesi is another part of discrimination by inhabitation of the country. We can take some affirmative action towards enhancement of minorities. Provision of proportional representation, reservation, different acts and statutes, secular state including the interim constitution, made by state is also an example of affirmative action towards promotion of minorities.Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Anthropology - Vol. VII (2016), Page: 1-12

Islamic Jurisprudence of Minorities (Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat): The Case of the Palestinian Muslim Minority in Israel

This article examines the doctrine of Jurisprudence of Muslim Minorities (Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat) in the context of the Palestinian Muslim community in Israel. The first part discusses the origins and goals of Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat. After outlining the particular historical and political context of the Palestinian minority in Israel, the article focuses on the ethno-religious political mobilization developed by the Muslim community vis-à-vis the state’s strategies of control and domination, and points out the difficulties involved in the application of Fiqh al-Aqalliyyat, as used in “Western” states, for the reality that Muslims face in Israel. The article suggests a vigilant approach toward the Jurisprudence of Minorities, as we argue that, when applying it in this context of the Muslim community in Israel, this doctrine has two substantial limitations. The first is theoretical and it concerns the doctrine’s current incapability to distinguish between different types of minorities, as well as failing to recognize a difference between various political regimes and societal lives that might be inherently less or more accommodating or even hostile to minorities, and Muslim minority communities in particular. The second limitation relates to the political dimension and the lack of consideration for the status of the Palestinian minority as an indigenous and national minority and not an immigrant minority. Their status as national minorities, at times also as indigenous peoples, who are perceived as entitled to group-based “self-government rights”, poses a serious challenge to this doctrine’s scope and viability.

Криза «мозаїчного» мультикультуралізму та деліберативна модель демократії

У статті проаналізовано основні проблеми сучасного полікультурного суспільства, а також виявлено негативні сторони політико-філософської парадигми мультикультуралізму, що ведуть до кризи в поліетнічному соціумі. Продемонстровані недоліки «мозаїчного» мультикультуралізму на прикладах концепцій Ч. Тейлора та У. Кімлики. Виявлені основні помилки мультикультуралістів щодо інтерпретації культури, яка представляється стабільною цілісністю. і в розумінні суспільства, що розглядається як конгломерат монолітних одиниць. Проаналізовані негативні наслідки такого підходу: соціальна фрагментація та підміна особистої самоідентифікації груповою приналежністю. З опорою на теорію С. Бенхабіб розкривається комунікативна природа культури, що розуміється як сукупність наративів з проникними межами. Обґрунтовано необхідність дотримання принципів деліберативної демократії, що має сприяти вищому ступеню інтерсуб’єктивності процесів взаєморозуміння та спонтанної самоорганізації в суспільстві. Проаналізовано концепцію Ю. Габермаса, яка розглядає деліберативну теорію демократії як синтез важливих елементів республіканської та ліберальної моделей, крайнощі яких можуть бути згладжені в рамках деліберативної теорії. Представлено обгрунтування деліберативної концепції демократії, як найбільш відповідної моделі умовам багатошарового плюралізму.

A French dilemma: Anti-discrimination policies and minority claims in contemporary France

This article explores the gap between the principled notion of a French republican model and actual discriminations against minority group members in French society. It suggests that anti-discrimination policies implemented to overcome this contradiction have produced what could be characterized, following Myrdal, as a ‘French dilemma’. Anti-discrimination as a new public agenda has paralleled a process of ethnicization, giving rise to virulent public controversy, with a particular focus on the issue of ethnic statistics. This has also fostered a range of identity claims by ethnic minority organizations. In particular, this article examines identity claims by two ethnic minority organizations (the French Representative Council of Black Associations or CRAN, and the Natives of the Republic Movement or MIR), through a Barthian ‘Us’ and ‘Them’ dichotomy. It shows how the CRAN and the MIR tend to reproduce and make publicly visible the division between two types of minorities (Blacks and Muslims) with which French society has not established the same boundaries.

The Emergence, Content, and Institutionalization of Hate Crime Law: How a Diverse Policy Community Produced a Modern Legal Fact

This review provides an overview of the emergence, content, and institutionalization of hate crime law as a unique form of criminal and civil rights law originating in the United States and increasingly finding a home in other countries. From the introduction and politicization of the term hate crime in the late 1970s to the increased enforcement of hate crime law at the beginning of the twenty-first century, social movements have constructed the problem of hate-motivated violence; politicians at the federal and state levels have passed legislation defining the parameters of hate crime; appellate court judges have decided the constitutionality of hate crime law; and law enforcement officials have classified, reported, investigated, and prosecuted incidents as hate crime. At the same time, media attention to hate crime has increased, defining the concept for the masses while leading to and reflecting growing acceptance of the idea that criminal conduct is different when it involves an act motivated by (some types of) bigotry, hatred, or bias and manifested as discrimination against (some types of) minorities. An examination of these changes suggests that lawmaking transcends the moment at which a statute is adopted; it is best understood as a larger process of policy domain formation that is enabled and constrained by a policy community intimately connected to extralegal political processes and the workings of loosely coupled bureaucratic structures comprising the criminal justice system.

A study of minorities as victims

AbstractThis article presents the idea that during the 1990s an important change took place in relation between minorities and majorities: the emergence of minorities as victims alongside the formerly predominant active, militant minorities. A hypothesis is raised that these two types of minorities differ in their agenda as well as in the nature of the influence they exert. Active minorities trigger an external conflict with majority and induce conversion (latent rather than overt influence); minorities as victims create an internal conflict, a sense of guilt, within the majority, while they exert an exclusively overt influence. We report two experiments confirming our hypothesis. We discuss the novelty of this phenomenon and its relevance. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Ideologically Driven Science of School Organization and Whitewashing Oppositional Culture

the organization of schooling have profound implications for American Sociology, particularly subfields concerned with education, labor, race, and stratification. The late anthropologist John Ogbu upset the discourse on the sociology of education with heretical claims against accepted assimilation perspectives by reintroducing the notion of domination in the organization of schooling and in the process of education. In short, Ogbu advanced a perspective on the organization of education stressing its political economic processes. He noted that minorities in pluralistic industrial societies are unable to achieve educational parity with the dominant groups of their societies. He recognized three types of minorities: 1) autonomous minorities, 2) immigrant minorities, and 3) involuntary or caste-like minorities. Autonomous groups have numerical minority status, they could have experienced some prejudice, but usually have some cultural frame of reference that observes and

Nations, Boundaries and Justice

Will Kymlicka’s theory of minority rights has been most influential. Kymlicka distinguishes two types of ethnocultural minorities: national groups in a multinational state and ethnic groups in an immigrant society. This article focuses on the ‘multinational’ aspect of this paradigm. It investigates the extent to which Kymlicka’s justification of self-government rights for nations can offer a just guideline for the way in which we should accommodate cultural diversity generated by a plurality of national groups within one state. Should we regulate the cultural and linguistic market-place, and, if so, should we justify a right for all nations to a distinct societal culture with its own political and territorial boundaries? The answer the article develops is a moderate ‘yes, but’. We should recognize and protect cultural identities, since, as Kymlicka rightly argues, cultures provide us with constitutive contexts of choice. But there seems to be an inability in Kymlicka’s theory to deal with strongly multinational and multilingual situations. Kymlicka explicitly recognizes the fact that national cultures can be pluralistic (i.e., diverse with regard to beliefs), but he neglects diversity within the cultural structure itself. Nevertheless, our cultural world is full of such instances of vague boundaries, gray zones, minorities within minorities, bi-and multilingualism, etc. Consequently, the article attempts to supplement Kymlicka’s mosaic form of multiculturalism with a hybrid extension. It is highly commendable to recognize and protect cultures, provided we incorporate cultural hybridity into our multicultural theory.

Other Forms of Employment: Temporary Employment Agencies and Self-Employment

In most industrialized countries the majority of employed people are full-time employees with a non-temporary job and work at a workplace of the company in which they are employed. They are making careers at the employer they are employed by and most work-place changes are to other jobs of the same type. But it does not include large groups in the labour market. Many of those who have tenured positions work part-time, not full-time, and many both full-time and part-time workers have fixed-period contracts, contracts which only guarantee employment for a specified period of time. Some demographic groups are overrepresented among those with those types of jobs, young people, women, immigrants, ethnic minorities, and older workers, who to a large extent for different reasons do not have a very strong position in the labour market. In this paper two groups outside the core of full-time employees are analyzed: those employed in temporary employment agencies, and the self-employed. The size and composition of both groups have changed during the last decade. The number employed by temporary employment agencies has increased in Western Europe as a consequence of deregulation of this sector in the 1990s, and the composition of the self-employed has changed from mainly being farmers to being business-owners in various sectors. We will use Sweden as an example, but the Swedish experience is not unique. Other countries have similar and in many cases more of those types of employment.

A Multicultural Continuum: A Critique of Will Kymlicka’s Ethnic‐Nation Dichotomy

In Multicultural Citizenship, Will Kymlicka deepens the line of argument he developed in Liberalism, Community and Culture that recognition of special rights for cultural minorities is compatible with liberalism. The idea that group based rights conflict with liberalism is of recent origin, Kymlicka claims. Many prominent nineteenth century liberals appealed to liberal values of autonomy and equality to defend special rights for cultural minorities, and Kymlicka wishes to appeal to the same values. Contemporary liberals have often been occupied by a perceived conflict between the individual and the collective that they believe group rights create. Such a conflict occurs, however, according to Kymlicka, only if group rights are defined as the right of a collective to regulate the activity of its members in any way it wishes. Claims for such internal rights are much less often voiced in contemporary politics of difference, however, than claims to what Kymlicka calls “external rights,” the rights of a cultural minority to preserve its culture and way of life as against the encroachment or domination of a majority culture. Groupbased external rights do not conflict with the pursuit of individual autonomy. On the contrary, Kymlicka’s central claim is that individual autonomy requires membership in and maintenance of a culture of one’s own, because the choices autonomy entails require a meaningful context that only a culture provides. While it is possible for individuals to leave one culture and acquire another, and some people choose to do so, the process is usually difficult and painful, so no one should be forced to do so because his or her culture has been suppressed or allowed to atrophy. Contrary to the view held by many liberals, moreover, the liberal state cannot be neutral among cultures. A state must conduct business in some language or languages, and it is almost always aligned in many other ways with the majority culture in its jurisdiction. Thus justice requires that public policy actively compensate for the lack of recognition or the disadvantage that some members of the polity suffer because of their cultural membership by according cultural minorities special rights such as language rights, religious-based exemptions, representation rights and rights of self-government. In Multicultural Citizenship, Kymlicka takes an important new step in a liberal theory of group-based rights. We should distinguish types of cultural minorities,

Classroom Practices Used with Gifted Third and Fourth Grade Students

The Classroom Practices Survey was conducted by The National Research Center on the Gifted and Talented (NRC/GT) to determine the extent to which gifted and talented students receive differentiated education in regular classrooms. Six samples of third and fourth grade teachers in public schools, private schools and schools with high concentrations of four types of ethnic minorities were randomly selected to participate in this research. The major finding of this study is that third and fourth grade classroom teachers make only minor modifications in the regular curriculum to meet the needs of gifted students. This result holds for all types of schools sampled. It also holds for classrooms in different parts of the country and for different types of communities. Implications of these findings for researchers and gifted education specialists are discussed.